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I shall begin by exposing the «humanist» criticism of leftwing liberalism and analizing W. Kymlicka's left liberal response to it, while highlighting its coincidences with classical republicanism. I shall then argue that, even if we accept Kymlicka's response, leftwing liberalism is still problematic due to its difficulty in generating political participation. Liberal separation of ethics and politics renders political participation in unjust societies pointless. In order to surmount this problem, we need to resort to the intrinsic value of participation, as humanists do, while avoiding a defense of participation for its own sake, that would carry counter intuitive consequences, as shown by Kymlicka in his defense of liberalism. With a view to avoiding the problems of both liberalism and humanism, I shall draw an analogy between friendship and political relationships and propose a definition of the latter that will show we need not incur the dangers of appealing to religious or national identities or the like in order make political participation intrinsicly valuable. ; Comenzaré exponiendo la crítica «humanista» al liberalismo de izquierda y analizando la respuesta a la misma que, desde esta última postura, ofrece W. Kymlicka, y destacaré sus coincidencias con el republicanismo clásico. Argumentaré luego que, aun aceptando la respuesta de Kymlicka, el liberalismo de izquierda no deja de tener dificultades a la hora de generar participación ciudadana. La diferenciación que hace entre ética y política hace que carezca de sentido la participación política en sociedades injustas. Para superar este problema, es necesario apelar --como los humanistas- al valor intrínseco de la participación, pero evitando una defensa de la participación por la participación misma, que acarrearía -como señala Kymlicka en su defensa del liberalismo- consecuencias contraintuitivas. A fin de evitar tanto los problemas del liberalismo como los del humanismo, partiré de una analogía entre relaciones de amistad y relaciones políticas, y propondré una definición de estas últimas que muestre que es posible otorgar a la participación un valor intrínseco, sin incurrir en los peligros de la apelación a indentidades religiosas, naciones o semejantes.

En 1900, la mayoría de los trabajadores de La Palma se insertaban en el entramado caciquil administrado por los mayores propietarios adscritos al Partido Conservador. No obstante, los artesanos perjudicados por el decreto de Puertos Francos y otros sectores obreros de Santa Cruz de La Palma se acogen a la tutela del republicanismo para defender sus intereses. En 1926, la llegada del dirigente del partido comunista cubano José Miguel Pérez aporta otra interpretación de su contexto social a los jóvenes sindicalistas palmeros, que derivan hacia el marxismo. La llegada de la II República impulsa a las organizaciones obreras isleñas, de predominante tendencia comunista, hasta que la represión durante la Guerra Civil destruye al movimiento obrero insular. Tras regresar sus militantes de las cárceles, el Partido Comunista se reconstruye, clandestinamente, pero vuelve a ser golpeado por la represión, en 1947. En los años sesenta, los comunistas se organizan de nuevo y aglutinan una parte de la sociedad palmera, partidaria de un cambio de régimen político. ; In 1990, most of the workers from La Palma were inserted in the caciquil structure ruled by the biggest owners attached to the Conservative Party. Nevertheless, the craftsmen damaged by the law of Free Ports and other working sectors from Santa Cruz de la Palma take refuge under the tutelage of republicanism to defend their interests. In 1926, the arrival of the leader of the Cuban communist party, José Miguel Pérez, brings forward a new interpretation of their social context to the young syndicalists from La Palma, who turned to Marxism. The arrival of the II Republic gives impulse to the island working organizations, with a predominant communist trend, until the repression during the Civil War destroys the island working-class movement. After the return of its militants from prison, the Communist Party is clandestinely reconstructed, but will be hit back by repression in 1947. In the sixties, the communists organize again and agglutinate the part of the society from La Palma in favour of a change in the politic régime.

La denominada Transición Democrática española fue un proceso histórico por el que la oligarquía pasó del franquismo a la monarquía parlamentaria sin perder ninguna parcela de su poder político y económico; pero también supuso el olvido programado de determinados sucesos históricos, como la experiencia de la II República, mientras se ensalzaba la monarquía encarnada en la persona de Juan Carlos I. El presente artículo quiere contribuir a la recuperación de la memoria histórica, incidiendo en dos aspectos. En primer lugar, aborda el carácter legal y legítimo del republicanismo español frente a la ilegalidad y la ilegitimidad de la monarquía, y, en segundo lugar, trata el significado histórico de la II República, resaltando su propuesta modernizadora. La propaganda en favor de la actual monarquía no puede ocultar sus orígenes franquistas y la falta de legitimidad popular derivada de la ausencia de un referéndum en el que el pueblo español, tras la muerte de Franco, hubiese decidido la forma de régimen político. ; Wath´s know as Transition to Democracy in Spain was a historic process trough which the oligarchy changed from Franquismo to a Parlamentary Monarchy without losing any of its political nor economic powers. Besides, it also meant that some historic facts, such as the experience of the II Republic, were deliberately forgotten. Meanwhile the monarchy embodied by Juan Carlos I was being exalted. This piece of writing intends to help recover spanish historic in relation to that period focusing on two aspects. Firstly, it deals with the legal and legitimate character of Spanish Republicanisme against the illegality and illegitimacy of the present monarchy. Secondly, it is about what the Republic meant in the history of Spain, highlighting its proposals to modernise the country. Biased information in favour of current monarchy cannot hide origin in Franquismo and its lack of popular legitimacy due to the fact that there was never a referendum in which the Spanish people could have decided the form the political system after Franco´s death.

To John Quincy Adams, the early nineteenth century proved itself to be not only a struggle for American independence from Europe, but a struggle for the eighteenth century ideal of the recently formed American philosophy of government. This unique philosophy inspired by key figures of the American Enlightenment, such as Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, incorporated the vision of America leading the way of enlightened world governments. Son of the proud American revolutionary, John Adams, John Quincy Adams continued to follow the basic axioms of his father's generation and implement their basic ideals within his own various careers in governmental service. Adams would continue to promote the American ideal of natural law, practical government by the people and citizen equality throughout his entire life and regardless of his distance from the United States. Adams' diplomatic mission to the Court of Tsar Alexander I in St. Petersburg from 1809-1814, provided the ultimate challenge to Adams' philosophy. While struggling to turn American ideals into realities, Adams confronted the rising wave of a counter movement which eventually overtook the Enlightenment. This movement was Romanticism, which elevated exactly what Adams attempted all his life to suppress; passionate instincts, intimate feeling, and inner reality. His years in St. Petersburg, played out against the backdrop of the Napoleonic Era, only led him further toward a rigid resolve against such irrational behaviors in favor of reason and order. While the nations of Europe and America succumbed to this new wave of understanding, Adams stood proudly, if fruitlessly, against the temperaments of a new age. Adams experience in Russia, his last public service outside of the United States, solidified his firm stance regarding America's place among world nations. After 1814, Adams embraced what he considered to be the true American cause for liberty and republicanism. Through his own implementations of isolationist policies as Secretary of State, Adams sought to preserve the American ideals from the Romantic Movement, so characteristic of Europe in the early nineteenth century.

A major contribution to the study of collective identity and memory in France, this book examines a French republican myth: the belief that the nation can be adequately defended only by its own citizens, in the manner of the French revolutionaries of 1793. Alan Forrest examines the image of the citizen army reflected in political speeches, school textbooks, art and literature across the nineteenth century. He reveals that the image appealed to notions of equality and social justice, and with time it expanded to incorporate Napoleon's victorious legions, the partisans who repelled the German invader in 1814 and the people of Paris who rose in arms to defend the Republic in 1870. More recently it has risked being marginalized by military technology and by the realities of colonial warfare, but its influence can still be seen in the propaganda of the Great War and of the French Resistance under Vichy

Obgleich Zeit typischerweise als objektive Realität und als gegebene Randbedingung von (demokratischer) Politik erscheint, kann ihre Bedeutung in der sozialen Welt nicht in hinreichender Tiefe mit einer naturalistisch-uhrenzeitlichen Perspektive erfasst werden. Vielmehr konstituieren sich, so die Ausgangsannahme des Beitrags, Zeit und Demokratie (in der Moderne) in wechselseitigem Bezug und auf spezifische Weise. Auf Grundlage eines kontingenztheoretischen Zugangs und eines operativen Zeitbegriffs, der die Entstehung von Zeit in sinnstiftenden Ereignissen lokalisiert, wird argumentiert, dass Demokratie ein spezifisches temporales Weltverhältnis bezeichnet, in dem die Offenheit der Zukunft zugleich gesteigert und reduziert und dabei die Kontingenz dieses Wechselspiels bewahrt wird. Diese Prämisse wird sodann im Anschluss an Arendt und Rancière demokratietheoretisch ausgedeutet, woraus sich zwei Varianten ergeben, wie das kontingente Changieren zwischenzeitlichen Öffnungen und Schließungen auf Dauer gestellt werden kann. Durch eine solche Temporalisierung der Demokratietheorie werden Perspektiven auf die zeitliche Realität demokratischer Praxis eröffnet, die über eine Thematisierung der Dauer von Verfahren systematisch hinausgehen.

Behandelt werden in diesem Aufsatz die wichtigsten Diskursfelder zur Figur des aktiven Bürgers in der politischen Ideengeschichte. Der Rekurs auf die republikanische Tradition dient dabei als Mittel politiktheoretischer Selbstverständigung und normativer Orientierung, insofern er es ermöglicht, heutige Differenzen zu markieren und, was noch weit entscheidender ist, historische Transformationsprozesse zu beschreiben, die unser heutiges demokratisches (Selbst-)Verständnis bestimmen und formen.

Esta tesis doctoral reflexiona sobre el impacto social y político de la explotación de datos masivos a nivel europeo. Cumple dos objetivos principales. En primer lugar, define el contexto general en el que se produce esta explotación, a través del análisis de cinco factores: a) la lógica de generación, recopilación y procesamiento de los datos masivos; b) el modelo de negocio de las grandes corporaciones de servicios digitales; c) el discurso mediático dominante acerca de las tecnologías big data; d) las reacciones sociales y formas de resistencia ante este nuevo escenario; y e) el reglamento europeo de protección de datos personales, incluyendo su fundamentación conceptual. En segundo lugar, discute en qué medida estos cinco factores favorecen u obstaculizan la privacidad, la libertad y el control sobre los datos, desde una perspectiva fundamentada en la teoría crítica del capitalismo, la filosofía republicana, la teoría política feminista y la teoría del framing. La investigación se compone de cinco publicaciones: 1. La conversación sobre big data en Twitter. Una primera aproximación al análisis del discurso dominante. 2. Tay is you. The attribution of responsibility in the algorithmic culture. 3. Big social data: límites del modelo notice and choice para la protección de la privacidad. 4. Your likes, your vote? Big personal data exploitation and media manipulation in the US presidential election campaign of Donald Trump in 2016. 5. Personal data are political. A feminist view on privacy and personal data protection. Esta memoria contextualiza, organiza y relaciona las aportaciones principales de estos artículos. ; This doctoral thesis reflects on the social and political impact of big data exploitation at the European level. The research fulfils two main objectives. Firstly, it defines the general context in which this exploitation is embedded, through the analysis of five factors: a) the logic of big data generation, gathering and processing; b) the business model of digital services corporations; c) the ...

The article examines the republican sociability that was cultivated in associations and forums that were established to provide vocational and artistic training to craftsmen and artists in Ecuador from 1845 to 1859. In order to discuss the close ties between politics and culture, it addresses four interconnected themes: the relationship between associations of craftsmen and the liberal governments arising from the March 1845 Revolution; associations viewed as forums for learning and the exercise of political rights by craftsmen; the standards governing the functioning of these entities; and ultimately the thoughts that artists and craftsmen wrote down while building the republican order. ; El artículo estudia la sociabilidad republicana que se cultivó en las asociaciones y los espacios de formación profesional y artística de artesanos y artistas en Ecuador, entre 1845 y 1859. Con el propósito de discutir los nexos entre política y cultura, se abordan cuatro temáticas vinculadas entre sí: la relación entre asociaciones artesanales y los gobiernos liberales del períodomarcista; las asociacionesconsideradas como espacios de aprendizaje y ejercicio político del artesano; las normas que reglamentaron el funcionamiento de estas entidades; y, finalmente, las reflexiones que artistas y artesanoselaboraron sobre su papel en la construcción del orden republicano. ; Este artigo estuda a sociabilidade republicana que foi gerada nas associações e espaços de formação profissional e artística dos artesãos e artistas em Equador, entre 1845 e 1859. Com alvo em discutir os nexos entre politica e cultura, consideram-se quatro temáticas relacionadas entre sim: a relação entre as associações artesanais e os governos liberais no período marcista; as associações consideradas como lugares de aperfeiçoamento e atividade político dos artesãos; os regramentos para o seu funcionamento; e, por fim, as reflexões que artistas e artesãos elaboraram sobre o seu papel na construção da ordem republicana

This article analyses the meanings of Public Order attributed by the rulers of the Spanish Second Republic in the framework of the republican political culture, by studying their memoirs, diaries and books. To broaden the understanding of this term, the study of other related concepts in four different levels of semantic concretion has been included: the political order, the public order, the coercive forces and the collective protest. The classification of all these conceptions according to the political affiliation of their authors has allowed the differentiation of three republican speeches on public order: one liberal, one reformist, and another counterrevolutionary. In conclusion, the plurality of meanings assigned to the concept of Public Order by the republican elites, and the differences that some of them contained in comparison with the conceptions of the regime of the Restoration are demonstrated. ; Este artículo analiza los significados del orden público atribuidos por los gobernantes de la Segunda República española, en el marco de la cultura política republicana, mediante el estudio de sus memorias, diarios y libros. Para ampliar la comprensión de dicho término, se ha incorporado el estudio de otros conceptos relacionados con el mismo en cuatro niveles distintos de concreción semántica: el orden político, el orden público, las fuerzas coercitivas y la protesta colectiva. La clasificación de todas estas concepciones en función de la filiación política de sus autores ha permitido la diferenciación de tres discursos republicanos del orden público: uno liberal, uno reformista y otro contrarrevolucionario. Como conclusión, se demuestra la pluralidad de significados adscritos al concepto de orden público por parte de las élites republicanas y las diferencias que algunos de ellos contenían en comparación con las concepciones propias del régimen de la Restauración.This article analyses the meanings of Public Order attributed by the rulers of the Spanish Second Republic in the framework of the republican political culture, by studying their memoirs, diaries and books. To broaden the understanding of this term, the study of other related concepts in four different levels of semantic concretion has been included: the political order, the public order, the coercive forces and the collective protest. The classification of all these conceptions according to the political affiliation of their authors has allowed the differentiation of three republican speeches on public order: one liberal, one reformist, and another counterrevolutionary. In conclusion, the plurality of meanings assigned to the concept of Public Order by the republican elites, and the differences that some of them contained in comparison with the conceptions of the regime of the Restoration are demonstrated.

In the present article, first of all, some of the most frequent objections against the programs of affirmative action are analysed, followed by an examination of the reasons stated by those who plead for them. Finally, are presented the criteria which have to be fulfilled within their implementation in order to meet the requirements of the diverse dimensions of justice. The theoretical framework which comes up meets, on the one hand, the criteria of a normative theory of justice, and, on the other hand, the update of a republican tradition which understands the political association as a community of free and equal citizens.

Includes verse. Poems. Poetry. Cover title. FAU Libraries' copy edges trimmed to 22 cm. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B23F14 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections

International audience ; This article is based on the texts about the concept of "republic" within the project "Iberconceptos". It compares the evolution of the concept in nine countries of the Iberian Atlantic world between 1750 and 1850. In the whole area the concept was associated to municipal governments until the appearance of the perilous "liberty of the French". The devaluation of the concept reached the level of paroxysm (1792 - 1795) shortly before Fermín de Vargas and Picornell displayed in America the most vivid expressions of republican radicalism. During the period of the Hispanic Revolution (1808 - 1823), some constitutions defined republican regimes which refused to call themselves as such. In Brazil as in Spain, a superposition of imaginaries prevailed between the nostalgia of the ancient communal liberties and a rather modern republicanism. Simón Bolivar's Colombia shows the transition of the concept from a Roman model towards the attempt to establish a Republican Monarchy. Since 1830, many have estimated that the republican forms established in America were nothing but empty shells, as they did not contain the essential ethos they should be filled with. ; Este artículo ha sido elaborado a partir de las investigaciones sobre el concepto de "república" que se hicieron en el marco del proyecto "Iberconceptos". Compara la evolución del concepto en nueve países del Atlántico ibérico entre 1750 et 1850. En este orbe el uso más universal de la voz República remitía al gobierno municipal hasta que irrumpiera la peligrosa "libertad de los Franceses". La desvalorización de la voz llegó entonces a su paroxismo (1792-95) poco antes de que Fermín de Vargas y Picornell ofrecieran en América las expresiones más nítidas de un republicanismo radical. Las primeras constituciones de México y Argentina definieron regímenes que a pesar de ser republicanos se rehusaron a designarse como tales. En franco contraste, la Nueva Granda y Venezuela apelaron muy temprano a formas republicanas de gobierno inspiradas en Estados Unidos y Francia. En el Brasil como en España, lo que prevaleció fue un complejo "encabalgamiento de imaginarios" entre un republicanismo nostálgico de las antiguas libertades comunales y otro, de corte moderno. La Colombia de Simón Bolívar brinda el interesante deslice del concepto hacia la tentativa de formular una monarquía republicana. A partir de 1830, no carecieron los publicistas que estimaran que las formas republicanas instaladas en América no eran sino cáscaras huecas en ausencia del ethos sustancial que debiera habitarlas.