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ABSTRACT
Scholars have suggested the importance of integrating African democratization process with grassroots institutions for longterm consolidation. However, the major problem remained the inadequacy of secularism in disentangling the religious from the non-religious intertwined in indigenous African institutions. This essay reconsiders the Burckhardtian notion of secularism for a recalibrated definition that embraces a trajectory of transposed values. Debunking the Burckhardtian notion opens up an analytic terrain relegated to the "religious." Thus indigenous African religions are re-conceptualized as civic religions to shed light on their public aspects. The essay then identifies collective ceremonies and the attendant secular/civic rituals as the grassroots institutions "housed" in indigenous African religions. The analysis also locates the disjuncture between independent African states and the grassroots institutions at this level of collective ceremonies, perceived as "sacral" or "irrational." The objective is to harness them as African building blocks for democratic consolidation.

In his later works, the economist & philosopher, Friedrich Hayek, presented an attractive theory of social evolution that emphasized tacitly accepted expectations & rules of conduct. Hayek's main interest was in exploring the weaknesses of rationalist policies, especially how they affected the market economy, which in his mind presented the greatest potential for both the exploitation of knowledge & the advancement of peace. Yet Hayek did not explicitly apply his theory to the problem of war. This paper provides an outline of his theory & argues that it relates well to understanding war's nature & origins as well as the limitations faced by attempts to control or abolish war. Adapted from the source document.

In his later works, the economist and philosopher, Friedrich Hayek, presented an attractive theory of social evolution that emphasized tacitly accepted expectations and rules of conduct. Hayek's main interest was in exploring the weaknesses of rationalist policies, especially how they affected the market economy, which in his mind presented the greatest potential for both the exploitation of knowledge and the advancement of peace. Yet Hayek did not explicitly apply his theory to the problem of war. This paper provides an outline of his theory and argues that it relates well to understanding war's nature and origins as well as the limitations faced by attempts to control or abolish war.

Wenn die Rede davon ist, dass den Kräften des Marktes zu mehr Geltung verholfen werden soll, damit diese eine effiziente Ressourcenallokation, niedrige Preise, eine hohe Angebotsvielfalt und -qualität sowie ein dynamisches Innovationsklima sichern, dann bedeutet das letztlich die Forderung nach mehr Wettbewerb. Um dabei die Wahrung legitimer politischer Ziele wie Konsumentenschutz, stabiles und stetiges Wirtschaftswachstum, soziale Ausgewogenheit etc. zu gewährleisten, kann die schnelle und vollständige Aufgabe jeglicher staatlicher Lenkung allerdings kaum eine Lösung sein. Daraus ergibt sich die Notwendigkeit von Wettbewerbsförderung, die durch entsprechende Behörden und rechtliche Rahmenbedingungen institutionalisiert werden sollte, um Kontinuität und Neutralität zu sichern und Missbrauch zu verhindern.