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"An expansion of a little work contributed nearly twenty years ago to the Temple primer series, under the title A short history of politics."--Pref ; Mode of access: Internet.

Includes index. ; "An expansion of a little work contributed nearly twenty years ago to the Temple primer series, under the title A short history of politics."--Pref. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Based on chapter from the forthcoming book entitled, "The United States and the United Nations,"by Lawrence D. Weiler and James N. Hyde.

This thesis analyzes a gradual political transformation in Texas during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It specifically analyzes the political climate following the 2014 Midterm Elections by using the valuable context of past Texas political history. In spite of the massive setbacks of the 2014 election cycle, the Democratic Party may actually have a bright future in the state of Texas. Demographic and economic trends provide the party with an opportunity to make steady gains. But such progress will not happen automatically: Democrats have to run candidates and take positions that appeal to the emerging Texas electorate.

Der Autor dieses Aufsatzes sieht die Problematik eines Nationalstaates darin, daß er einerseits nach "Einheit, Zusammenhalt und territorialer Integrität" strebt, andererseits aber die Interessen der Minderheiten nicht ignorieren darf. Das Minderheitenproblem hält der Autor für eines der wichtigsten und zugleich schwierigsten Probleme unserer Zeit, von dessen Lösung ein zukünftiger Friede abhängt. (SOI-Zrn)

This paper aims to provide a theoretical framework for the study of the relationship between intellectuals and nationalism in Western nations without states. The first part sets up a theoretical framework which includes a definition of the concepts of nation, state and nationalism and also introduces the concept of nations without states. It then establishes a distinction between 'state nationalism' and nationalism in 'nations without states'. The second part analyses the relationship between intellectuals and nationalism in the work of Elie Kedourie, Tom Nairn, John Breuilly and Anthony D. Smith. The third part considers the specific context within which intellectuals operate in nations without states. It concentrates on the study of the role of Catalan intellectuals in protecting their vernacular language and culture during Franco's regime (1939–75) together with the processes which, in the 1960s and 1970s, turned Catalan nationalism from an elite into a mass movement. Particular attention is given to the cultural resistance activities carried out by Catalan intellectuals during this period, the reasons why some intellectuals may feel attracted to nationalism, and the rational and emotional arguments employed by intellectuals as mobilizing agents.

Examines role of intellectuals in the Catalonian region of Spain in nationalist resistance to the Franco dictatorship and struggle to preserve the Catalan language and culture, and the transition of Catalan nationalism from an elite into a mass movement in the 1960s and 1970s.

The European nation state is now placed between the interconnected processes of globalization and European integration. This new book examines these evolving relationships, showing how the conventional territorial basis of the state is being reappraised. Bringing together leading thinkers on the nation state, this volume tackles key questions about how we should conceptualize and discuss the political significance of territory in today's world. For example, does the era of Europeanization and globalization herald the end of citizens' traditional attachment to their nati.

While the current world order of independent nation-states may seem like a natural state that has existed for centuries, in reality, it is a relatively new development that was forged after the demise of imperial rule. Yet, the nation-state is the foundational entity of our current international political and legal framework. International treaties and relations are structured around the nation-state, which is recognized as the core entity in which rights are vested and on which obligations are imposed. This prioritization of the nation-state leads to issues when we consider the repatriation of cultural heritage, particularly in light of the history of many of the nation-states in existence today. Many of the nation-states we see on maps today were political creations whose borders were drawn arbitrarily, with complete disregard for the cultural, ethnic, political, religious, and social divides that already existed among indigenous and native peoples. As such, there is a discongruence between the peoples of the world and many of the national borders demarcated by maps today. This article examines this history, highlighting some of the arbitrary and politically-driven ways in which our world of nation-states came about. It also discusses some of the issues that arise when the nation-state is prioritized over peoples with respect to rights to cultural heritage. Finally, this article suggests that the framework for the repatriation of cultural heritage must evolve away from a system in which the default rightholder is the nation-state. Instead, where feasible and just, peoples should be recognized as having superior rights to cultural heritage. Such a model would give indigenous and marginalized peoples greater control over the fate of their cultural heritage and align more with the goals of repatriation.

While the current world order of independent nation-states may seem like a natural state that has existed for centuries, in reality, it is a relatively new development that was forged after the demise of imperial rule. Yet, the nation-state is the foundational entity of our current international political and legal framework. International treaties and relations are structured around the nation-state, which is recognized as the core entity in which rights are vested and on which obligations are imposed. This prioritization of the nation-state leads to issues when we consider the repatriation of cultural heritage, particularly in light of the history of many of the nation-states in existence today. Many of the nation-states we see on maps today were political creations whose borders were drawn arbitrarily, with complete disregard for the cultural, ethnic, political, religious, and social divides that already existed among indigenous and native peoples. As such, there is a discongruence between the peoples of the world and many of the national borders demarcated by maps today. This article examines this history, highlighting some of the arbitrary and politically-driven ways in which our world of nation-states came about. It also discusses some of the issues that arise when the nation-state is prioritized over peoples with respect to rights to cultural heritage. Finally, this article suggests that the framework for the repatriation of cultural heritage must evolve away from a system in which the default rightholder is the nation-state. Instead, where feasible and just, peoples should be recognized as having superior rights to cultural heritage. Such a model would give indigenous and marginalized peoples greater control over the fate of their cultural heritage and align more with the goals of repatriation.

AbstractTimor-Leste has been facing the arduous task of building a viable nation-state since the country's 2002 restoration of independence. The dual challenge consists of interdependent efforts at nation-building and state-building. The author discusses both terms with regard to their relevance to public education and economic development. He raises the question of why nation-building and state-building experience rather contrary prioritisations in these functionally close policy fields. In the educational sector, government activities demonstrate Fretilin's orientation towards Portuguese-speaking countries. The introduction of Portuguese as an official language has accentuated existing lingual and generational cleavage lines. Economic policy in Timor-Leste, however, tends to be more pragmatic and less ideological. The article aims to make an innovative contribution to the interrelationship of nation-building and economic development by addressing important issues on the agenda such as the exploitation of oil, agriculture, tourism, the economic dependency on the former oppressor Indonesia, and foreign aid. The author argues that economic growth will eventually shape the future format of the East Timorese nation as either a new self-confident political player or a withdrawn peasant nation.

El artículo analiza dos festivales afromusicales latinoamericanos, uno en México y otro en Colombia, para encontrar las estrategias mediante las que el proyecto multicultural se expresa en estos escenarios histórica y culturalmente diferenciados. Mediante técnicas de investigación cualitativas, se caracterizan los procesos a través de los cuales los eventos son construidos por sus instituciones estatales organizadoras y por las personas asistentes a éstos, teniendo en cuenta la legislación multicultural que los regula. Concluye que el proyecto multicultural latinoamericano presenta falencias estructurales en su accionar y plantea otras formas de concebir la otredad étnico-racial y su relación con la institucionalidad estatal ; The article analyzes two Latin American afromusic festivals -one in Mexico and one in Colombia-, trying to find the strategies by which the multicultural project is expressed in these historical and culturally different scenarios. Using qualitative techniques, the ways through which the state institutions organizing the events and the people attending them build their experiences mediated by ethno-cultural difference and multicultural legislation that regulates it are characterized. The paper concludes that the Latin American multicultural project presents serious structural flaws in their actions and raises other ways of understanding the ethnic and racial otherness and its relationship to state institutions.