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The article is about the concession of an irregular title, only 7% of the traditional territory claimed by the Indigenous Creole Black Community of Bluefields (the CNCIB) which was entrusted to a parallel government by the President of the Republic on 29th November, 2016, facilitating the Megaproject of the Great Inter-Oceanic Canal through Nicaragua (GCIN), whose itinerary has been planned by the State on the territory of the CNCIB. The article analyzes the beginning of the administrative procedure to vindicate the traditional territory of the CNCIB based on the political and legal background of the their cultural and historical link on their traditional territory, by means of collective property titles granted in 1841, 1906 and 1934. Then discusses how instead of entering into a legal and technical negotiation, the State illegally promotes the creation of a parallel government, and once weakened the traditional institutions, usurps the position of the Creole representative in the National Commission of Demarcation and Certification (CONADETI) and emits the title, leaving the 93% of the free territory for the GCIN. This fact, together with the lack of judicial protection in the 10 actions for legal protection presented by the CNCIB which documented violations of the legal process and the usurpation of its authorities and its self-determination, determined that the CNCIB presents its application to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in accordance with the national and international legislation that also analyzes the article. ; El artículo versa sobre el otorgamiento de un irregular título, de solo el 7% del territorio tradicional reclamado administrativamente por la Comunidad Negra Creole Indígena de Bluefields (La CNCIB) y entregado a un gobierno paralelo por el Presidente de la Republica el 29 de noviembre de 2016; facilitando así el megaproyecto del Gran Canal Interoceánico por Nicaragua (GCIN) cuya ruta ha sido planificada por el Estado sobre el territorio de La CNCIB. El artículo analiza el inicio del procedimiento administrativo para reivindicar el territorio tradicional de La CNCIB con antecedentes político-jurídicos de vinculación cultural e histórica sobre su territorio tradicional, por medio de títulos de propiedad colectivo otorgados en 1841, 1906 y 1934. Luego analiza como en lugar de entrar en una negociación técnica y jurídica el Estado promueve ilegalmente la creación del gobierno paralelo, y una vez debilitadas las instituciones tradicionales, usurpa la posición de la representante Creole en la Comisión Nacional de Demarcación y Titulación (CONADETI) y emite el título; dejando el 93% del territorio libre para el GCIN. Lo que aunado a la falta de protección judicial en las 10 acciones de amparo presentadas por la CNCIB documentando las violaciones al debido proceso legal, a la usurpación de sus autoridades y a su autodeterminación; La CNCIB presentó su demanda ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH) según la normativa nacional e internacional pertinente que también analiza el artículo.

En septiembre de 1808 un golpe promovido por la Audiencia y el potente Consulado de Comercio español de Ciudad de México destituyó al virrey. La razón fue el apoyo que la máxima autoridad había dado en los meses precedentes a las propuestas del Cabildo capitalino de convocar una junta de ciudades para gobernar la Nueva España tras las abdicaciones de Bayona. El episodio es muy conocido. El artículo no quiere reconstruir los acontecimientos sino mostrar una consecuencia importante del golpe: el ocaso de aquel patriotismo criollo que se fue construyendo básicamente a lo largo del siglo xvii y que a lo largo de dos siglos había sostenido el derecho de los criollos mexicanos a la autonomía. La tesis es que el discurso tradicional criollo se había formado no casualmente alrededor de una idea de constitución histórica de la Monarquía que fue superada después 1808, a pesar de lo que sostuvo Fray Servando Teresa de Mier, el último campeón del patriotismo criollo. ; In 1808, a coup d'état led by the Audiencia and the powerful Consulate for Spanish Trade in the City of Mexico ousted the viceroy. It was set off by the support that the highest authority had been giving to the proposals from the Cabildo, the government of the capital, over the previous months, to call a Junta of towns and cities to represent and govern New Spain following the Bayonne abdications. This episode is well known. The article does not reconstruct events but tries to show an important consequence of the coup: the downfall of the Creole patriotism movement that had been building up throughout the 17th century, and had upheld the right of Mexican Creoles to self-government for two centuries. The thesis is that the traditional Creole discourse had been purposely shaped around an idea of the historic constitution of the monarchy, which became less realistic after 1808, although Friar Servando Teresa de Mier, the last champion of Creole patriotism continued to uphold it.

"The Valor and Spirit of Bygone Times": The Memory of the Battle of St. Louis and the Persistence of St. Louis's Creole Community, 1820-1847 In the context of the American Revolution, the Battle of St. Louis is a mere footnote, resulting in under 100 casualties. But to the St. Louisans who experienced it – mostly French civilians living in a Spanish territory, many of whom lost loved ones in the battle – it was the defining event of their lifetimes. This paper focuses on two antebellum tellings of the battle story - Thomas Hart Benton's speech in the United States Senate in 1822 and Creole Wilson Promm's speech at St. Louis's anniversary celebration of 1847 - to explore the ways in which Creoles and their allies altered the battle narrative to serve their own cultural or political ends. A close reading of these tales reveals that despite their declining numbers and waning cultural influence, French Creoles remained a distinctive and politically important community in St. Louis throughout the antebellum period. Furthermore, Primm's speech complicates traditional narratives of the nativist moment, showing that some Catholic non-immigrants - such as St. Louis Creoles - risked being targets of nativist prejudice and that they took steps to prevent this, such as invoking the Battle of St. Louis as proof of American bona fides. Crossing Jordan: Black St. Louisans and the Mississippi River, 1815-1860 In the antebellum United States, two rivers – the Ohio and the Mississippi – combined to form a thousand-mile border between slavery and freedom. Yet political boundaries between slavery and freedom do not always map neatly onto cultural or ideological landscapes. A close examination of Mississippi River crossings and trans-Mississippi connections of slaves and free blacks from St. Louis (by far the largest southern city located on the boundary) complicates any simple dichotomy of "Missouri-slave" and "Illinois-free." In addition to the (hopefully) one-time crossings of blacks fleeing slavery in Missouri, St. Louis free blacks established social networks that extended across the river, and used both temporary and permanent crossings as strategic solutions to problems they faced in St. Louis. at other times, however, they chose to stay in St. Louis, strategic decisions which suggest reveal much about their attitudes toward the river and suggest the limited nature of the freedom available in Illinois. An examination of these crossings reveals the ambiguous and permeable nature of the Mississippi as a boundary between slavery and freedom.