Suchergebnisse

A concepção de uma disciplina acadêmica sistematizada para o estudo das relações internacionais se deu atrelada à necessidade de criação de um arcabouço teórico para a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema internacional e das possibilidades de mudança ou estabilidade da ordem política nesse sistema. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste texto é demonstrar em que medida as teorias do chamado mainstream acadêmico, tradicionais na análise da política internacional, ao naturalizar a conformação da ordem política internacional e minimizar o papel das disputas entre as forças sociais na constituição das relações internacionais, exercem um papel favorável à manutenção da ordem hegemônica e conservação do status quo. Não obstante, perspectivas contestatórias reconheceram e evidenciaram os limites das teorias do mainstream e preencheram a lacuna político-acadêmica contida nas teorias tradicionais de Relações Internacionais ao longo do desenvolvimento de seu campo acadêmico e institucional. Abstract: The design of an academic discipline for the systematic study of international relations occurred tied to the need to establish a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of the international system and the possibilities for change or stability of the political order in this system. Accordingly, this paper aims to demonstrate the extent to which the so-called mainstream academic theories, traditional analysis of international politics, to naturalize the conformation of the international political order and minimize the role of the disputes between the social forces in the constitution of international relations, play a role in favor of maintaining the hegemonic order and preserving the status quo. Nevertheless, prospects contesting recognized and showed the limits of the mainstream theories and filled the political and academic gap contained in traditional theories of international relations during the development of their academic and institutional concepts.

This study adds new insights to the academic debate on the effectiveness of both accrual-basis systems and the adoption of harmonised accounting rules at the international level by considering an additional perspective: their effect on corruption. This study investigates a sample of 33 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries for the period 2010–2014, creating a panel data set that allows the taking of an international comparative approach. The results indicate that corruption is reduced as governments advance in public-sector accounting reforms, adopting International Public Sector Accounting Standards, or implementing accrual-basis systems. Points for practitioners Our findings show the relevant role played by public sector accounting reforms in reducing corruption. Concretely, International Public Sector Accounting Standards implementation and accrual-accounting adoption can attenuate the information advantage of politicians towards citizens, reducing the level of corruption. This article contributes to the debate concerning the institutional arrangements that should be implemented to reduce corruption.

В статье рассматриваются международные контакты учащихся и учителей советских общеобразовательных школ на региональном уровне в 1950-1970 гг. Особое внимание уделяется положительной практике создания специализированных школ, кружков, клубов интернациональной дружбы. Делается вывод о тесном увязывании интернациональной дружбы школьников Южного Урала и ГДР с традицией идейно-нравственного воспитания в СССР. Отмечается, что интенсификация таких сложившихся форм сотрудничества, как организация краткосрочных командировок и стажировок учителей, туристические поездки учащихся, совместный отдых в пионерских лагерях, переписка школьников, духовно обогащали и являлись стимулом для совершенствования собственной языковой подготовки. ; In the article, international contacts of Soviet students and teachers of secondary schools at the regional level in the 1950-1970s are considered on the basis of the published literature and new archival sources. In the context of the formation of the socialist community, relations between the USSR and East Germany were regarded as exemplary. Their high importance was determined by the role of the German question in world politics. Socio-economic and cultural rapprochement between the USSR and the GDR over a large period of time formed international cooperation at the local level. Particular attention in the article is paid to advantageous practices of creating special schools, and international friendship clubs in the southern Urals. It is proved that the development of educational relations was conditioned by focusing extracurricular activities of the Soviet school on international education, the availability of highly qualified, enthusiastic organizers of higher education and creative teachers of the German language, with regional connections of the Russian-German friendship. The author noted that the close friendship linking the international students of the Southern Urals and the GDR was considered in the USSR as a part of traditional ideological and moral education. Foreign correspondence and practical cooperation, such as the organization of short-term assignments and trainings for teachers, guided tours for students, joint vacations in summer camps, spiritually enriched students and motivated them to improve their own language skills.

This thesis examines the legal and political dilemmas in the implementation of the African Union's (AU) 'right' of forceful intervention through a systemic method of analysis. It first addresses the question of whether the AU's intervention system represents a paradigm shift in international law on intervention and the authorization role of the United Nations. It examines whether there is a justifiable basis for the implementation of the AU's intervention mandate outside the UN system, while taking into account the necessity of the international rule of law. It then analyzes the manner in which the failure to institutionalize the concept of sovereignty as responsibility within the AU system has contributed to the Union's failure to implement its intervention mandate even within the UN system. The AU's legal framework expressly grants the Union the mandate to forcefully intervene in a member state in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. However, the failure of the AU's legal framework to explicitly require authorization by the Security Council for intervention (as required by the UN Charter) has led to uncertainty on the envisaged implementation mechanism, including allegations of its inconsistency with the UN Charter and international law. The Security Council may, however, be ineffective in granting authorization due to the use of the veto. There is, therefore, the question of whether the AU's legal framework exemplifies the crystallization of a customary law permitting humanitarian intervention, or is consensual (since African states have agreed by treaty to such intervention) and consequently, Security Council authorization is not mandatory. The core argument of this thesis is that although the necessity for the international rule of law restricts African Union's forceful interventions to United Nations authorized enforcement action, robust intervention by the Union within that framework is compromised by a systemic failure of institutionalization of the concept of sovereignty as responsibility. This thesis recommends that for robust implementation of the African Union's intervention mandate within the UN system, alternative authorization from the General Assembly be sought where the Security Council is ineffective. However, implementation of the AU's intervention mandate within the UN framework is compromised by continued concerns of protecting traditional concepts of unfettered sovereignty. This is evident in non-intervention oriented clauses within the AU's legal framework (which negate the intervention mandate) and the Union's practice of opposing forceful interventions like in the case of Libya. Possible solutions to that predicament are examined. A systemic method of analysis is utilized in this thesis since there is an interaction of various legal norms within the AU system, in addition to the system's interaction with environmental factors such as politics and increasing global interdependence, while it is also subject to the UN and international law systems. The significance of the research is in identifying legal, policy and contextual factors that can transform the AU into an effective regional mechanism for institutionalization of the rule of law within the African region (by deterring gross human rights violations) while safeguarding the values of the international rule of law. ; published_or_final_version ; Law ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

Beginning in the 1980s, the political economy of India underwent significant transformations: the reform process launched at this time sought to deregulate industrial activities and gradually open them to international trade. While the macroeconomic aspects of these reforms are relatively well-known, this is less true of their sectoral policies. In particular, it is to be underscored that the state is still present in the industrial domain, where major policy matters are at stake, notably the absorption of an unskilled and mainly rural labor force. On the basis of a diachronic analysis, the present article examines recent changes in industrial development policy. I examine the considerations underlying policy orientations as well as the concepts called upon to evaluate the evolution of the Indian state in this sector. The present special economic zone (free zone) policy, for example, reflects the state's continued desire to support industrial development while at the same time significantly changing its economic logic and the modes of assistance it provides. Adapted from the source document.

Schreer, B.: Australia's 'special strategic relationship' with Japan : another 'China choice'? - S. [37]-49