Suchergebnisse

ABSTRACT
This article explores publication patterns across 10 prominent political science journals, documenting a significant gender gap in publication rates for men and women. We present three broad findings. First, we find no evidence that the low percentage of female authors simply mirrors an overall low share of women in the profession. Instead, we find continued underrepresentation of women in many of the discipline's top journals. Second, we find that women are not benefiting equally in a broad trend across the discipline toward coauthorship. Most published collaborative research in these journals emerges from all-male teams. Third, it appears that the methodological proclivities of the top journals do not fully reflect the kind of work that female scholars are more likely than men to publish in these journals. The underrepresentation of qualitative work in many journals is associated as well with an underrepresentation of female authors.

In A Political History of Early Christianity Allen Brent examines early Christianity and its triumph in Roman Empire. Starting with the description of the apocalyptic movement of the earliest form of Roman [Markan] Christianity, Brent moves on to illustrate various aspects that have made Christianity so powerful. Explaining numerous ideas involved in the rising of the Christianity, such as metaphysical reality, church organisation, nascent Trinitarianism, Allen Brent also emphasizes the impact of emperor Constantine's position in the new Christian cosmic and political order: a Trinity of disti

The article considers the development of electoral political science as a new direction of Ukrainian political science. It is noted that in connection with the democratization of post-Soviet political regimes, there is an objective need to conduct electoral research, which should explain the peculiarities of voter behavior and the prospects for the use of electoral technologies. The origins of electoral research in American political science (P. Lazarsfeld, B. Berelson, G. Goda, E. Katz) and their perspectives in the context of possible autonomy in Ukrainian political science are shown. The contribution of specific foreign and domestic scientists to the development of electoral political science is highlighted. It is concluded that in Ukraine electoral political science as a scientific discourse emerged in the last decade of the twentieth century almost "from scratch" and is now formed as an autonomous branch of domestic political science.

Native Americans have been structurally excluded from the discipline of political science in the continental United States, as has Native epistemology and political issues. I analyze the reasons for these erasures and elisions, noting the combined effects of rejecting Native scholars, political issues, analysis, and texts. I describe how these arise from presumptions inherent to the disciplinary practices of U.S. political science, and suggest a set of alternative formulations that could expand our understanding of politics, including attention to other forms of law, constitutions, relationships to the environment, sovereignty, collective decision-making, U.S. history, and majoritarianism.

The following notes deal with three aspects of American political science in which the trends, we believe, will be of particular interest to members of the profession. The findings presented here have been taken from a much broader study of the discipline currently in process. Given the present spatial exigencies, we have made some arbitrary decisions in selecting the topics to be dealt with here. It may be desirable, therefore, to indicate the scope of the larger investigation and the relationship of this paper to the parent study.We had originally planned to base our analysis of trends in American political science primarily upon the biographical and professional data contained in the 1948, 1953 and 1961 editions of the Directory of the American Political Science Association. While the data in these volumes were both useful and suggestive, we soon realized that this information alone was not sufficient for our purposes. We became increasingly convinced that any meaningful discussion of the state of the discipline required a reliable knowledge of the attitudes and views of the profession on a number of current issues and problems. Lacking this type of information, the authors of recent studies of American political science have been forced to treat their personal beliefs as reasonably representative of the membership at large; to speculate, however shrewdly, as to divisions of opinions in the discipline; or simply to ignore the topic altogether.

In addition to the longest chapter, featuring Ceaser's exposition of 'Foundational Concepts and American Political Development,' the book also includes three critical responses by historian Jack Rakove, political theorist Nancy Rosenblum, and political theorist Rogers Smith, respectively.

History and politics are interlinked with unbreakable bonds, as is manifested primarily in the use of historical arguments in political disputes. Regardless of the ideological views represented, time period, and geographical location, politicians consistently and frequently use such arguments with a high degree of effectiveness. Driven by a variety of motives, they use the category of the past, (re)interpret it, and decide what should be remembered and what should be removed from the so-called collective memory. In practice, this means that a properly prepared and delivered narrative of the past can become a powerful instrument in the hands of the ruling class, influencing the social and political reality of the country concerned. Control of the past and its "correct" reconstruction can thus effectively contribute to gaining, boosting, and consolidating power by a political entity. An appropriately shaped awareness of the past thus serves an only ancillary role to politics, satisfying social expectations and ideological visions. Thus, the past, or rather the memory of it, when becoming a topic of interest in the domain of politics, forces the creators of the politics of history to improve the tools and mechanisms they wield to ensure its more efficient use.

The new Ordinance of Scientific Areas enacted by the Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia specifies politology as a scientific discipline of social sciences incorporating political science, theory & history of politics, & political philosophy. Following the objections of the academic community, that division was revised as follows: (1) Theory, History, & Doctrines of Politics, (2) Foreign & National Policy, (3) Other. The author describes a different structuring, corroborated by IPSA's & APSA's documents. Also, the author reviews the two centuries of the development of political science in the US & in Croatia. In 100 years of the globally prevailing US development of political science & of the profession of political scientists, a new global standard was set. Its structures include approximately 100 fields & subfields of science & expertise in political science in 8 basic fields: (A). Political Institutions, (B). Political Behavior, (C) Comparative Politics, (D) International Relations, (E) Political Theory, (F) Public Policy & Management, (G) Political Economy, & (H) Political Methodology. The author emphasizes that any ungrounded intervention in the division of scientific fields might harm the progress of this science, organization of research, staff renewal at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as the internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 44 References. Adapted from the source document.