Suchergebnisse

En 1925 se publicó en Colombia la Revista Los Nuevos, que impulsó la carrera política de la generación venida después de la del centenario cuyos miembros fueron conocidos y promovidos como Los Nuevos. Entre ellas se desarrolló un dinámico y polémico proceso de dialogización, que trascendió al transcurso histórico nacional, y a las publicaciones de la época. Al diálogo se sumaron los Leopardos, un grupo que hacía las veces de los nuevos en el conservatismo. Las relaciones de comunicación se establecieron entre dos generaciones liberales y entre los nuevos del bipartidismo. Si de un lado la generación del centenario cooptó y reunió en un solo haz la intensa actividad de ambas generaciones, la de los nuevos se alió con los leopardos. Una y otra configuraron el elenco del poder político y cultural dominante en Colombia durante el siglo XX, pero tal proceso no se hubiera dado sin la participación de los leopardos.Palabras clave: Los Nuevos, El Tiempo, Lleras Camargo, Armando Solano, Alfonso López Pumarejo, leopardos.************************************************************************Generational dialogues in Colombia. About the magazine Los NuevosAbstractIn 1925, the magazine Los Nuevos was published in Colombia, and this magazine gave a boost to the political career of the generation that came after the centenary generation, whose members were known and promoted as Los Nuevos. Among them, a dynamic and controversial process of dialogue developed, which transcended the national historical course, and the publications of the time. The Leopards, a group that acted as the newcomers to conservation, joined the dialogue. Communication relations were established between two liberal generations and between the new ones of the two-party system. If on the one hand the centennial generation co-opted and brought together in a single beam the intense activity of both generations, that of the new ones allied itself with the Leopards. Both formed the cast of the dominant political and cultural power in Colombia during the 20th century, but such a process would not have taken place without the participation of the leopards. Keywords: Los Nuevos, El Tiempo, Lleras Camargo, Armando Solano, Alfonso López Pumarejo, leopards.************************************************************************Diálogos geracionais na Colômbia. Sobre a revista Los NuevosResumoEm 1925, a revista Los Nuevos foi publicada na Colômbia, e esta revista deu um impulso à carreira política da geração que veio depois da geração centenária, cujos membros eram con- hecidos e promovidos como Los Nuevos. Entre eles, desenvolveu-se um processo dinâmico e controverso de diálogo, que transcendeu o curso histórico nacional, e as publicações da época. Os Leopardos, um grupo que actuou como os recém-chegados à conservação, juntaram-se ao diálogo. As relações de comunicação foram estabelecidas entre duas gerações liberais e entre as novas gerações do sistema bipartidário. Se por um lado a geração centenária cooptou e reuniu num único feixe a intensa actividade de ambas as gerações, a das novas aliadas com os Leopardos. Ambos formaram o elenco do poder político e cultural dominante na Colômbia durante o século XX, mas tal processo não teria tido lugar sem a participação dos leopardos.Palavras-chave: Los Nuevos, El Tiempo, Lleras Camargo, Armando Solano, Alfonso López Pumarejo, leopardos

The dissertation is devoted to the development of a new direction of the theory of economic expansion – China's foreign economic expansion into developing countries in the conditions of increasing geo-economic influence of China in the world economy.The research systematizes the theoretical foundations, which form the scientific paradigm of economic leadership and expansion, and determine the processes of economic expansion in the conditions of globalization of the world economy. analyzed the theoretical basis of the phenomenon of economic expansion, and also considered the stages and tools for implementing the strategy of global economic expansion in the case of China.It is revealed that a set of indicators, in particular, GDP, GDP growth rate, foreign trade turnover, flows and aggregate FDI, relative share of the leading country in foreign trade operations (trade, investments, etc.) of third countries, Shapley value, Banzhaf value, Coleman index, Nash equilibrium are used to evaluate the processes of international economic expansion.It is proved that the strategies analysis of China for the past 30 years have to combine traditional views – for example, the theory of hegemonic stability – who view expansion from the liberal-institutional point of view, with the views of Neogramscians, which emphasize the combination of state power and the socio-economic structure of capitalism (an issue that is extremely relevant in the analysis of China's economic model).Research is devoted to the theoretical foundations of the study of one of the most powerful instruments of China's economic expansion - direct foreign investment (FDI). There are constructed the theory of the influence of the company's political ties on the decision to implement direct foreign investment and interdependence product and political ties with management decisions made for enterprises operating in underdeveloped financial structures and inadequate institutional environment. ; Дисертаційну роботу присвячено розробці нового напрямку теорії економічної експансії – зовнішньоекономічної експансії Китаю в країни, що розвиваються, в умовах посилення геоекономічного впливу КНР у світовій економіці.У роботі систематизовано теоретичні засади, які формують наукову парадигму економічного лідерства і експансії, та обумовлюють процеси економічної експансії в умовах глобалізації світового господарства. проаналізовано теоретичні основи явища економічної експансії, а також розглянуто етапи й інструменти реалізації стратегії глобальної економічної експансії у випадку Китаю.Виявлено, що для оцінки процесів міжнародної економічної експансії використовується набір показників, зокрема, ВВП, темпи зростання ВВП, обсяг зовнішньоторговельного обороту, потоки і сукупні ПІІ, відносна частка країнилідера у зовнішньоекономічних операціях (торгівлі, інвестиціях тощо) третіх країн, обсяг золотовалютних резервів, вектор Шеплі, індекс Бенжара, показник Колемана, тарифи при рівновазі Неша тощо.Доведено, що для аналізу стратегії КНР за останні 30 років доводиться поєднувати традиційні погляди – наприклад, теорію гегемонічної стабільності – які розглядають експансію з ліберально-інституціоналістичного погляду, з поглядами неограмшіанців, які наголошують на поєднанні державної влади з соціально-економічною структурою капіталізму (питання, яке є надзвичайно актуальним при аналізі економічної моделі Китаю).Дослідження присвячено теоретичним засадам дослідження одного з найпотужніших інструментів економічної експансії Китаю – прямим закордонним інвестиціям (ПЗІ). Побудовано власну теорію впливу політичних зв'язків підприємства на рішення щодо здійснення прямого іноземного інвестування та взаємозалежності продуктивності та політичних зв'язків при прийняті управлінських рішень для підприємств які функціонують при недостатньо розвинених фінансових структурах та недосконалому інституційному середовищі.

The article examines the political responsibility of the people as a special type of social responsibility. The purpose of this article is to study the concept and characteristics of political responsibility of the state-organized people in the context of European philosophy of the twentieth century. For the analysis of the phenomenon of political responsibility of the people used, mainly, the works of K. Jaspers and G. Jonas.It has been established that political responsibility as a form of social responsibility has all the features and features of social responsibility, but also has a number of features. The political responsibility of the people is collective and consists of the individual responsibility of each individual citizen. Every person as a "political being" has a certain political responsibility and has a close connection with the political power of his country, because she chose her representatives. She also feels the results of her activity as a result of her choice.In its content, the political responsibility of the people has two aspects: positive (prospective responsibility) and negative (retrospective responsibility). The ontological basis of political responsibility of the people is freedom as its natural state; therefore the responsibility of the people is natural. The political responsibility of the people in the temporal measure is transformed into a historical responsibility to God for his past, modern and for the future of his state and the preservation of the life of mankind on Earth. Examples of political responsibility of the people for their past are given.The definition of political responsibility of the people as a measure of compliance of the joint political activity of all citizens of the state with social-historical requirements regarding the implementation of public authority is proposed. ; У статті розглядається політична відповідальність народу як особливий вид соціальної відповідальності. Метою даної статті є дослідження поняття та характерних рис політичної відповідальності державно-організованого народу в контексті європейської філософії ХХ ст. Для аналізу феномену політичної відповідальності народу використані, головним чином, праці К. Ясперса та Г. Йонаса.Встановлено, що політична відповідальність як вид соціальної відповідальності має всі характерні риси та ознаки останньої, але також має і ряд особливостей. Політична відповідальність народу є колективною і складається з індивідуальної відповідальності кожного окремого громадянина. Кожна людина як «істота політична» несе певну політичну відповідальність і має тісний зв'язок з політичною владою своєї країни, тому що сама обирала її представників. Вона також відчуває на собі результати діяльності цієї влади як наслідок свого вибору.За своїм сутнісним змістом політична відповідальність народу має два аспекти – позитивний (проспективна відповідальність) і негативний (ретроспективна відповідальність). Онтологічною основою політичної відповідальності народу є свобода як його природний стан, тому й відповідальність народу є природною. Політична відповідальність народу в часовому вимірі трансформується в історичну відповідальність його перед Богом за минуле, сучасне і майбутнє своєї держави та збереження життя людства на Землі. Наведено приклади політичної відповідальності народу за своє минуле.Запропоновано визначення політичної відповідальності народу як міри відповідності солідарної політичної діяльності всіх громадян держави суспільно-історичним вимогам щодо здійснення публічної влади.

This paper deals with the process through which Falange got involved in the organization of the elections to the representatives of the family heads at the councils, whose celebration was initially set by the Government by March 1946. The empirical basis of the work is based on records housed in the Archivo General de la Administración and coming from two institutional bodies of FET-JONS: the Vicesecretaría General de Ordenación Social and the provincial headquarters of the Movement. The information obtained from these primary sources is inserted in the framework of the adaptation of FET-JONS and the regime itself to the new international community that emerged from the defeat of the Axis powers in 1945. In addition, this information is used to describe in detail the mechanisms articulated by the Falange to intervene in all phases of the organization of the aforementioned elections. The paper concludes that, despite the difficulties it went through since mid-1945, Falange did not remain passive faced with the 1946 electoral call. On the contrary, it reacted immediately with the aim of not being negatively affected by those elections and, at the same time, taking advantage of them to consolidate its power. The Spanish Trade Union Organization was in charge of carrying out this intervention. The way it coped with such a task showed that, by the end of 1945, the Party enjoyed a powerful institutional apparatus perfectly rooted within the regime and with great coordination between national and peripheral bodies. ; Este artículo analiza el proceso a través del cual Falange articuló su participación en las elecciones a concejales de representación familiar cuya celebración fue inicialmente fijada por el Gobierno para marzo de 1946. La base empírica del trabajo se asienta en documentación custodiada en el Archivo General de la Administración y procedente de dos órganos institucionales de FET: la Vicesecretaría General de Ordenación Social y el conjunto de jefaturas provinciales del Movimiento. La información obtenida de estas fuentes se inserta en el marco de la adaptación de FET y del propio régimen a la nueva comunidad internacional surgida de la derrota de las potencias del Eje en 1945 y se utiliza para describir con detalle los mecanismos que articuló Falange para intervenir en todas las fases de la organización de las citadas elecciones. El artículo concluye que, pese a las dificultades por las que atravesó desde mediados de 1945, Falange no permaneció pasiva ante la convocatoria electoral de 1946. Por el contrario, reaccionó de inmediato con el objetivo de no salir malparada de semejante coyuntura y, a la vez, aprovechar dichas elecciones para consolidar su poder. La Organización Sindical Española fue la encargada de llevar a cabo dicha intervención. La forma en la que lo hizo puso de manifiesto que, a finales de 1945, el Partido gozaba de un poderoso aparato institucional perfectamente arraigado dentro del régimen y con una gran coordinación entre los organismos nacionales y los periféricos.

Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; The conformation of the first federalism implied a change and replacement of institutions. The power was divided into three: legislative, executive and judicial, the first being the most transcendent of them, both nationally and in the states. The congress of Michoacán had among all its tasks organizing the town halls, under the new federal state. The deputies announced the Regulation of organization in 1825, in the debates different positions were raised both in favor and against the number of municipalities, mayors, councilors. The point was to control them, so the figure of prefects and subprefects emerged as intermediaries between city councils and state authorities, through four departments. The other important issue was the issue of justice, since it was the mayors who exercised it, but these characters were mostly ignorant people in the knowledge of law. In 1832 the context did not change much, the objective of ordering the town halls had not been achieved, which complained throughout these six years. That year the legislators unveiled the new Regulation, in which issues were modified such as changes of municipalities in the departments, highlighting the lieutenant, and especially the Municipal Board. The new deputies envisioned a city council more of quality than quantity. In justice, we sought to invest in a lawyer for first instance justice in the municipalities. But in practice the mayors were the ones who continued to exercise this area of justice. ; La conformación del primer federalismo implicó un cambio y sustitución de instituciones. Se dividió el poder en tres: legislativo, ejecutivo y judicial, siendo el primero el más trascendente de ellos, tanto a nivel nacional como de los estados. El congreso michoacano tuvo entre todas sus tareas, organizar a los ayuntamientos, bajo el nuevo estado federal. Los diputados dieron a conocer el Reglamento de organización en 1825, en los debates se suscitaron diferentes posturas tanto a favor como en contra del número de ayuntamientos, alcaldes, regidores. El punto fue controlarlos, así que surgió la figura de los prefectos y subprefectos como intermediarios entre los ayuntamientos y las autoridades estatales, a través de cuatro departamentos. El otro tema importante fue la cuestión de impartición de justicia, ya que eran los alcaldes quienes la ejercían, pero estos personajes en su mayoría eran personas ignorantes en el conocimiento del derecho. En 1832 el contexto no cambió mucho, no se había logrado el objetivo de ordenar a los ayuntamientos, los cuales, se quejaron a lo largo de estos seis años. Ese año los legisladores dieron a conocer el nuevo Reglamento, en el cual se modificaron cuestiones como cambios de ayuntamientos en los departamentos, el resaltar el teniente, y sobre todo la Junta Municipal. Los nuevos diputados vislumbraron un ayuntamiento más de calidad que de cantidad. En la justicia se buscó invertir en un juez letrado para la justicia de primera instancia en los ayuntamientos. Pero en la práctica los alcaldes fueron los que continuaron ejerciendo este ámbito de la justicia.

In developing the economy of the people in the era of globalization with high competitive power requires the right approach. The partnership model is one way to improve community competitiveness, especially in the small business sector. However, in realizing and developing a partnership model, it will be very difficult to apply if it is only carried out by the community independently, especially the lower classes of society. The presence of the Government and third parties is needed in helping to establish partnerships. It is essential to initiate the realization of business partnerships among the community. The role of Religious and Social Organizations as third parties has proven to have a significant contribution in advancing the nation, especially in the fields of education, health, and social assistance. So it is necessary to maximize the role of religious and social organizations in encouraging economic development of the community through coaching and partnerships. Persyarikatan Muhammadiyah, which is engaged in the socio-religious field, has shown its contribution to enlightenment, empowerment, and advancement that provides benefits for the people as a manifestation of the da'wah of Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Mungkar. Syirkah Amanah gas station is one manifestation of Muhammadiyah's involvement in the empowerment and economic development of the community. The purpose of this study was to reveal the partnership model applied by the Muhammadiyah Regional Leader of Lumajang at the Syirkah Amanah Gas Station to be able to find the right and appropriate business partnership model to be implemented in the community. The research approach used in this study is a descriptive qualitative research approach that seeks to explore and find the main objectives of the research. Keywords: Partnership, Community Economic Development, Muhammadiyah ; Abstrak Dalam mengembangkan perekonomian masyarakat di era globalisasi dengan daya kompetitif yang cukup tinggi memerlukan pendekatan yang tepat. Pola kemitraan merupakan salah satu cara dalam meningkatkan daya saing masyarakat terutama di sector usaha kecil. Namun dalam mewujudkan dan mengembangkan pola kemitraan akan sangat sulit terwujud apabila hanya dilakukan oleh masyarakat secara mandiri, terutamanya masyarakat kelas bawah. Perlunya kehadiran Pemerintah dan pihak ketiga dalam membantu terwujudnya kemitraan sangat penting untuk menginisiasi terwujudnya kemitraan usaha di kalangan masyarakat. Peran organisasi social keagamaan sebagai pihak ketiga telah terbukti memiliki kontribusi yang signifikan dalam memajukan bangsa terutama di bidang pendidikan, kesehatan dan bantuan social. Sehingga perlu untuk memaksimalkan peran organisasi social keagamaan dalam mendorong pengembangan ekonomi masyarakat melalui pembinaan dan kemitraan. Persyarikatan Muhammadiyah yang bergerak dibidang sosial keagamaan telah menunjukkan kiprahnya untuk pencerahan, pemberdayaan, dan kemajuan yang memberikan kemaslahatan bagi umat sebagai manifestasi dakwah amar ma'ruf nahi mungkar. SPBU Syirkah Amanah adalah salah satu wujud keterlibatan Muhammadiyah dalam pemberdayaan dan pengembangan ekonoi masyarakat. Tujuan dalam penelitian ini adalah mengungkap model kemitraan yang diterapkan PDM Lumajang di SPBU Syirkah Amanah utuk dapat menemukan model kemitraan yang tepat dan sesuai untuk diterpakan di masyarakat. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan penelitian deskriptif kualitatif yang berusaha untuk mengeksplorasi dan menemukan tujuan pokok dari penelian. Kata Kunci : Kemitraan, Pengembangan Ekonomi Masyarakat, Muhammadiyah

Ukrayna krizi sonrasında uluslararası ilişkiler sisteminde yoğun bir tartışma yaşanmıştır. Bu kriz dış dünya ile Rus ilişkilerinde bir sarsıntıya neden olmuş, NATO'nun stratejilerini yenilemesine neden olmuştur. Bu nedenle, makalenin amacı Ukrayna Krizi çerçevesinde ortaya çıkan NATO stratejilerindeki dönüşüm çerçevesinde Rusya ve NATO ilişkilerinin incelenmesidir. Rusya, Vladimir Putin'in Rusya Güvenlik Konseyi'nde yaptığı bir görüşmede açıkça ortaya koyduğu gibi ekonomik diplomasi ve yumuşak güç yöntemlerini kullanarak uluslararası arenada aktif bir politikayı sağlamak ve sürdürmekle ilgilenmektedir. Ancak, Ukrayna krizinden sonra 2014-2015 yılları arasında dünyada Rus pozisyonu çarpıcı şekilde değişmiştir. Kuzey Atlantik Antlaşması Örgütü (NATO) ve Moskova arasındaki ilişkinin tarihi tam olarak "sorunlar, güvensizlik ve yanlış anlamalar" şeklinde yorumlanabilir. Ukrayna çatışması, Rusya-Batı ilişkilerini Soğuk Savaşın bitiminden bu yana ilk defa çatışma sınırına getirdi. NATO Soğuk Savaşın bittiğinden bu yana yeni bir stratejik vizyon arıyor. Şu anda, yeni bir siyasi-askeri atmosfer Rusya'nın eylemleri tarafından tehdit edilmekle birlikte, bu yeni iklimin tüm tarafların menfaatine olmadığı açıktır; bir takım güvenlik tehditleri hem Avrupa Atlantik hem de Avrasya için ciddi zorlu olmuştur. Birinci bölümde Tarihsel süreç ve stratejiler, İkinci bölümde soğuk savaş'tan günümüze NATO ile Rusya arasındakı İlişkinin değerlendirilmesi, Üçüncü bölümde Ukrayna krizi ve sonuncu bölümde ise Ukrayna Krizi'nden sonra NATO-Rusya arasındaki yeni ve değişen stratejiler tanımlanacaktır. ; Through the Ukrainian crisis, we have realised a thoughtful debate in the international relations method. This crisis has shaken Moscow's relationships with the external world and has led NATO to renew its strategies. Therefore, the aim of this article is to examine the relations between Russia and NATO in the context of the transformation of NATO strategies that emerged within the framework of the Ukrainian crisis. Nowadays, Russia is interested in achieving and continuing a dynamic strategy in the international arena, by means of economic negotiation and soft power methods, as evidenced by Russian president Vladimir Putin in a board meeting with the Russian Security Council. However, the Russian situation in the outside world has radically changed after the Ukrainian crisis, during 2014-2015. The history of the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Moscow can be fully interpreted as "problems, insecurity and misunderstandings". For the first time, since the end of the Cold War, the Ukrainian conflict brought the Russian-Western relations to the borderline of confrontation. Alliance has been trying to find a different strategical concept since the end of the Cold War. Nowadays, although a different political-military environment is threatened by Russia's activities, however, it's clear that this different environment is not in the interest of all parties as a number of security threats have been severely challenging for equally the Euro- Atlantic and Eurasia. Firstly, I would try to underline historical processes and strategies between NATO-Russia, then I will describe the evaluation of the relationship between NATO and Russia since the Cold War. Secondly, I will discuss the Ukraine crisis and Finally, I will try to show new and changing strategies between NATO and Russia after the Ukraine crisis.

El descubrimiento de América dio inicio a un nuevo patrón de poder mundial moderno, capitalista, eurocentrado y colonial. En este nuevo patrón, el etnocentrismo colonial, la clasificación racial universal y las necesidades del sistema capitalista debutante, definieron un particular universo de relaciones intersubjetivas de dominación, explotación y disputa entre sus protagonistas. La invención racial reclasificó socialmente a las poblaciones colonizadas según su relación con la llamada pureza de sangre. Se definieron así nuevas identidades geoculturales: blancos, mestizos, indios y negros. No obstante, dicha clasificación dejó de lado ciertas interseccionalidades como la de raza, género y clase respecto de la población femenina. Es así que el sistema moderno/colonial, a través de sus instituciones patriarcales, heterosexistas y eurocentradas sobre el género, subordinó a las mujeres colonizadas no blanco-burguesas en todos los aspectos de su vida. Es esta construcción engenerizada y racializada, la que llegó a ser incorporada en la primera Constitución ecuatoriana y que dio lugar a una estructura socio-política eminentemente clasista, racista y patriarcal desde los albores de la vida republicana. Desde una metodología de análisis de discurso, y en auxilio de la hermenéutica jurídica, fueron objeto de estudio los principales preceptos constitucionales referidos al Estado-nación, ciudadanía y democracia, como instituciones fundamentales de un denominado Estado Moderno. Bajo racionalidades gubernamentales discursivas de segregación, opresión y control estamentario se institucionaliza un Sistema Moderno Colonial en donde las distinciones de raza, clase y género marcarían la tónica del nuevo proyecto republicano. ; The Discovery of America undertook a new model of world power as modern, capitalistic, Euro-centered and Colonial. Within this new model, the colonial ethnocentrism, the universal racial classification, and the needs of the debuting capitalist system, defined a particular universe of intersubjective relationships of domination, exploitation and dispute between its participants. The racial invention socially reclassified the colonized populations according to their relationship with the so-called pure-blooded. New geo-cultural identities were defined: whites, mestizos, Indians and blacks. However, this classification left aside certain intersectionalities such as race, gender and class with respect to the female population. This is how the modern/colonial system through its patriarchal institutions, heterosexual and Euro-centered on gender, subordinated the colonized women who were not with white-bourgeois in every aspect of their life. This genderized and racialized construction was incorporated into the first ecuadorian Constitution and resulted in a socio-political structure mainly classist, racist and patriarchal since the dawn of republican life. From the methodology of the speech analysis in support of the legal hermeneutic, the principal constitutional provisions referred to the State-Nation, citizenship and democracy, as well as fundamental institutions of a dominated Modern State were analyzed. Under governmental discursive rationalities of segregation, oppression, and stratified control, a Modern Colonial System is institutionalized where the distinctions of race, class, and gender would set the tone of the new Republican project. ; Magister en Género, Desarrollo, Salud Sexual y Reproductiva ; Cuenca

The present work is the result of a bibliographic compilation with the purpose of knowing the historical development of simplified medicine in Venezuela. To this end, a revision of the manuals, regulations and regulations that govern this program was carried out from its beginnings to the present date, to which a historical interpretation is made, finding that Simplified Medicine is defined as the provision of integral health service to the dispersed rural population through a trained personnel belonging to the community or geographic sector object of attention. This national program was born in 1962 in the search for strategies to guarantee health in a timely manner, at low cost and of acceptable quality, aimed at the attention of individuals, families and communities of all geographic population segments. Due to the current political, social and health context that the country has experienced in 2006, the Simplified Medicine Program was revised and adapted by the Ministry of Popular Power for Health and Social Protection (MPPSPS) for the Community Primary Care Agents Project. of Health (ACAPS). Finally, the study leads to this strategy is linked to the history of Public Health and Nursing in Venezuela and responds to the ideals and postulates of Alma Ata of Primary Health Care presented in the year 1978 that is sixteen years after had consolidated this successful program in the country ; El presente artículo se escribió con la finalidad de presentar, los antecedentes históricos, técnicos y administrativos para la creación del Programa de Medicina Simplificada en Venezuela que en su debido momento y hasta la actualidad representa un programa modelo de cuidado a las familias y personas con problemas de accesibilidad a los servicios de salud de calidad. Para ello se realizó una revisión de los manuales, normativas y reglamentos que rigen este programa desde sus inicios hasta la presente fecha. La Medicina Simplificada se define como la prestación de servicio integral de salud a la población rural dispersa por intermedio de un personal entrenado perteneciente a la comunidad o sector geográfico objeto de atención. Este programa nacional nace en el año 1962 debido a la preocupación en el país por la búsqueda de estrategias para garantizar salud en forma oportuna, a bajo costo y de calidad aceptable, dirigido a la atención de las personas, familias y las comunidades de todos los segmentos geográficos poblacionales, con el objeto de mejorar la calidad de vida de todas y todos sus habitantes. Su creación podría constituirse como un antecedente importante de los postulados de Alma Ata, debido a la original idea y el momento histórico y político en Venezuela. Concluyendo finalmente que está estrategia está ligada a la historia de la Salud Pública y la Enfermería en Venezuela y responde a los ideales y postulados de Alma Ata de la Atención Primaria de Salud presentados en el año 1978 es decir dieciséis años después ya se había consolidado en el país, la medicina simplificada

Expansion of the US natural gas resource base offers considerable potential to further develop both LNG and pipeline exports, and contributes to higher economic growth. Providing a long-term and cost-effective value chain is an ongoing challenge. Nevertheless, new markets are emerging. Traditional Asian LNG-consuming countries such as Republic of Korea and Taipei,China, and countries in Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Philippines, amongst others) and South Asia (India, Bangladesh, Pakistan), as well as China, offer new markets or expansions to existing markets for natural gas. Natural gas is a fuel that can improve air quality, and reduce emissions of carbon dioxide and long-term climate risks. China, which has been a modest importer of LNG, has begun to accelerate its purchases. Yet investment in new LNG export facilities stalled from 2015 to 2016. The slow pace of FID for new projects reflects growing uncertainty over long-term demand and inadequate infrastructure in importing countries. The LNG market still lacks adequate transparency in price discovery, and while improvements are underway, the market has not yet fully adapted to delivering supplies in response to short-term shifts in demand. Financing constraints remain, so projects on their way to FID, both on the supply and demand side, face inadequate infrastructure and ongoing political risks. Governmental policies will play a critical role in the development of Asian LNG markets by reducing investment risks in new LNG infrastructure in many emerging Asian countries. Financial support and export assistance measures will also play an important role in Asia, particularly for countries that present high credit risks. Technical support would also help Asian countries that have little experience in the LNG business as they embark on LNG imports. This joint research effort recognises that world LNG markets are heading toward more liquidity and transparency, but they have yet to mimic, and may never fully replicate, the open and extensive trading patterns prevalent in the global oil market. Asian natural gas markets are undergoing an important transition, much of which is supported by prospects of growing LNG exports from the US. For the Asian LNG market to flourish, new supplies and demand centres need to grow and the full range of market participants from sellers and traders to final users such as power utilities need to have confidence that price discovery reflects fundamentals of supply and demand. In this regard, the Institute of Energy Economics, Japan (IEEJ), and the Energy Policy Research Foundation, Inc. (EPRINC) have continued their assessment of the role of destination restrictions as an impediment to arbitrage in the Asian LNG market, one of several market conditions that inhibit sustainable LNG demand in Asia. The US petroleum renaissance has been driven by technological advances that provide access to previously unrecoverable resources. These gas resources will be essential to meet long-term and rising world LNG demand, which, for the Asia-Pacific region alone, is expected to grow rapidly through 2040. This joint IEEJ–EPRINC paper presents our latest assessment of trends in the broader Asia-Pacific market, with a series of recommendations to meet the inevitable rise in LNG demand and accompanying uncertainties faced by both sellers and buyers.

Toplumsal değişimi çatışmaya iten şey nedir? Bu muhtemelen devlet içi çatışmaları neyin beslediğinin ele alınmasında ana zorluktur. Neden bazı gruplar bazı etnosentrik ihtiyaçların peşinde koşarken ayrılıkçı bir kimlik ve politika iddia ediyorlar? Tarih boyunca, etnik çatışmalar uzun zamandan beri uluslararası politikanın bir bileşeni olmuştur. Bugün bile, etnik savaşlar dünyadaki en yaygın silahlı çatışmalar biçimi olmaya devam ediyor. Modernleşme mücadelesi, etnik grupları dayanmaya hazır olmadıkları yabancılaşmaya itiyor. Sosyo-kültürel ve politik bağlara, değerlere, yönelimlere, kurumlara ve hiyerarşik sosyal düzene meydan okumalar, bu etnik grupların seçkinleri tarafından kimliğe tehdit olarak algılanmaktadır. Dahası, modernleşmenin yarattığı yoğun ve kapsamlı rekabet, sosyal hayal kırıklığı, toplumsal çatışma ve şiddete yol açan öfke yaratmaktadır. Arka planda, İbn Haldun'un "Asabiyyah (birliktelik)" kuramı, bu etnik grupların toplumsal köleliğini anlamada hayati bir rol oynamaktadır. Bu karmaşık terimin hem grubun birleştirici gücünü, hem de kendi özgünlüğüne ve ortak özlemlerine sahip olduğu bilincini kaçınılmaz bir şekilde güç arayışı uyandıran gerginlikleri kapsadığını açıklamaktadır. Buna göre, "Asabiyyah", sosyal grupları hegemonik steroidler üzerine yerleştiren ve bireylerin belirli bir zamanda kendilerini güçlü hissetmelerini sağlayan şeydir. Bu makale, çağdaş etnik çatışmaları ve şiddeti Ibn Khaldun'un asabiyet (birliktelik) teorisi ile keşfetmeye ve incelemeye çalışmaktadır. Herhangi bir kültürel, sosyal, politik tehdidin çatışmaya yol açtığı sonucuna varmaktadır. Karar vermede ve politika oluşturma organlarında uygun demokratik alan ve etnik grupların temsil edilmesinin etnik gerilimleri azaltacağını savunulmaktadır. ; What drives social change toward conflict? This is probably the main challenge in addressing what nurtures intra-state conflicts, and why sub-groups rebel and claim a separatist identity and politics in the pursuit of some ethnocentric needs. Throughout history, ethnic conflicts have long been a component of international politics. Even today, ethnic wars continue to be the most common form of armed conflicts around the world. The challenge of modernisation produces alienation which the ethnic groups are ill-prepared to withstand. Challenges to socio-cultural and political ties, values, orientations, institutions and hierarchical social order is often viewed or perceived by the elite of these ethnic groups as threats to identity. Moreover, the intensive and extensive competition created by modernisation generates social frustration and anger leading to social conflict and violence. In this backboard, Ibn Khaldun's theory of 'Asabiyyah (social feeling) plays a vital role understanding the social bondage of these ethnic groups. He explained how this complex term encompasses both the cohesive force of the group, the conscience that it has its own specificity and collective aspirations, and the tensions that animate it ineluctably to seek power. Accordingly, 'Asabiyyah is what puts social groups on hegemonic Steroids, and makes individuals feel powerful at a particular point in time. The paper attempts to explore and examine the contemporary ethnic conflicts and violence through Ibn Khaldun's theory of social feeling. It concludes that any cultural, social, political threat to an ethnic group leads to conflict. It advocates that providing proper democratic space and representation of ethnic groups in decision making and policy forming bodies would reduce the ethnic tensions.

In the process of studying the priority directions of regulating the state of competitive relations in our state, attention is drawn to its disproportionality. This situation is due to the fact that the overwhelming majority of business structures operate in an oligopolistic market, or in general, monopoly forms of market co-operation. At the same time, a significant volume of markets at various levels continues to be monopolized, since there has still not been created identical and transparent conditions for the functioning of absolutely all market participants. That creates a number of obstacles for the development of the state's economy and ensuring an adequate level of competitive balance. It is known that today the state's competitive policy is based on narrow-minded principles, which is insufficient for its effectiveness. As a result, the competition policy of the state in general is not investigated in the context of its macroeconomic indicators, only research of some relevant markets takes place. At present, it is important to focus attention on issues relating to world experience in combating the monopolization of power with a view to their further application on the example of Ukraine. Since, in the absence of a regulated competitive environment and without creating acceptable conditions for the coexistence of market players, its economy will not be able to function effectively. It is known that measures to implement the legislative norms of a competitive direction are the basis for the successful development of the economy of our country. Antitrust activities, including antitrust legal regulation, are a prerequisite for ensuring transparent competitive principles of coexistence of business entities. Consequently, as a result of the study of priority directions of regulation by the state of competitive relations, both in our state and in the leading countries of the world, we can sum up the following: in most countries, ensuring transparent competitive conditions of market co-operation is at a special level of control; in some states, antitrust control and its implementation is carried out by the relevant antimonopoly body (institution) under public administration. From this, we believe that domestic antimonopoly legislation needs transformation processes, and the study of the world's leading countries should contribute to this. ; Відомо, що на сьогодні конкурентна політика держави базується на вузькозмістовних принципах, що є недостатнім для її результативності. Як слідство, взагалі не досліджено конкурентну політику держави в розрізі її макроекономічних показників, має місце лише дослідження окремих релевантних ринків. Актуальним є приділення уваги питанням, що стосуються світового досвіду щодо боротьби з явищем монополізації влади з метою їх подальшого застосування на прикладі України. Оскільки за відсутності регульованого конкурентного середовища та без створення прийнятних умов для співіснування суб'єктів ринку її економіка не зможе ефективно функціонувати. В результаті проведеного авторами дослідження пріоритетних напрямів забезпечення державних регуляторних процесів відносно конкурентних відносин як в нашій державі так і в провідних країнах світу дозволило дійти висновку, що в більшості країн, забезпечення прозорих конкурентних умов ринкового співфункціонування знаходиться на особливому рівні контролю; в окремих державах антимонопольний контроль та його реалізацію здійснює відповідна установа антимонопольного регулювання

Die Dissertationsschrift befasst sich mit den Auswirkungen von Stressfaktoren, die durch sozialen, politischen und kulturellen Wandel in Form langsamer, gradueller Störungen als auch kurzfristiger Schocks in belasteten Stadträumen entstehen. Als Fallbeispiel dienen die Großwohnsiedlungen des Berliner Stadtbezirks Marzahn-Hellersdorf. Sie werden seit Jahren mit sich verschärfender Armut und zunehmender Segregation in Verbindung gebracht sowie mit rupturartig auftretenden Tumulten im Zuge der Ansiedlung von Menschen mit Fluchtgeschichte. Um an die jeweiligen Bedrohungslagen anzuschließen und die dabei entstehenden Dynamiken über die Zeit zu erforschen, wird mit den Regimen urbaner Resilienz ein neues analytisches Konzept erarbeitet. Dieses stellt eine strukturierende Perspektive auf die sozialräumlichen Prozesse und Kräfteverhältnisse in belasteten Stadtraumsystemen dar und gibt Einblick in die dort herrschenden Vulnerabilitäts- und Resilienzkonstruktionen. Unter Entwicklung und Anwendung dieser Perspektive fragt die Arbeit nach den relevanten Themenfeldern, die im Bezirk vor dem Hintergrund sozialräumlichen Wandels auftreten; welche Regime urbaner Resilienz sich konstituieren; sowie nach ihrer Struktur und Wechselwirkung im Kontext der jeweiligen Stressfaktoren. Das multi-methodale Forschungsvorgehen im Rahmen der Grounded Theory besteht aus der quantitativen, lexikometrischen Diskursanalyse eines Zeitungskorpus zu Marzahn-Hellersdorf, dessen qualitativer Durchdringung in ausgewählten Zeiträumen sowie dem Einbezug auto- und paraethnographischer Wissenselemente der Autorin. Die Analyse zeigt, dass Regime der Benachteiligung, Fremdenfeindlichkeit, Spaltung, Handlungsmacht, aber auch Innovation und Solidarität im Diskurs besonders heraustreten. Vor dem Hintergrund der jeweiligen Störeinflüsse unterscheiden sie sich in ihrer Dominanz, inneren Struktur und Wechselwirkung untereinander. Die Beziehungen zwischen den Regimen geben Hinweise darauf, welche Interessenslagen, Konflikte, Macht- und Deutungsverhältnisse sich unter Einfluss sozialräumlicher Krisen entwickeln und transformieren. Umgekehrt lassen die Regime Rückschlüsse auf die Art der vor Ort wirkenden Störeinflüsse zu. Sie können so erheblich zu einem erweiterten Verständnis von Stadtentwicklungsprozessen in Krisensituationen beitragen. ; The dissertation deals with the effects of slow, gradual long-burn disorders and rapid short-term shocks in disadvantaged urban districts during times of social, political and cultural change. The case study focuses on the high-rise settlements of Berlin's city district Marzahn-Hellersdorf. For years, they have been associated with worsening poverty and increasing segregation, as well as with rupture-like tumults in the course of the settlement of refugees. To address the particular threats to living conditions and to explore the upcoming dynamics over time, the Regimes of Urban Resilience are developed as a new analytical concept to frame the research process. The concept is meant to serve as a structuring perspective to socio-spatial processes in underprivileged urban districts by revealing insights into its predominant contructions of vulnerability and resilience. Following and applying this new perspective, the dissertation explores the distinct issues arising in the district over time. Furthermore, it aims to identify the predominant Regimes of Urban Resilience and to analyse the regime's structures and relational patterns against the background of long-burn disruptions and short-term shocks. The multi-methodological research design includes: a quantitative, lexicometric discourse analysis of newspaper articles dealing with Marzahn-Hellersdorf; a qualitative, theory-led coding procedure of the newspaper corpus in selected periods; the author's auto- and para-ethnographic knowledge in the research and evaluation processes. The analysis shows that regimes of disadvantage, xenophobia, division, agency, but also innovation and solidarity are particularly prominent in the discourse. Against the background of the respective disruptive influences, they differ in their dominance, internal structure and interaction with each other. The regimes' interactions indicate which interests, conflicts, power relations and scopes of interpretation develop and transform under the influence of socio-spatial crises. Conversely, the regimes allow conclusions to be drawn about the type of disruptive influences acting on site. Therefore, they can contribute significantly to a broader understanding of urban development processes in crisis situations.

When Does Regression Discontinuity Design Work? Evidence from Random Election Outcomes We use elections data in which a large number of ties in vote counts between candidates are resolved via a lottery to study the personal incumbency advantage. We benchmark non-experimental regression discontinuity design (RDD) estimates against the estimate produced by this experiment that suggests that there is no personal incumbency advantage. In contrast, conventional local polynomial RDD estimates suggest a moderate and statistically significant effect. Bias-corrected RDD estimates that apply robust inference are, however, in line with the experimental estimate. Rank Effects in Political Promotions We study the effect of candidates' personal vote ranks on promotions to political power in an open-list proportional representation system. Using a regression discontinuity design and data from Finnish local elections, we find that ranking first within a party enhances a politician's chances of getting promoted to the position of municipal board chair. Our evidence suggests that the mechanism behind the rank effects is primarily unrelated to electoral incentives, but is rather related to party-specific norms or political culture. Victorian Voting: The Origins of Party Orientation and Class Alignment Using individual elector level panel data from nineteenth-century United Kingdom poll books, we reassess the development of a party-centered electorate. We show that (i) the electorate was party-centered by the time of the extension of the franchise in 1867; (ii) a decline in candidate-centered voting is largely attributable to changes in the behavior of the working class; and (iii) the enfranchised working class aligned with the Liberal left. Our findings can plausibly explain the subsequent development of the party system. Class, Social Mobility, and Voting: Evidence from Historical Voting Records We examine the mechanisms of class-based voting by evaluating the effects of social mobility on voting behavior in the nineteenth-century England. While we do not find any strong evidence of a cleavage along the working and middle class divide, we find that he landed gentry, farm workers, non-skilled workers and white-collar workers voted on average more for the Conservatives, and petty bourgeoisie and skilled workers for the Liberals. The changes in voting behavior due to social mobility are immediate and mainly consistent with the same cleavage. Public Employees as Politicians: Evidence from Close Elections We analyze the effect of municipal employees' political representation in municipal councils on local public spending. One more councilor employed by the public sector increases spending by about 1%. The effect largely comes through the largest party and is specific to the employment sector of the municipal employee. Politician Quality, Ideology, and Fiscal Policy Using local councils in Finland as a test bed, I show that (i) electing more high-income, incumbent, and competent politicians improves fiscal sustainability outcomes but does not decrease the size of the public sector, and (ii) symmetrically, electing more university-educated local councilors leads to an increase in public spending without any adverse effects on fiscal sustainability. Survey data reveal that the qualities are differentially associated with economic ideology, and these correlations tally with the policy effects.

Patriarch Ephrem, monk and hermit, writer and saint, Bulgarian-born but twice the leader of the Serbian Church (1375-78 and 1389-92), is an outstanding figure of the late medieval Balkans. His "life and works" are discussed here in the light of hagiological texts and the information provided by various types of sources with the view to drawing some historically relevant conclusions. The main source of information about Ephrem's life and activity are the eulogies, Life and service composed by bishop Mark, his disciple and loyal follower for twenty-three years. Making use of hagiographical topica combined with plentiful data of undoubted documentary value, he relates the story of Ephrem's life through all of its major stages: from his birth and youth to his withdrawal from the world and taking of a monk's habit. Of formative influence were his years on the Holy Mount Athos, where he experienced different styles of monastic life, coenobitic, as well as solitary, which he practiced in the well-known hermitages in the heights of Athos. The further course of Ephrem's life was decided by the turbulent developments in the Balkans brought about by the Ottoman conquests. In that sense, his biography, full of forced and voluntary resettlements, is a true expression of the spirit of the times. Forced to flee Mount Athos, Ephrem made a short stay in Bulgaria and then, about 1347, came to Serbia, where he spent the rest of his life. An eminent representative of the monastic elite and under the aegis of the Serbian patriarch, he spent ten years in a hesychastria of the Monastery of Decani. For reasons of security, he then moved to a cave hermitage founded specially for him in the vicinity of the Patriarchate of Pec. It was in that cell, where he lived for twenty years powerfully influencing the monastic environment, that his literary work profoundly marked by hesychast thought and eschatology, was created. Ephrem twice accepted the office of patriarch in the extremely complex, even dramatic, political and social circumstances created by the conflict between the patriarchates of Serbia and Constantinople, on the one hand, and rivalries between local lords, on the other. There is a difference of interpretation as to his role as the holder of patriarchal office. The latest findings appear to suggest that Ephrem, as an exponent of Mount Athos, loyal to the Patriarchate of Constantinople and close to Vuk Brankovic, was unacceptable to the Lazarević dynasty who emerged victorious in the power straggles in Serbia. Their victory was crowned with the creation of the cult of the holy prince Lazar, a Kosovo martyr. Although a supporter of the defeated side, patriarch Ephrem, as an unquestionable spiritual authority and very deserving personage, was included among the saints shortly after his death. His cult, however, had never been made complete. He was given a Life and service, but the attempted elevation of his body, i.e. creation of the cult of his relics, was thwarted. The reasons, political in nature, were given in the form of a coded hagiographical message in his Life composed by bishop Mark, an active protagonist in all the events.