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Discusses concern of governments with regard to regulation of content of the Internet to protect privacy rights of those who access it and to prevent dissemination of illegal or harmful material; includes policies of the European Union and the government of Singapore; 4 articles.

Presents differing views as to whether published figures show that Switzerland is a welfare state on the Western European model, with public sector financing of about 50% of the Gross National Product (GNP), or a welfare society, consuming about 35% GNP; some question as to whether the distinction is a useful one; 3 research notes.

Studies conditions in which six attempts were made to change legislation in the field of social welfare in the 1990s, four of which were successful; Switzerland. Summaries in German and English. Measures adopted with regard to the women's retirement age, period of indemnization under unemployment insurance, and compensatory time off for work performed at night.

The Constitutional Code was the last major work published by Bentham, two years before his death. It is the only published part of the Pannomion, the complete code of laws that Bentham wanted to offer to "all nations professing liberal opinions". It is devoted to a description of the institutions and powers of government. A closer study of the CC shows how the themes of law and progress are integrated within a concrete plan for a legal reform of political institutions. In a first part, the article examines how the plan of a universal code of laws was consistent with the ideas of the Enlightenment philosophers with whom Bentham liked to be associated. For Bentham, codification is the way to reform and progress. It must be noted though that the code is not utopian: reform and progress are possible in the present times. The second part shows how progress is a central value at work within the code itself: the code is not a fixed set of laws, it is mobile and its flexibility is ensured by legal dispositions. Finally, the article argues that the idea of progress cannot be accounted for in legal terms only: the code rests mainly on psychological principles. The main principle at work is that of interest: on the political field, particular - or sinister - interest goes against the interest of all, in a dynamic process. Fighting corruption is not a legal process, but a social and political one, which allows the progress of mankind. ; Le Code Constitutionnel, publié en 1830, illustre l'importance des thèmes conjoints de la loi et du progrès chez Bentham et met en lumière l'originalité des propositions de l'auteur en matière de réforme politique. L'écriture du Code est pour Bentham un moyen de guider la société vers le progrès, à partir d'une réforme juridique des institutions politiques. Le projet de réforme constitutionnelle naît progressivement. L'auteur est sollicité par les appels directs des réformateurs libéraux de divers pays d'Europe ou d'Amérique Latine. Cette inscription directe dans l'actualité politique ...

This article seeks to elucidate whether the political generation of young anti-Franco activists -which would become strategic due to its influence on the political change that took place during the Spanish Transition to Democracy period- was also strategic in the 15-M movement. To this end, qualitative research has been carried out in Cantabria, using the methods of thematic life history and documentary analysis. The data obtained from the sample selected has demonstrated their participation in the 15M movement, although not with the relevance of a strategic generation.This result could be explained by the life clycle effect or by the existence of different ways of experiencing activism by two generations (that of the young Transition period activists and that of the young 15M activists), which become politically socialised in two very distinct contexts, with the first being in dictatorship and the second one in democracy. ; Este artículo pretende dilucidar si la generación política de jóvenes activistas antifranquistas -que se convirtió en generación estratégica por su incidencia en el cambio político durante la Transición – fue también una generación estratégica en el 15M. Para ello se ha realizado una investigación cualitativa en Cantabria, utilizando las técnicas de la historia de vida temática y el análisis documental. Los datos obtenidos de la muestra seleccionada han evidenciado su participación en el movimiento 15M, aunque no con la relevancia de una generación estratégica. Este resultado podría explicarse por los efectos del propio ciclo vital o por la por existencia de diferentes formas de experimentar el activismo de dos generaciones (la de jóvenes activistas de la Transición y la de jóvenes activistas del 15M) cuyos procesos de socialización política juvenil han transcurrido en contextos muy dispares (la primera en dictadura y la segunda en democracia).

Recent events have multiplied concerns about potential fragmentation of the internet into a multitude of non-interoperable and disconnected 'splinternets'. Composed of thousands of compatible autonomous systems, the internet is by definition technically divided. Yet, the internet was also designed to be an open and global technical infrastructure. The unity and openness of the internet appear to be under great pressure from political, commercial and technological developments. This report explores the implications of the EU's recent policies in this field as well as the opportunities and challenges for EU Member States and institutions in addressing internet fragmentation. It underlines how recent EU legislative proposals – on the digital services act, digital markets act, artificial intelligence act, and NIS 2 Directive – could help to address patterns of fragmentation, but also have limitations and potentially unintended consequences. Four possible strategies emerge: stay with the status quo, embrace fragmentation, resist patterns of divergence, or frame discussions as a matter of fundamental rights.

Recent events have multiplied concerns about potential fragmentation of the internet into a multitude of non-interoperable and disconnected 'splinternets'. Composed of thousands of compatible autonomous systems, the internet is by definition technically divided. Yet, the internet was also designed to be an open and global technical infrastructure. The unity and openness of the internet appear to be under great pressure from political, commercial and technological developments. This report explores the implications of the EU's recent policies in this field as well as the opportunities and challenges for EU Member States and institutions in addressing internet fragmentation. It underlines how recent EU legislative proposals – on the digital services act, digital markets act, artificial intelligence act, and NIS 2 Directive – could help to address patterns of fragmentation, but also have limitations and potentially unintended consequences. Four possible strategies emerge: stay with the status quo, embrace fragmentation, resist patterns of divergence, or frame discussions as a matter of fundamental rights.

Demokratie zeichnet sich durch Nichtdefinitivität aus. In der politischen Realität fallen jedoch nicht selten Entscheidungen mit mindestens faktisch irreversiblen Konsequenzen. Unter Rückgriff auf die Pragmatisten Charles Sanders Peirce und John Dewey werden die demokratietheoretischen Implikationen untersucht. Insbesondere wird das Verhältnis von Rationalität, Demokratie und Reversibilität beleuchtet:Sind Entscheidungen, deren Konsequenzen reversibel sind, rationaler und mit einem höheren Grad an demokratischer Qualität ausgestattet? Es wird abschließend der Versuch unternommen, die gewonnenen Erkenntnisse zu Grundzügen einer politischen Theorie der Reversibilität zusammenzufügen. Auch werden Betrachtungen zur Übertragung auf die politische Praxis angestellt.

This essay closely examines the highly contested but widely employed historiographical category 'absolutism'. Why are scholars so divided on whether it is even legitimate to use the term and, if they agree to do so, why are they still much at odds in explaining what it is? What are the main historiographical currents in the study of absolutism? Is it the same thing to speak of absolutism in regard to the practices of early modern European monarchies and with reference to the political ideas of so-called absolutist theorists? By addressing these questions through the methodology of intellectual history, this essay provides a comprehensive account of debates on absolutism and, at the same time, suggests that further work needs to be carried out on its theoretical aspects. In this respect, the author will propose a series of key ideas and principles which are meant to encapsulate the core of an early modern doctrine of absolutist monarchical sovereignty. It will also be argued that, when studying political thought, the term 'absolutism' might be abandoned in favour of the plural 'absolutisms' as a better way of understanding the past, its languages, opinions, people. In so doing, a thorough analysis of what political absolutism(s) is will be set forth, and a series of more general considerations on history-writing will also be advanced. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

The paper disputes the thesis of Jokubaitis's article "Politics Without Values," that purely political understanding of things is impossible for there are no purely political values. Therefore no decision could be based on purely political values. Razma argues that values as well as politics are not things but phenomena, which together make up a system where the former make its elements & the latter constitute the process. For analytical purposes the system can be dissembled into component parts, but the conclusions of analysis must refer to the systematic nature of the relationship between the parts. The politics as an axiological process is impossible without values, & any value can only gain acknowledgement through the process of politics. Therefore, the politics is always axiological, & common values of any society are always political. Adapted from the source document.

There is general unknown about Colombia political situation. Over the years the country simply doesn't existed for the analysts' interest. Things changed at the beginning of the 80's, the country catch the attention for the infamous cocaine cartels, war on drugs and the irregular warfare against guerrilla groups. The above created what we denominate a "failed state stigma", a distorted vision of the country prompted by the media and partialized academic analysis, even more so when the consequences of the internal conflict affected the neighborhood (refugees in the borders, drug trafficking, aerial fumigations, illegal crops).

International audience ; This article sheds light on the ideological reasons for the Republicans' refusal to take decisive action about climate change. Arguments by conservative and libertarian think tanks, which give the GOP ideas and policy proposals, are placed in the larger context of the high polarization of current US politics. A handful of dissenting voices have been trying to make themselves heard within the libertarian and conservative movements, while most Republican officials remain staunchly committed to US national sovereignty and openly hostile to the regulatory state, hence refusing adamantly any compromise on climate policy. This article highlights the ideological complexities of climate skepticism while demonstrating its place within the context of a political scene where Democrats and Republicans cooperate less and less frequently and where opportunities for obstruction abound. ; Cet article tente de mettre en lumière les ressorts idéologiques de l'hostilité du parti républicain à des politiques volontaristes en matière climatique, tout en plaçant l'argumentaire déployé par les think tanks conservateurs et libertariens qui alimentent ce parti en idées dans le contexte de la forte polarisation de la vie politique américaine. Malgré l'existence de voix dissidentes au sein des mouvements conservateur et libertarien, l'hostilité à l'égard de l'État régulateur et la volonté de préserver totalement la souveraineté nationale américaine incitent la grande majorité des élus républicains à refuser tout compromis sur la question climatique. L'article permet de saisir l'argumentaire climato-sceptique dans sa complexité et de mesurer son importance dans un contexte où les deux grands partis coopèrent de plus en plus rarement et peuvent faire usage de nombreux mécanismes d'obstruction.

International audience ; This article sheds light on the ideological reasons for the Republicans' refusal to take decisive action about climate change. Arguments by conservative and libertarian think tanks, which give the GOP ideas and policy proposals, are placed in the larger context of the high polarization of current US politics. A handful of dissenting voices have been trying to make themselves heard within the libertarian and conservative movements, while most Republican officials remain staunchly committed to US national sovereignty and openly hostile to the regulatory state, hence refusing adamantly any compromise on climate policy. This article highlights the ideological complexities of climate skepticism while demonstrating its place within the context of a political scene where Democrats and Republicans cooperate less and less frequently and where opportunities for obstruction abound. ; Cet article tente de mettre en lumière les ressorts idéologiques de l'hostilité du parti républicain à des politiques volontaristes en matière climatique, tout en plaçant l'argumentaire déployé par les think tanks conservateurs et libertariens qui alimentent ce parti en idées dans le contexte de la forte polarisation de la vie politique américaine. Malgré l'existence de voix dissidentes au sein des mouvements conservateur et libertarien, l'hostilité à l'égard de l'État régulateur et la volonté de préserver totalement la souveraineté nationale américaine incitent la grande majorité des élus républicains à refuser tout compromis sur la question climatique. L'article permet de saisir l'argumentaire climato-sceptique dans sa complexité et de mesurer son importance dans un contexte où les deux grands partis coopèrent de plus en plus rarement et peuvent faire usage de nombreux mécanismes d'obstruction.