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AbstractTo what extent do independence‐seeking political parties across Europe appeal to the European Union (EU)? What accounts for differences in these parties' communication levels? In accordance with the literature, we expect that such parties would bypass their host states and seek support from the EU for their nationalist causes, while the EU itself also offers institutional opportunities further enabling parties to solicit assistance, even if it does not always deliver what these parties want. To explore this argument, we conduct an online search for documents and other texts in which secessionist political parties directly and indirectly appeal to the EU and analyze them with social network tools. The resultant network is characterized by multiple parties communicating to the EU but to different degrees. We also find that moderate political ideology on the left–right spectrum, constituent support, and competition in the secessionist movement positively and significantly correlate with higher intensity of online communication.

The link between political Europe and Europeans is a question. Whether formulated in terms of identity, electoral participation, opinion or public space, debates always question the legitimacy of the EU. Not the legal or constitutional legitimacy which refers to the principles of democratic theory, even though that debate existed, but rather political legitimacy. That conferred by popular support and which sits in the ballot boxes and opinion polls. According to a widely accepted chronology, the problem of the political legitimacy of the EU would have emerged as such at the beginning of the 1990s. This article is intended to show that if there is a "problem", it goes back to the origins of European integration and is not unrelated to the political tensions in the Community. ; Le lien entre l'Europe politique et les Européens fait question. Qu'ils soient formulés en termes d'identité, de participation électorale, d'opinion ou d'espace publics, les débats interrogent toujours la légitimité de l'UE. Non pas la légitimité juridique ou constitutionnelle qui réfère aux principes de la théorie démocratique, encore que ce débat-là ait existé , mais bien plutôt la légitimité politique. Celle conférée par le soutien populaire et qui s'éprouve dans les urnes et les sondages d'opinion. Selon une chronologie largement admise, le problème de la légitimité politique de l'UE se serait constitué comme tel au début de la décennie 1990. Cet article entend montrer que si il y a "problème", celui-ci, d'une part, remonte aux origines de la construction européenne et, d'autre part, n'est pas sans lien avec les tensions politiques qui traversent les milieux communautaires.

Krise der Europäischen Union Mehrere Ursachen führen zur Krise der Europäischen Union (EU). In der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion wird auch von der Poly-Krise der EU gesprochen. Die Krisen umfassen folgende Themen: Euro-Krise, Flüchtlingskrise, EU-kritische Parteien und Populisten, Brexit, Inhaltliche Spaltung der EU (Europäische Union der verschiedenen Geschwindigkeiten, Kerneuropa), Separatismus in der EU und Abspaltungen von Nationalstaaten als eigenständige Nationen und mögliche weitere Austritte von Mitgliedstaaten bis hin zur Auflösung der EU. Bedeutung: Die multiplen Krisen der Europäischen Union haben sich zu einer Situation verdichtet, in der der Status Quo der europäischen Integration und sogar der Fortbestand der EU zunehmend hinterfragt werden. Mit der gemeinsamen Währung Euro im Euroraum und den offenen Grenzen im Schengenraum sind zwei Kernprojekte gefährdet, die wie keine anderen für das Zusammenwachsen der EU stehen. Die Krise der Eurozone hatte sich im Jahr 2015 so weit zugespitzt, dass erstmalig der Austritt eines Mitgliedstaats aus der Eurozone drohte (Grexit) – und gerade noch abgewendet werden konnte. Dies ändert nichts an der Tatsache, dass der gemeinsame Währungsraum ein halbfertiges Integrationsprojekt ist, über dessen grundlegende Weiterentwicklung die Euro-Staaten tief gespalten sind. Der massive Zustrom von Flüchtlingen in die EU im Jahr 2015 hat die Defizite des Schengenraums und der gemeinsamen Asylpolitik offengelegt. Im Juni 2016 stimmte das britische Volk mehrheitlich für den Austritt aus der EU (Brexit). Rechtspopulisten und Nationalisten fordern den Austritt ihrer Nationalstaaten aus der EU in Deutschland (Dexit), Belgien (Belexit), Bulgarien (Bulexit), Dänemark (Danexit), Estland (Estexit), Finnland (Fixit), Frankreich (Frexit), Irland (Irexit), den Niederlanden (Nexit), Polen (Polexit), Portugal (Pexit), Schweden (Swexit), Spanien (Spexit), Tschechien (Czexit) und Österreich (Öxit) (EU-kritische Parteien und Populisten). Hinsichtlich der Schuldenkrise und Währungskrise steht ...

Abstract
This paper investigates the relationship between number of police officers per inhabitant and trust in the police in the EU. By compiling data sources from the Eurobarometer, the Eurostat and the Corruption Perception Index, we test whether the number of police officers per inhabitant is a robust predictor of trust in the police on the country level. While there is a strong negative correlation between the two variables that justifies stating that the police are trusted most in countries where the number of police is minimal, controlling for relevant covariates reveals that the correlation is technically spurious. In line with distributive justice theory, perceptions of corruption in the respective countries explain most of the variation in trust in the police, which completely levels the influence of number of police officers per inhabitant. Implications for research and policy are discussed at the end of the paper.

Im vorliegenden Beitrag legt der Autor eine vergleichende Studie des Institutionensystems der FuT-Politik der sozialistischen Länder Mittel- und Osteuropas aus der Perspektive des Managements vor. Von einem systemtheoretisch orientierten Ansatz her entwickelt er ein Modell des Managements der staatlichen Forschungs- und Technologiepolitik, welches einerseits von den spezifischen nationalen Umständen abstrahiert, andererseits jedoch konkret genug ist, um forschungspolitische Prozesse steuern zu können. (pmb)

This article examines the role of the European Union (EU) and United States as actors in international disaster relief. We take the analysis of 'actorness' one step further than normal by assessing the extent to which different aspects of EU and US actorness led to effectiveness in actual outcomes. In doing so, we make two contributions. First, we provide a rare comparison between EU and US foreign policy actorness, shedding light on the actor capability of each bloc in the area of international disaster relief. Second, we specify the relationship between actorness and effectiveness, a relationship which is too often assumed rather than explored. Using previous research of EU and US actorness as a starting point, we link four aspects of actorness to effectiveness and assess the resulting hypotheses using the case of the 2010 Haiti earthquake. We find support for our proposed links between actorness and effectiveness, although further research is needed before robust conclusions can be drawn.

This essay introduces the seven articles in the symposium. Placing this special issue within the purview of the new field of Feminist Comparative Policy, the analysis shows how the symposium contributes to comparative theories of feminist policy formation in Western postindustrial democracies. It then defines the three subareas of feminist policy covered in the rest of the volume -- political representation, equal employment, & reconciliation -- explains why the German & French cases were selected for comparative analysis, discusses the importance of the ongoing process of Europeanization for feminist policy in the two countries, & finishes with a presentation of the outline for the seven articles. 100 References. Adapted from the source document.

A growing literature investigates how firms' innovation input reacts to changes in the business cycle. However, so far there is no evidence whether there is cyclicality in the effects of innovation on firm performance as well. In this paper, we investigate the employment effects of innovations over the business cycle. Our analysis employs a large data set of manufacturing firms from 26 European countries over the period from 1998 to 2010. Using the structural model of Harrison et al. (2014), our empirical analysis reveals four important findings: First, the net effect of product innovation on employment growth is pro-cyclical. It turns out to be positive in all business cycle phases except for the recession. Second, product innovators are more resilient to recessions than non-product innovators. Even during recessions they are able to substitute demand losses from old products by demand gains of new products to a substantial degree. As a result their net employment losses are significantly lower in recessions than those of non-product innovators. Third, we only find resilience for SMEs but not for large firms. Fourth, process and organizational innovations displace labor primarily during upturn and downturn periods.