Suchergebnisse

Africa has been at the forefront of contemporary global efforts towards ensuring greater accountability for international crimes. But the continent's early embrace of international criminal justice seems to be taking a new turn with the recent resistance from some African states claiming that the emerging system of international criminal law represents a new form of imperialism masquerading as international rule of law. This work analyses the relationship and tensions between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and Africa

Within a formal model of international agreements in the shadow of renegotiations and domestic competition, we highlight three important ways elections shape international agreements. Elections determine who will be in control of policy in the future, which affects how leaders bargain today. Elections also determine the deals policymakers will agree to. Finally, proposers have the opportunity to shape the contours of domestic political competition with what is offered in pre-electoral bargaining. We identify that several canonical results in the literature – like the Schelling conjecture or the idea that hawkish leaders have an innate bargaining advantage over dovish leaders – only hold under certain restrictions on how voters evaluate their leaders. In contrast, we show paradoxically that when voters are prospective, electoral incentives shade the ability for domestic leaders to negotiate better deals for their publics. Counterintuitively, this leads to hawks agreeing to more conciliatory agreements than doves.

Intro -- Introduction -- Chapitre 1 -- L'analyse des relationsinternationales -- Préalables épistémologiques -- Les théories générales classiques -- Le réalisme -- Les précurseurs du réalisme -- Les réalistes du XXe siècle -- Principaux concepts du réalisme -- Le libéralisme -- Les précurseurs du libéralisme -- Les libéraux du xxe siècle -- Principaux concepts du libéralisme -- Le marxisme -- Les fondateurs du marxisme -- Les successeurs du marxisme -- Les théories générales néoclassiques -- Le néoréalisme -- Le néolibéralisme -- Néoréalisme et néolibéralisme -- Le néomarxisme -- La critique des théories générales -- Le postmodernisme -- Le constructivisme -- La perspective communautarienne -- Théories critiques et postpositivisme -- Chapitre 2 -- Les acteurs des relationsinternationales -- Les États -- Un espace territorial -- Une population -- Un système de gouvernement -- Une personnalité juridique internationale -- La souveraineté -- La reconnaissance internationale -- Les organisations internationales -- Éléments constitutifs -- Processus de création et structures -- Règles d'adhésion -- Nature et prérogatives des organes constitutifs -- Pouvoirs, ressources et représentation -- Évolution historique -- Le système des organisations internationales après 1945 -- Le système des organisations internationales au tournant du XXIe siècle -- L'Organisation des Nations Unies -- Les étapes de la création de l'ONU -- Les différences entre l'ONU et la SDN -- Les principaux organes de l'ONU -- L'évolution de l'ONU -- Les acteurs transnationaux -- Les individus -- Les firmes multinationales -- Les ONG légales -- Les ONG illégales -- Chapitre 3 -- La politique étrangère des États -- Qui décide ? -- Les détenteurs du pouvoir exécutif central -- Le Parlement national -- Les citoyens et les gouvernements régionaux -- Les facteurs qui influencent la décision.

Content analysis has once again come to the forefront of discussions regarding methods in International Relations (IR). The first wave of content analysis in IR lasted from the 1940s to the 1960s and was marked by a commitment to quantitative and manual analyses. The second wave of content analysis appeared at the start of the third millennium and continues to pervade the discipline. As with the first wave, it proceeds in a predominantly quantitative manner but emphasizes computer-assisted analysis rather than manual analysis. Critics and advocates of the method alike have, highlighted numerous shortcomings with these approaches. In order to address these limitations, the present investigation argues for a fully integrated content analysis that has the potential to ameliorate the identified weaknesses that have hitherto plagued the method. It accomplishes this task by combining all facets of the method: quantitative, qualitative, manual, and computer-assisted content analyses within a single research project.

This book explores China's place in the 'new international order', from both the international perspective and from the perspective within China. It discusses how far the new international order, as outlined by George Bush in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the liberation of Kuwait in the Gulf War, with its notions of 'international order', as viewed by the United States, and with the United States seeing itself as the single dominant power, applies to China. The contributors offer the implications, both positive and negative, of China's growing economic power, and the possibility that China will increase its military power. They also examine the idea that the Chinese leadership is being carried along itself by events in China, which it does not fully control, and that other growing forces within China, such as nationalism, increasing social grievances, structural instability, and rivalry between the centre and the regions potentially work against China's growing strength in the international arena. Considering traditional Chinese notions of 'international' power, where the world is seen as sino-centric, with neighbouring countries subservient to China in varying degrees, the book argues that this represents a fundamentally different view of the international order, one where the equal sovereignty of every state does not apply, where there is an acknowledged hierarchy of power, and where domestic and international issues are highly interdependent

Examines the consequences of terrorism for humanitarian action, arguing that valid security requirements & prevention efforts must not be allowed to undermine international humanitarian law. Further, the distinction between required political & security action & the mandate & work of humanitarian organizations cannot be blurred. Following a firm condemnation of all forms of terrorism, it is contended that, while international humanitarian law does not treat terrorists explicitly as combatants, its core principles & protections apply in the fight against terrorism & with respect to terrorists. Thus, the basic principles of international humanitarian law should be reaffirmed & respected by the international community. Attention turns to the nature & independence of humanitarian organizations & the need to resist the urge to enlist them in the "war on terrorism." Their rejection & condemnation of terrorism should not lead to a weakening of their mandate. It is viewed as important to continue to demonstrate solidarity with the poor & underprivileged & as urgent to lay the bases of a just & universal peace, hanging on to the idea of permanent peace as not an illusion, but a necessity. Adapted from the source document.