1. A legal history of fragmentation and coherence in EU external action -- 2. A theoretical framework for coherence in EU external relations law and policy -- 3. Coherence of EU and member state external action : duty of loyalty -- 4. Coherence across divided union competences in the TEU & TFEU -- 5. Coherence and soft law in EU external relations : ENP as a paradigm -- 6. Coherence as policy synergy in the ENP -- 7. Conclusion : the ENP, a paradigm for coherence?
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This study aims to reconsider the role of foreign direct investment determinants for European national development and to analyze the impacts of the pandemic situation caused by COVID-19. Foreign direct investment is a source of development; therefore, this study includes empirical applications, specifically the random effect model, for EU countries, during the pandemic period. This study provides some valuable conclusions regarding the changes caused by the main determinants of foreign direct investment, such as unemployment, interest rates, economic growth, inflation, and business confidence. Additionally, the proxies of COVID-19 are the number of cases and number of deaths, both appearing to positively contribute to FDI outflow, the former with a higher impact than the latter. Based on the availability of the data, this paper deals with 22 European Union countries for Q1, Q2, and Q3 of 2020. Data for all the chosen variables were not available for the fourth quarter (Q4); thus, this period was not considered, which constitutes a limitation of this study, but confirms the need for robust FDI inflows to support the sustainable post-pandemic development recovery of less-developed EU countries. As the need for external funding sources, i.e., FDI inflow, grows in times of crisis, governments should take suitable measures to uplift the confidence of socially responsible foreign investors during difficult times generated by black swan events. There is almost no detailed research regarding the impact of COVID-19 on FDI flows received by European Union countries.
Main description: Wer ist das Volk? Wie lassen sich - zumal in Großgesellschaften - soziale Machtakte dem Volk zurechnen? Was verbindet Volks- und Staatssouveränität?Die Frage nach der Legitimität europäischer Gesetzgebung führt unweigerlich zu diesen Kernproblemen moderner Demokratie. Aus verfassungsrechtlicher Sicht zu ihrer Klärung beizutragen, ist das Anliegen Alexis von Komorowskis, der in der vorliegenden Publikation behutsam an die Lehren des Weimarer Staatsrechtslehrers Hermann Heller (1891 - 1931) anknüpft. Der grundgesetzliche Volksbegriff wird im Sinne der "quod-omnes-tangit"-Formel entfaltet. Die im Grundgesetz verankerte Volkssouveränität nimmt als mehrdimensionale Zurechnungsnorm Gestalt an, die u. a. auch Elemente demokratischer Normalität in positivrechtlicher Geltung erstarken lässt. Die Staatssouveränität wird als grundgesetzliche Verbürgung gewürdigt, die einem Übergang zum Europäischen Bundesstaat nicht entgegensteht.
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The 2014 European Parliament elections were hailed as a 'populist earthquake' with parties like the French Front National, UKIP & the Danish People's Party topping the polls in their countries & commentators warning about the consequences of a large radical right populist bloc in the Parliament. But what happened after the elections? Based on policy positions, voting data, & interviews conducted over more than four years with senior figures from 14 radical right populist parties & their main partners, this major study explains these parties' actions & alliances in the European Parliament.
Introduction -- Social legitimacy, the social sphere and embeddedness within the internal market -- Social legitimacy in EU free movement law -- Social legitimacy in EU competition law -- Social legitimacy in EU state aid law -- Conclusion : social legitimacy in the internal market on the basis of a dialogue of mutual responsiveness.
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This first comprehensive study of the EU's diplomatic representation in the world, the EEAS, this book seeks to understand why it has failed to formulate a centralised policy towards external states. It also analyses why the EEAS has more success in centralising diplomatic structures in developing countries than with some economic partners.
Introduction: Despite the widespread availability of vaccines, the incidence of vaccine-preventable childhood diseases (VPCD) started to grow in recent years. The aim of the study was to compare the annual incidence of selected VPCDs in the EU (European Union) and EFTA (European Free Trade Association) countries in the period of the last 5 years (2014–2019 or other intervals, depending on data availability), and the country-specific vaccine schedules. Methods: VPCD incidence rates in Europe were based on "The Surveillance Atlas of Infectious Diseases" by the ECDC (European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control); vaccination schedules were based on ECDC reports. Results: The obligation to vaccinate was not universal, and it generally only applied to two preparations: the MMR (measles, mumps, rubella) vaccine and the one against polio. During the study, the situation associated with mumps did not change or improve in individual countries; the median incidence amounted to 30 cases. The median incidence associated with rubella amounted to 1 case, but in a few countries, it grew very rapidly, i.e., in Germany, Italy, and Romania; in Poland, the incidence was clearly decreasing, from 5923 to 1532 cases. The most dynamic situation concerned measles. The total median was 2.4 cases per 100,000 population; the only one country with falling incidence was Germany. The diseases associated with Streptococcus pneumoniae and Neisseria meningitidis remained at a stable level in all analyzed countries. Conclusion: Vaccine schedules differ among the countries, so does the epidemiological situation of selected diseases. Morbidity on measles was the most disturbing phenomenon: the incidence rate increased in almost 40% of all countries, regardless of the obligation to vaccinate. The increasing incidence of VPCD may be due to anti-vaccine movements, the activity of which is often caused by mistrust and spreading misinformation. In order to better prevent the increase in morbidity, standardization of vaccine schedules and ...
This article is concerned with an issue in European law that is historically derived from the Treaty establishing the European Economic Community. The aim is to illuminate the functions and objectives of the European Union that correspond to the provisions of Part Four of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union - Association of the Overseas Countries and Territories. The basic provisions are laid down in the primary law of the European Union but there are also other documents and legislative acts that lay down more detailed provisions on the given issue and reveal a more complex perspective. The article focuses on the existing legislation regulating the association of overseas countries and territories with the Union. The author first draws attention to the key provisions of the Treaty establishing the EEC that define the purpose, objectives and fundamental principles applied between the Union and the overseas countries and territories. The main purpose of the article, however, is to analyse the current legal basis of association and to highlight the need for a new legislative framework of cooperation. New legislation should take into account not only the interests of the Union, but also the desire of the overseas countries and territories for a new quality of mutual cooperation. The author argues that the best way to improve the association mechanism based on the Lisbon Treaty is to modernise the Union's existing secondary legislation in this area. In this regard the author analyses issues related to Council decision 2001/822/EC on the association of the overseas countries and territories with the European Community and the proposal for a Council decision (COM/2012/362) of 16 July, 2012.