Chapter 1- Introduction to Public Policy in Ghana: Conceptual and Practical Insights. Part I. Governance and Institutional Context of Public Policy -- Chapter 2- The Context and Content of Public Policy in Africa -- Chapter 3- Policy Capacity of the Legislature and Evidence-Informed Policy-making in Ghana: A Comparative Analysis Gedion -- Chapter 4 - The Executive Arm of Government and Public Policy in Ghana -- Chapter 5- It's Not Only About Value for Money: Evolution and Development of SOEs and the Making of State-Led Economic Development Policy in Ghana -- Chapter 6- Trends, Drivers, and Complexities of Policy Change: The Case of Ghana's Narcotics Policy Landscape -- Chapter 7- Ghana's Informal Automobile Repairs and Retail Sector -- Part II. Actors, Knowledge and Policy Matters -- Chapter 8- Ideas, Interests, and Institutions in Public Policy Making -- Chapter 9- Research and Knowledge in Policy Making -- Chapter 10- Think Tanks as Collective Policy Entrepreneurs and the Art of Policy Making in Ghana -- Chapter 11- Global pressures in policy making: Insights from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and Ghana's petroleum industry -- Chapter 12- The Politics of 'Physics Envy' and the Coloniality of Policy Making -- Part III. New Media, Public Opinion and Policy Publics -- Chapter 13- Public Policy Making in the Age of New Media Wilberforce -- Chapter 14- Political Delivery Marketing in Ghana -- Chapter 15- Public opinion and the policy making process in Ghana's Fourth Republic -- Chapter 16- An Analysis of Public Participation in Policy Making Processes. .
Access options:
The following links lead to the full text from the respective local libraries:
The Italian Green Party took part in center-Left governments from 1996 to 2001. In this period, their ministerial posts changed, as did the strategies for action in the coalition. Green influence upon state policies increased, above all in the field of environmental protection. However, participation in the government did not broaden the Greens electoral support, which reached minimum levels in 1999. Owing to the fragile nature of the political & organizational basis of the Green Federation, division & political divergences arose within the party. As a result, during the last five years, the Federation has seen various moments of crisis that have led the Greens to change their leadership & to implement major transformations in their organization & lines of policy. After their defeat in the 1999 European elections, a radical re-foundation of the party was carried out in 2000. 6 Tables, 8 References. Adapted from the source document.
ENVIRONMENTAL INEQUALITY IS AN OUTCOME OF SOCIAL INEQUALITY. THIS ARTICLE DEALS WITH THE PROCESSES OF LOCATION OF ENVIRONMENTALLY HAZARDOUS ACTIVITIES. THESE PROCESSES ILLUSTRATE THE 'PERIPHERALISATION' OF CERTAIN, ALREADY BACKWARD, REGIONS. THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THESE PERIPHERIES AND THEIR RELATION TO THE CORE AREAS OF THE STATE SEEM TO REPRODUCE THE PATTERN OF SOCIAL, SPATIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL INEQUALITY. EVIDENCE FROM CASE STUDIES OF THE LOCATION OF BRICKMAKING AND NUCLEAR WASTE IN THE UK AND OF THE LOCATION OF HAZARDOUS INDUSTRY IN BELGIUM CAN BE USED TO IDENTIFY THE PROCESS OF PERIPHERALISATION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. SOME POLITICAL ISSUES. INCLUDING MECHANISMS OF CENTRALIZATION AND MEASURES OF COMPENSATION THAT EMERGE FROM THESE FINDINGS ARE OF CONSIDERABLE ANALYTICAL IMPORTANCE.
"This book explores the existential redistributions that extractivist frontiers create, going beyond existing studies by bringing into the English-language discussion much of the wisdom from Latin American rural and forest communities' understandings of extractivist phenomena, and the destruction and changes in lives and lived environments they create. The author explores the many different types of extractivism, ranging from agro-extractivist monocultures to mineral extraction, and analyzes the differences between them. The existential transformations of Brazil's Amazon and Cerrado regions, previously inhabited by Indigenous people but now being deforested by colonizers who expand soybean plantations, are analyzed in detail. The author also compares extractivisms with the local and broader existential changes through global production networks and their shifts, produced by monoculture plantation-based extractivist operations. Anchored in the author's own ethnographic data and comparison of lessons across multiple extractivist frontiers, the chapters integrate the many accounts of violence, and onto-epistemic and moral changes in extractivist enclaves, looking at these with the help of political ontology. The book offers details on how to characterize and compare different types and degrees of extractivisms and anti-extractivisms. This transdisciplinary book provides new organizing concepts and theoretical frameworks for starting to analyze the unfolding natural resource politics of the post-coronavirus era, the advancing climate emergency, and the ever more chaotic multi-polar world. It will be of interest to students and scholars in the fields of international development, global value chains, political economy, Latin American Studies, political ecology, and international trade, as well as anyone engaged with the practical and political issues related to globalization"--
This study aimed to analyze the portrait, shape, and strengthening of the voting behavior of villagers and the political education of young and old villagers in the election of village heads. This study used a case study qualitative approach with observation, interviews, and documentation as data collection techniques. The results showed that the portrait of villager voting behavior in the village head election was seen through the use of voting rights, material and physical support, and participation in village deliberations. The form of the voting behavior of villagers in the village head election is included in the categories of novice voters, sawing voters, floating masses, and permanent voters. Strengthening the voting behavior of villagers in the election of village heads was carried out through socialization carried out by village officials, contestants, volunteers, churches, and the committee of the voting group. The political education of young villagers in the election of village heads was obtained from various online media, while the older group received political education from print media.
This article analyzes the political object as a product of social interaction and its relationship with the actions of political subjects in the public sphere. It is the result of the theoretical foundation present in the qualitative study called "Political conception and youth participation in the municipality of Girardota, Antioquia". The first part addresses the principles of symbolic interactionism from the perspective of Blumer and Mead, to determine the conception of the object and its significance. The second part is a dissertation based on Schütz on the issue of meaning, its construction in the interaction and its interpretation in this one. Finally, by the hand of Arendt, we seek to establish a relationship between the political as an object with socially constructed meanings and the way in which the subjects appropriate those meanings for political participation in the public sphere. Thereby, it can be determined that the politicalactions of the subjects are the praxis of meanings internalized in them by means of a natural process of interaction. Now converted into an engine of action, those meanings configure a position as a political subject in the individual. When dealing with politics from the perspectives outlined in the article, apart from considering a transdisciplinarity in the apprehension of the object under investigation that could mark a possible course of action, the intersubjective nature of political relations is highlighted. In doing so, in political terms, the individual's world and everyday life make sense. ; Este artículo analiza el objeto político como producto de la interacción social y su relación con el accionar de sujetos políticos en la esfera pública. Es el resultado de la fundamentación teórica de la investigación denominada "Concepción política y participación juvenil en el municipio de Girardota Antioquia", cuyo enfoque metodológico es de carácter cualitativo. En una primera parte, se exponen los principios del interaccionismo simbólico desde la perspectiva de Blumer y Mead, para determinar la concepción del objeto y su significatividad. En una segunda parte se hace una disertación de la mano de Schütz sobre el asunto del significado, su construcción en la interacción y su interpretación en la misma. Finalmente, de la mano de Arendt, se busca establecer una relación entre lo político como objeto con significado construido socialmente y la manera como los sujetos se apropian de estos significados para la participación política en la esfera pública. Con ello se determina que el accionar político de los sujetos, es la praxis de significados que han sido interiorizados mediante un proceso natural de interacción que, convertidos en motor de acción, configuran en el individuo una postura como sujeto político. Al tratar lo político desde las perspectivas planteadas en el artículo, aparte de considerar una transdisciplinariedad en la aprehensión del objeto investigado que podría marcar un posible derrotero, se pone de relieve el carácter intersubjetivo de las relaciones políticas y, al hacerlo, la cotidianidad y el mundo de la vida del individuo, en términos de lo político, cobra sentido. ; Este artigo analisa o objeto político como produto da interação social e sua relação com as ações dos sujeitos políticos na esfera pública. É resultado do embasamento teórico da investigação intitulada "Concepção política e participação dos jovens no município de Girardota Antioquia", cuja abordagem metodológica é qualitativa. Na primeira parte apresentam-se os princípios do interacionismo simbólico sob a perspectiva de Blumer y Mead, para determinar a concepção do objeto e sua capacidade de significado. Na segunda tomam-se as teorias de Schütz para o desenvolvimento de uma dissertação ao respeito do significado, sua construção na interação e sua interpretação na mesma instância. Finalmente, da mão de Arent, procura se estabelecer uma relação entre o político como objeto com significado construído socialmente e a maneira como os sujeitos apropriam-se destes significados para a participação política na esfera pública. Com isto determina-se que a maneira como atuam os sujeitos na política, corresponde com a práxis dos significados dos quais têm-se apropriado graças a um processo natural de interação que, convertido em motor de ação, configura no individuo sua postura como sujeito político. Ao tratar com a política a partir das perspectivas descritas no artigo, além de considerar uma transdisciplinaridade na apreensão do objeto sob investigação que poderia marcar um possível curso, destaca-se a natureza intersubjetiva das relações políticas e, ao fazêlo, a vida cotidiana e o mundo da vida do indivíduo, em termos políticos, começa a fazer sentido.
Twenty years of highlighting excellence in government / Jonathan Walters -- The "Kennedy School school" of research on innovation in government / Steven Kelman -- Citizen participation in government innovations / Archon Fung -- Subnational government innovation in a comparative perspective : Brazil / Marta Ferreira Santos Farah and Peter Spink -- The unaccustomed inventiveness of the Labor Department / John D. Donahue -- Developmental processes : a conceptual exploration / Eugene Bardach -- The adoption of innovation : the challenge of learning to adapt tacit knowledge / Robert D. Behn -- Does innovation lead to improvement in public services? : lessons from the Beacon Scheme in the United Kingdom / Jean Hartley -- Innovations in government : serving citizens and strenthening democracy / Gowher Rizvi -- Research on innovations in government : what next? / Sandford Borins
A LOOK INTO THE FUTURE TO DETERMINE WHAT THE POST-COLD WAR ERA AND THE NEW CENTURY MAY BRING REVEALS SOME STARTLING SIMILARITIES TO PROGNOSTICATIONS MADE AT THE END OF THE 19TH CENTURY. THE SAME OPTIMISM ABOUT FUTURE POTENTIAL, ABOUT SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, ABOUT THE PROSPECT OF THE ERADICATION OF WAR. THE SAME UNEASE ABOUT THE INDIVIDUALIZING TENDENCIES OF COMMERCE AND THE OPEN MARKET. THE SAME QUESTIONS ABOUT UNIVERSAL EDUCATION AND PARTICIPATION. THE QUESTION OF WHO IS TO BE INCLUDED IN THE UNIVERSAL EXCHANGE OF OPINIONS, OF WHO IS EQUAL IN A UNIVERSE OF ENDLESS AND INDIVIDUAL COMPETITION, OF WHO IS TO BE RESPECTED IN A UNIVERSE OF ENDLESS CHANGE REMAINS A QUESTION OF OUR TIMES.
Discusses the influence of communitarianism on contemporary German politics, focusing on the communitarian project & problems with its implementation. It is argued that the crisis in state intervention is the background of the debate over communitarianism. Communitarianism's answer to this crisis is a participatory social state & a program of social justice & responsibility. Implementing this at the practical level is problematic, partly because it requires bottom-up, grass-roots democratic participation. Practical US expressions are not necessarily transferable to German; eg, Neighborhood Watch programs have a negative connotation in Germany due to the Nazi Blockwart tradition. Financial restrictions & developing alternative understandings of state action are also challenges. E. Blackwell
This project combines diverse theoretical and methodological tools to examine the relationship between space and care work in Chile. The chapters are stand-alone articles that come together to tell a single story. The social production of urban space has marginalized thousands of female caregivers from the labor market as Chile's care system unravels. I argue that community caregiving could simultaneously improve the conditions of caregivers and dependents. Chapter 1 examines the role of residential segregation in reproducing Chile's meager female labor market participation rates. I use spatial and econometric analysis to show that the social forces that segregate Santiago create a landscape that penalizes the labor market participation of individuals with mobility constraints. Unpaid care is especially restrictive to mobility. Hence, caregivers residing in economically marginalized regions are significantly less likely to participate in the labor market. Thanks to the gendering of care, female caregivers' participation is the most negatively affected by the city's residential configuration. In Chapter 2, I use political economy analysis to examine the capability of the Chilean system to meet the growing demand for adult care in a rapidly aging population. Moreover, the care system continues to rely excessively on unpaid family members (i.e., women) to care for adult dependents. However, Chile's demographic transition has also led to transformations in dependents' family structures. With the help of econometric analysis, I show that dependents living in households where the patriarchal division of labor is unfeasible are significantly less likely to receive assistance. Additionally, using Machine Learning methods, I demonstrate that dependents are increasingly living in these types of households. Chapter 3 explores the possibility of replacing the family as the primary space of adult care for the community. It uses theoretical tools to analyze the economic implications of a state-funded program hiring caregivers to assist adult dependents in their communities. Since adult dependency rates are higher in economically marginalized communities, the program would disproportionately benefit the urban poor, especially women. Additionally, the program would boost aggregate demand and aggregate supply, leading to real economic growth. A crucial factor determining the program's success is trust in community care.
On 5 April 2010, the largest mining disaster in the US since 1970 occurred at the Upper Big Branch Mine in West Virginia. Twenty-five miners were known to have died in the explosion, with the fates of four miners unknown. Families of the twenty-nine miners gathered together at the mine site as they awaited word as to which of the miners died and who had survived. On 6 April, the Red Cross invited representatives from the West Virginia Council of Churches to the mine site to help organize pastoral support for the families. On the evening of 10 April, five days after the explosion, word came that all of the 29 miners had died in the initial explosion. Governor Joe Manchin declared, on 25 April, for a public memorial service for the miners—an event attended by several thousand worshipers and led by clergy, denominational leaders, and public officials, including President Barack Obama, Vice President Joe Biden, Senator Robert C. Byrd, and Governor Manchin. This collaborative essay traces how the pastoral, political, and relational response to trauma shaped this liturgical form. Given the oral traditions of the region, narrative will be one of the primary structures for analysis, and testimony is central to this public worship. A public secular ritual with its goals of unity and inter-riting of distinct religious voices and identities will provide a grammar for reading the service.
Since 2002, the National Center for Disaster Preparedness (NCDP) at Columbia University's Mailman School of Public Health and The Children's Health Fund (CHF), have conducted annual surveys of public attitudes and personal preparedness in the aftermath of the terror attacks of September 11, 2001. Produced in collaboration with the Marist College Institute for Public Opinion (MIPO), each is a random-dial telephone survey of a representative random sample of the US population (selected consistent with demographic characteristics of the most recent available update of the 2000 census). Each survey, including the current, has included a set of questions repeated every year, which generate trend data, as well as questions specific to events current to each study period. Repeated questions ask about confidence in government; willingness and ability to evacuate; extent of personal and family preparedness; and perceptions of community preparedness. All questions are compared across a variety of demographic characteristics including race, age, gender, income, and region, size of community, political affiliation, and education. Further, the responses to select questions, such as awareness of community preparedness plans, are compared across certain groups of respondents (e.g. those having personal and family preparedness plans vs. those who do not). The surveys are developed by NCDP and CHF investigators in conjunction with MIPO, who administers the survey, codes the data, and produces the frequency tables.
Definitions and approaches -- Historical context -- Techno-centric cities -- Socially constructed digital and smart cities -- Social, cultural and political -- Economics, globalisation and development -- Planning, design and architecture -- Mobilities -- Governance and participation -- Chapter ten: from digital to smart and beyond -- Index
