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The prospects of popular government.--The nature of democracy.--The age of progress.--The Constitution of the United States. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Filmed with: 1641 / John Mitchel. ; Master Negative No. 95-0518. ; Microfilm. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"From the North American review, published at Boston, N.A. July 1, 1831." ; Published anonymously; written by Edward Everett. Cf. Halkett & Laing and BLC. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Serial no. 109-140." ; Shipping list no. unavailable. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Serial no. 111-1." ; Shipping list no.: 2009-0323-P. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article explores the relationship between non-electoral representatives and democratic legitimacy by combining the recent constructivist turn in political representation with systemic work in deliberative theory. Two core arguments are advanced. First, non-electoral representatives should be judged by their position in a wider democratic system. Second, deliberative democracy offers a productive toolkit by which to evaluate these agents. I develop a framework of systemic representation which depicts the elemental parts of a democratic system and assigns normative standards according to the space occupied. The framework gives priority of democratic analysis to the systemic level. This helps mitigate a central concern in the constructivist turn which suggests that representatives mobilize constituencies in ways that are susceptible to framing and manipulation. I engage in case-study analysis of the collapsed Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement to unpack the different spaces occupied by non-electoral representative and elucidate the varied democratic demands that hinge on this positioning.

Elections are a fundamental element of democracy, since elected governments reflect voter preferences. At the same time, it is inevitable that policies pursued by any government closely resemble the preferences of some citizens, while alienating others who hold different views. Previous works have examined how institutional settings facilitate or hinder policy proximity between citizens and governments. Building on their findings, the book explores a series of "so what" questions: how and to what extent does the distance between individual and government positions affect citizens' propensity to vote, protest, believe in democracy, and even feel satisfied with their lives? Using cross-national public opinion data, this book is an original scholarly research which develops theoretically grounded hypotheses to test the effect of citizen-government proximity on three dependent variables. After introducing the data (both public opinion surveys and country-level statistics) and the methodology to be used in subsequent chapters, one chapter each is devoted to how proximity or the absence thereof affects political participation, satisfaction with democracy, and happiness. Differences in political attitudes and behavior between electoral winners and losers, and ideological moderates and radicals, are also discussed in depth.--

The notion of 'representative democracy' seems unquestionably familiar today, but how did the Victorian era - the epoch when the modern democratic state was made - understand democracy, parliamentary representation, and diversity? In the famous nineteenth-century debates about representation and parliamentary reform, two interlocked ideals were of the greatest importance: descriptive representation, that the House of Commons 'mirror' the diversity that marked society, and deliberation within the legislative assembly. These ideals presented a major obstacle to the acceptance of a democratic suffrage, which it was widely feared would produce an unrepresentative and un-deliberative House of Commons. Here, Gregory Conti examines how the Victorians conceived the representative and deliberative functions of the House of Commons and what it meant for parliament to be the 'mirror of the nation'. Combining historical analysis and political theory, he analyses the fascinating nineteenth-century debates among contending schools of thought over the norms and institutions of deliberative representative government, and explores the consequences of recovering this debate.

Printed by order of the committee who conducted the late Westminster election. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-181) and index. ; Introduction : the quality of representation for African-Americans -- Federal protection of voting rights : the role of Congress in the Black struggle for the franchise -- The quest for equal opportunity -- The color of Congress : the impact of race and the role of issues in congressional roll call votes -- Racial redistricting and the representation of Black interests -- Epilogue : Black policy preferences, congressional behavior, and the future of representation for African-Americans. ; Mode of access: Internet.