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Climate change has emerged as a growing threat to the European economy, whose economic losses are relevant for global growth. Rising temperatures and worsening extreme events are expected to affect climate-vulnerable sectors. Due to the economic integration within the European Union (EU), these impacts will likely have spillover effects and feedback loops to and from other regions. This study uses spatial econometrics to account for the interdependencies between the subnational EU regions to estimate the future impacts of changes in temperature on sectoral labour productivity under the Paris Agreement. The study confirms the presence of spatial spillover effects of climate change, and finds that observations at the economy-wide level of a non-linear, concave and single-peaked relationship between temperature and productivity do not always hold true at the sectoral level.

Part 1: Effects of a probable European Union membership of Turkey on lives of individuals Part 2: Referendum tendencies of individuals in Turkey on European Union membership Part 3: The relationship between the effects of a probable EU membership of Turkey on lives of individuals and referendum tendencies

The relationship between European integration and regionalist parties is still a largely unexplored area of research. In this paper, I evaluate whether regionalist parties perceive the European Union (EU) as an ally or an enemy. Using expert surveys, I assess the views of regionalist parties on European integration and I find that regionalist political parties are consistently pro-EU across time, space, and issue area. I find further support for this finding in a case study of the Scottish National Party.

The deployment of renewable energy sources (RES) is considered to be an important objective for the energy sector in the European Union (EU). The EU Directive adapted in 2009 fixed mandatory national targets for the use of renewable energy in transport as well as for the share of RES in the gross final energy consumption. Contrary to previous studies, this paper does not examine the link between the RES and economic growth but rather focuses on real gross domestic product (GDP) and the implementation of national renewable energy targets. We employ panel data models for the case of the EU-28 countries covering the period between 2007 and 2017 that yield a low and positive relationship between the impact of GDP per capita and the share of RES in the final consumption. Our results show that there is a significant causality only from real GDP per capita to the share of renewable energy in final consumption, marking the potential of developed countries to consume more RES. We list some groups of countries according to these variables using a cluster analysis approach. Starting from the proposed panel data models, we constructed the scenarios for the 2020 for various shares of RES and different EU Member States. Overall, it appears that more attention should be attributed to policy proposals in which funding opportunities would be dependent on the achievements of national targets and economic benefits should be given to countries with very good performance in achieving high shares of renewable energy in their final energy consumption.

The deployment of renewable energy sources (RES) is considered to be an important objective for the energy sector in the European Union (EU). The EU Directive adapted in 2009 fixed mandatory national targets for the use of renewable energy in transport as well as for the share of RES in the gross final energy consumption. Contrary to previous studies, this paper does not examine the link between the RES and economic growth but rather focuses on real gross domestic product (GDP) and the implementation of national renewable energy targets. We employ panel data models for the case of the EU-28 countries covering the period between 2007 and 2017 that yield a low and positive relationship between the impact of GDP per capita and the share of RES in the final consumption. Our results show that there is a significant causality only from real GDP per capita to the share of renewable energy in final consumption, marking the potential of developed countries to consume more RES. We list some groups of countries according to these variables using a cluster analysis approach. Starting from the proposed panel data models, we constructed the scenarios for the 2020 for various shares of RES and different EU Member States. Overall, it appears that more attention should be attributed to policy proposals in which funding opportunities would be dependent on the achievements of national targets and economic benefits should be given to countries with very good performance in achieving high shares of renewable energy in their final energy consumption.

The deployment of renewable energy sources (RES) is considered to be an important objective for the energy sector in the European Union (EU). The EU Directive adapted in 2009 fixed mandatory national targets for the use of renewable energy in transport as well as for the share of RES in the gross final energy consumption. Contrary to previous studies, this paper does not examine the link between the RES and economic growth but rather focuses on real gross domestic product (GDP) and the implementation of national renewable energy targets. We employ panel data models for the case of the EU-28 countries covering the period between 2007 and 2017 that yield a low and positive relationship between the impact of GDP per capita and the share of RES in the final consumption. Our results show that there is a significant causality only from real GDP per capita to the share of renewable energy in final consumption, marking the potential of developed countries to consume more RES. We list some groups of countries according to these variables using a cluster analysis approach. Starting from the proposed panel data models, we constructed the scenarios for the 2020 for various shares of RES and different EU Member States. Overall, it appears that more attention should be attributed to policy proposals in which funding opportunities would be dependent on the achievements of national targets and economic benefits should be given to countries with very good performance in achieving high shares of renewable energy in their final energy consumption.

This EU IDEA paper engages with ideational origins and normative po- litical theories of European differentiated integration. Speci cally, it exa- mines a "graduated" policy of integration backed by European-wide refe- renda in light of the work of Jürgen Habermas and Hannah Arendt – two theorists who are strong advocates of European political integration and constitutionalisation. The paper illuminates justi cations, advantages, dilemmas and problems of such differentiated integration with regard to its democratic legitimacy and normative as well as political-theoretical plausibility. While Habermas has proposed and re ned this model, Aren- dt's radically pro-European ideas can work as a cautioning corrective alerting to the risks and potentially disintegrating effects of differentia- ted solidarity and integration on the European project. While she would arguably see the democratic legitimation bene ts of a European-wide constitutional referendum as suggested by Habermas, her work also points to the risks of further fragmenting or even dismantling the EU altogether.

The provision of high‐quality reception conditions and the effective inclusion of refugees are permanent challenges in the implementation of the European asylum agenda. The EU legal framework for the reception of refugees has evolved over time through various legislative reforms, notably including those launched in 2016 and the New Pact on Migration and Asylum proposed in 2020. The European Union has also tried to reinforce its non‐binding integration policy with the adoption of the Action Plan on Integration and Inclusion 2021-2027. While this plan is intended to promote an alternative "social resilient" integration model for refugees that emulates community sponsorship in Europe, it also generates great bottom‐up expectations to provide better integration. These legislative reform proposals and their programmatic framework are theoretically intended to consolidate the European reception and integration system, but in practice have increased the dichotomous tension between utopia and dystopia. Drawing on a political interpretation of both concepts, this article critically analyses the real nature of the changes proposed in the legislative CEAS reforms and in the action plans. Both visions are useful to evaluate the desirability, viability, and achievability of these transformative changes in the future asylum system.

The awareness of the central government and other supportive agencies in Italy as to the need for research to be accomplished in music and music history in that country is determined by first stating what that support has been for such research in the 1990s, together with its accessibility to groups and/or individuals working in that field, and then reporting how such aid has been reduced in the more recent times of financial crises. In order to assess Italy's position not in isolation but more realistically by considering it within a broader geographical frame, the same investigation has been accomplished for a group of other culturally developed countries in Europe which offer sufficient areas of comparison: Spain, France, England, Germany. Sadly, Italy does not come off well. Perhaps surprisingly but still sadly this is shown not to be due to the present financial crises but to a long-standing absence of respect for the entire musical history of the country and for the need that it be known and understood thoroughly. In short, the government in Italy seems not to have been sufficiently aware of its responsibility to acknowledge and preserve its musical patrimony by adequately supporting research which aims at uncovering the country's rich past, understanding it, and thereby making it available to professional performing musicians and, through them, also to the people of Italy and the rest of the world.

The awareness of the central government and other supportive agencies in Italy as to the need for research to be accomplished in music and music history in that country is determined by first stating what that support has been for such research in the 1990s, together with its accessibility to groups and/or individuals working in that field, and then reporting how such aid has been reduced in the more recent times of financial crises. In order to assess Italy's position not in isolation but more realistically by considering it within a broader geographical frame, the same investigation has been accomplished for a group of other culturally developed countries in Europe which offer sufficient areas of comparison: Spain, France, England, Germany. Sadly, Italy does not come off well. Perhaps surprisingly but still sadly this is shown not to be due to the present financial crises but to a long-standing absence of respect for the entire musical history of the country and for the need that it be known and understood thoroughly. In short, the government in Italy seems not to have been sufficiently aware of its responsibility to acknowledge and preserve its musical patrimony by adequately supporting research which aims at uncovering the country's rich past, understanding it, and thereby making it available to professional performing musicians and, through them, also to the people of Italy and the rest of the world.

Master's Thesis ; This study aims to analyse the causes, the consequences and the instruments of response of the humanitarian crisis of migrants and refugees that started in the beginning of the last decade – 2010 – and did not end yet in 2021. This humanitarian crisis had its peak of deaths and movements in the Mediterranean Sea in 2015, and even though these numbers decreased after 2015, this issue remains a humanitarian emergency that reflects the distress of millions of migrants and refugees. The consequences of this humanitarian crisis are negative for migrants/refugees and for the hosting countries. As analysed in this study, migrants and refugees have a high probability of die during their crossing, falling victim of crimes such as migrant smuggling and human trafficking and other serious human rights violations. Migrant smuggling and human trafficking are crimes that allow the growth of organized crime networks, put migrants' lives at stake, and affect negatively the countries of destination. The origin of the humanitarian crisis of migrants and refugees lies on the massive wave of migrants coming from Africa and the Middle East into the EU during the last decade. This phenomenon is a behavioural expression of various complex problems such as climate change, wars and conflicts, corruption, human rights violations, poverty and lack of natural resources and job opportunities. By analysing the instruments of response to this crisis, such as the migration legal and non-legally binding instruments set forth by the United Nations and the European Union, we concluded that some of these instruments need a reform, for instance the notion of refugee set forth by the 1951 Refugee Convention. The fact that this Convention excludes economic migrants from the right of applying for the refugee status, distinguishing these from migrants fleeing persecution and conflicts, is a factor that contributes for the increase of irregular migration in the countries of destination. The results obtained in this study allowed me to ...

Bu çalışma, Avrupa federalistlerinin dile getirdiği görüşü savunur ve Avrupa Birliği'nin doğal bir federalist yönelime sahip olduğunu belirterek Avrupa Komisyonu başkanlık seçimlerinin güncel prosedürünü bu federalist yönelimdeki en yeni kritik kavşak olarak kabul eder. Çalışma, bu görüş doğrultusunda, Avrupa Komisyonu başkanlık seçimlerinin güncel prosedürünün Avrupa Birliği kurumları arasındaki "uluslarüstücülük, hükümetlerarasıcılık ve federalizm" eksenli güç mücadelesine etkisini analiz eder. Söz konusu analizi ve görüşü birleştiren çalışma, konu en azından Komisyon Başkanı'nın seçilmesi olduğunda, Avrupa kurumları arasındaki güç dengesindeki değişimin birincil belirleyicisinin Avrupa kurumlarının tarihsel olarak bağlı kaldığı yol olduğunu savunur. Bu görüşü savunmak için de merkezine tarihsel kurumsalcılığın varsayımlarını alır ve bu şekilde sonuca gider. ; This research supports the view shared by the European federalists that the European Union has a federalist drift by nature, and marks the recent election procedure of the President of the European Commission as the latest critical juncture in this federalist drift. In line with this view, it analyzes the impact of the recent election procedure of the President of the European Commission on the power struggle between the institutions of the European Union in the context of "supranationalism vs. intergovernmentalism vs. federalism." Combining the analysis and the view in question, the research argues that the historical path dependency of the European institutions constitutes the primary determinant of change in the European institutional power balance, at least in electing the Commission President. To defend this argument, the research positions historical institutionalist assumptions in its core, and draws a conclusion accordingly.

Gender equality is a very important topic in todays business world that involves the prevention of discrimination and different protection measures for women promotion not only in activities of human resource management such as recruitment, working conditions, training and different benefits, but also in corporate management functions, at board and top level of management. Countries take different approaches in terms of institutional support and setting quotas to increase women presence at boards and top management of the corporations.Across Europe different policies and initiatives are undertaken to increase number of women on corporate boards. In 2011 the Croatian Parliament adopted the National Policy on Gender Equality This policy aims to create a gender balance of supervisory and management board members in the public and private sectors by ensuring that the share of the women to the Act on Gender Equality, does not fall below 40%. This Policy does not appear to be properly implemented in practice. Statistical data from 2017 shows that share of women on boards of the leading Croatian companies is 17.3%, according to the CROBEX Index which measures the share of women in management positions in the most important companies on the Zagreb Stock Exchange. In 2017 share of women in corporate boards decrease comparing with 2015 and 2016 when it was above 20%. According to the latest available data from the European Commission in April 2016, women are most numerous on corporate boards in France (37.1%), Sweden (36.1%),Italy (30.0%) and Finland (29.8%). The aim of the paper is to analyse position of women on corporate boards in the Republic of Croatia and do the comparison among Croatia and other EU countries with the critical approach to the analysis of secondary data, European Union directives and national policies.