Suchergebnisse

Introduced in 2013, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has had a significant impact within Asia and across other regions. This book provides empirical case studies examining the relations between China and the states in specific regional groupings, including South-East Asia, Central Asia, South Asia, the Persian Gulf, the Horn of Africa, and Central/Eastern Europe. At the theoretical level, Buzan and Waever's work on regional security complexes is used to develop a framework for analyzing the current impact of the BRI and its potential future effects within these regions, while the case studies explore the extent to which different International Relations and International Political Economy theories explain change in these relationships as the regional security environment shifts. The contributors address questions as diverse as the domestic political and economic drivers impacting the level of BRI cooperation; the effects of cooperation with the US; as well as the historical political and economic risk considerations for China in pursuing BRI cooperation; and the motivations of regional responses to the BRI and rivalries and variations in those responses.

The desire to "reform" the administration was one of the main leitmotifs of Soviet, & now Russian politics since Perestroika, but implementation did not begin until 2000. This article first offers an analysis of the context in which the administrative reform picked up speed, underlining the convergence of expectations voiced by Russian political leaders, international organizations, entrepreneurial circles & "public opinion." It then shows how implementation of the measures decided in the 2000s led to shaping a particular administrative system that blends borrowed elements & legacies. An analysis of this hybridization process shows that, contrary to popular belief, "modern" international guidelines & local legacies, presented as cumbersome archaisms, are not necessarily at odds but complement & even reinforce one another. Our argument draws on both official documents & research conducted in Russia in this field as well as data collected during interviews with civil servants of various ranks in several regions of the Ural. Adapted from the source document.

This presentation at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 Mar 2002, which occasionally refers to, & comments on, David Criekemans's overview on the same topic delivered at the same venue, discusses the foreign policies formulated & pursued by the Flemish government since the region's autonomy in domestic & foreign affairs was expanded by the 1993 law reforming the Belgian state. After listing the strategical objectives of the Flemish foreign policy making, three areas of special interest into which initiatives were targeted in the 1990s & early 2000s are described: (1) international engagement within the European Union (EU), (2) multilateral relations pursued within international organizations, & (3) bilateral agreements promoting the region's culture, science, technology, & ecological & economic interests. Criekemans's treatment of these topics is mostly supported with new arguments & only occasionally contested with mild criticism or corrected with an alternative viewpoint. Z. Dubiel

This book examines non-traditional forms of security and expands the notion of security to include non-state actors and non-human actors. With a wide-ranging look into some of the new security threats facing state and non-state actors today, this book is designed to specifically offer new angles on tackling these threats in the Caribbean region. It explores issues relating to viruses, war and conflict, migration, geopolitics, climate change and terrorism through multi- and interdisciplinary perspectives on global (in-)securities. Each chapter clearly elucidates the connectedness of these non-traditional threats, drawing on a remarkable number of the most recent reports and scholarly works. Most importantly, there is a lack of Caribbean studies in the security themes that are studied. This book is a much needed and timely addition to intellectual thought on Caribbean security in an increasingly fragmented world. It will be of great interest to students of international security studies, human security, global politics, and international relations. Georgina Chami is Lecturer, Institute of International Relations, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and recipient of the Central America/Caribbean Fulbright Visiting Scholars Program in 2010 Jerome Teelucksingh is Senior Lecturer, in the Faculty of Humanities and Education at The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Campus, Trinidad. Marlon Anatol is Lecturer at the Open Campus, University of the West Indies, Trinidad.

The article analyzes the new role of emerging economies in international climate negotiations using as example China & India. The rejection of binding reduction goals for greenhouse gases was deemed a blockade policy by both countries. China & India can sustain their positions due to their increased weight in the multipolar world order & the inaction of leading industrial countries strengthens their negotiating position. The author discusses cooperation possibilities on a subnational level that could bypass the blockade of national governments. E. Sanchez

The crime of piracy at sea is one of the acts of violence or illegal detention, or any act of destruction committed for personal purposes by the crew of a ship or a passenger of a private ship or aircraft and aimed at the high seas, against other ships or aircraft or against persons or goods that are on board a ship or aircraft somewhere outside the jurisdiction of any country. This article aims to analyze the implementation of the universal jurisdiction of a country in tackling the crime of marine piracy in Indonesia and the preventive measures applied by the government in protecting Indonesian-flagged ships in foreign territorial waters that are prone to armed robbery. This research uses doctrinal legal research. Doctrinal legal research is research on law that is conceptualized and developed on the basis of the doctrine adhered to by the conceptor and / or the developer. Sources of legal information use primary legal materials (regulations and relevant documents) for further qualitative analysis. The approach used is statutory, conceptual, and analysis to help solve the problem formulation. Piracy is a common enemy of the international community which has tremendous consequences for international security. Regarding prosecuting perpetrators of piracy crimes, in this case international law itself has transferred its powers to all countries, namely the application of the principle of universal jurisdiction.

This article, which draws on the author's experience as a member of the Inter-American Juridical Committee of the Organization of American States, focuses on the problem of crafting an appropriate hemispheric regime for the protection of consumer rights. The subject is now a major element in the agenda of the OAS Specialized Conference on Private International Law (know also under its Spanish acronym as the CIDIP process), in part because of the increased salience of the issue in light of increasing e-commerce. The article, based on the author's presentation at a symposium at the St. Thomas School of Law in Minnesota on economic development in Latin America, argues that the problem of consumer protection in international transactions in the region needs to be re-conceptualized as a problem in international law an politics. It argues that the important welfare gains that can be achieved through a trade-based approach to consumer protection that avoids implicit subsidies for exporters and disguised discrimination or protectionism in favor of competing domestic producers needs to be coupled explicitly with a socio-political approach that takes advantage of pro-democratic and rule of law-enhancing effects of enhanced consumer protections. The article then argue that, in addition to being normatively compelling, this proposed re-conceptualization is in the foreign policy interest of the U.S. It concludes with an incremental legal strategy for developing this new agenda.

Contemporary trends toward protectionism seem not merely to represent a passing phase in the world political economy but reflect widespread resistance to deep-seated structural change. In three major sectors of the world economy characterized by surplus capacity—textiles, steel, and shipbuilding—state policies increasingly challenge liberal, market-oriented economic arrangements. The emergence of restrictive arrangements in these areas is still primarily organized nationally: multinational enterprises do not dominate economic activity. Conflict among firms over market shares is reflected, therefore, in conflict among governments. Such conflict may be temporarily resolved through market-sharing agreements, but these are inherently unstable. Increasing state involvement is likely in the long run to exacerbate the problems of capitalism and to increase conflict over international economic issues. These adverse developments will call further into question theories of international political economy that assume compatibility between a liberal, market-oriented international economic system and a state-oriented international political system.

The inherited international regimes for the ocean, outer space, and the weather-based largely on the principles of open access and free use-are inappropriate to the emerging needs in these realms for efficient and equitable allocation of resources and for conflict management. Neither a substantially greater exercise by national governments of management authority, nor a marginalist approach to increasing the authority of functionally-specific international institutions will suffice. A major commitment to expand and strengthen processes of international accountability among the users of these realms is required. Institutional targets for the mid-1980s should include a comprehensive ocean authority; an outer space projects agency; a global weather and climate organization; and an international scientific commission on global resources and ecologies. Transitional strategies, of a marginal and functionally-specific nature, however, will be required in the meantime, directed toward internationalizing information on the nonterrestrial realms, drawing the relevant actors into consultative arrangements, and limiting current unilateralist trends.

Abridged and translated papers presented at a conference, sponsored by International Affairs, Moscow, and other East European political science journals, on the major problems relating to the implementation of the Helsinki accord, as reached at a session of the Conference on security and cooperation in Europe.

This paper describes three modes of pluralist global governance. Mode One refers to the creation and proliferation of comprehensive, integrated international regimes on a variety of issues. Mode Two describes the emergence of diverse forms and sites of cross-national decision making by multiple actors, public and private as well as local, regional and global, forming governance networks and "regime complexes," including the orchestration of new forms of authority by international actors and organizations. Mode Three, which is the main focus of the paper, describes the gradual institutionalization of practices involving continual updating and revision, open participation, an agreed understanding of goals and practices, and monitoring, including peer review. We call this third mode Global Experimentalist Governance. Experimentalist Governance arises in situations of complex interdependence and pervasive uncertainty about causal relationships. Its practice is illustrated in the paper by three examples: the arrangements devised to protect dolphins from being killed by tuna fishing practices; the U.N. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities; and the Montreal Protocol on the Ozone Layer. Experimentalist Governance tends to appear on issues for which governments cannot formulate and enforce comprehensive sets of rules, but which do not involve fundamental disagreements or high politics, and in which civil society is active. The paper shows that instances of Experimentalist Governance are already evident in various global arenas and issue areas, and argues that their significance seems likely to grow.

One of the originalities of the diplomatic practice of the Maghrebian sovereigns with northern Christian States resides in the use of very different types of ambassadors. Whereas the embassies sent to other sovereigns of the world of Islam are all Moslem, eventually Jewish, one finds many Christians as ambassadors sent for missions to Iberian or Italian States. As mercenaries or merchants mostly, they have certainly a good knowledge of the international relations of the time. But they have also a very ambiguous statute within the framework of the Islamo-Christian relations in the Mediterranean. The Maghrebian sovereigns actually use, according to needs for the mission, Christian or Moslem agents, still keeping an effective control on important political decisions. ; Une des originalités de la pratique diplomatique des souverains maghrébins en direction des Etats chrétiens du nord réside dans l'envoi d'ambassadeurs de profils très variés. Alors que les ambassades envoyées à d'autres souverains du monde de l'Islam sont tous musulmans, éventuellement juifs, on trouve de nombreux chrétiens comme ambassadeurs chargés de missions auprès des puissances ibériques ou italiennes. Mercenaires ou marchands le plus souvent, ils ont certes une bonne connaissance des relations internationales de l'époque. Mais ils n'en ont pas moins un statut ambigu dans le cadre des relations islamo-chrétiennes en Méditerranée. Les souverains maghrébins utilisent en réalité, selon les besoins de la mission, des agents chrétiens et musulmans, mais tout en gardant un contrôle efficace sur les décisions prises.