Radical Women in Latin America: Left and Right
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 117, Heft 4, S. 716-717
ISSN: 0032-3195
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In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 117, Heft 4, S. 716-717
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Routledge studies in extremism and democracy, 17
"This book focuses on the philosophy, politics and impact of the 'New Right' which originated in France and has since influenced activism, ideology and policy in a number of European countries"--
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 17-34
ISSN: 0304-4130
An examination of the constraints between traditional lines of political polarization (Left-Right placement) & newer distinctions (materialist/postmaterialist values) among mass publics. Analysis of Dutch national survey data covering 1976-1981 shows that voting or party preference is most clearly related to the Left-Right placement of respondents (Ns not specified). However, this placement is directly & strongly dependent on materialist/postmaterialist orientation, while background variables (eg, education, income, & age) are linked to voting via this value orientation. The materialist/postmaterialist orientation appears to be the present-day interpretation of the dominant political conflict in advanced industrial society. Although alignments & orientations count for a substantive part of the variance in voting, the power of these models to predict the actual vote of people turns out to be rather poor. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 23 References. HA
The Left-Right Self-Placement scale measures political attitudes on a left-right dimension. The scale is frequently used in political and social surveys such as the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS).
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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Contributors -- Seeds of Dystopia: Post-Politics and the Return of the Political -- Part I Spaces of Depoliticisation -- 1 The Post-Politics of Sustainability Planning: Privatisation and the Demise of Democratic Government -- 2 The Post-Political and the End of Nature: The Genetically Modified Organism -- 3 The New Development Architecture and tThe Post-Political in the Global South -- 4 Opening Up the Post-Political Condition: Multiculturalism and the Matrix of Depoliticisation -- 5 The Jouissance of Philanthrocapitalism: Enjoyment as a Post-Political Factor -- 6 Religious Antinomies of Post-Politics -- 7 Post-Ecologist Governmentality: Post-Democracy, Post-Politics and the Politics of Unsustainability -- Part II Spectres of Radical Politics -- 8 Insurgent Architects, Radical Cities and the Promise of the Political -- 9 The Limits of Post-Politics: Rethinking Radical Social Enterprise -- 10 Neither Cosmopolitanism nor Multipolarity: The Political Beyond Global Governmentality -- 11 Against a Speculative Leftism -- 12 Spatialising Politics: Antagonistic Imaginaries of Indignant Squares -- 13 After Post-Politics: Occupation and the Return of Communism -- 14 The Enigma of Revolt: Militant Politics in a 'Post-Political' Age -- There Is No Alternative -- Index
The distinction between political left and right has been blurred through the years in western countries and probably more so in Israel. Using a national random sample of high school students, this study is an investigation of which political attitudes distinguished between right and left in Israel. In addition, the influence of religiosity and socioeconomic status on political identification was explored. The findings show that right and left attitudes are demonstrated in diametrically opposite ways with reference the extent of land compromises that should be made with the Arab countries. The more positively one scores on religiosity scale the stronger the identification with the right. On the other hand, despite the leftis claim of being pro labor and the Champion of the working classes, it appears that the lower the socio-economic Status the stronger the identification with the right rather than, as might have been expected, the left. The implication of the findings are discussed. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Der Unterschied zwischen politisch linken und politisch rechten Orientierungen ist in den meisten westlichen Ländern, besonders in Israel, in den letzten Jahren unklar geworden. In dieser Studie werden auf der Basis einer Zufallstichprobe von Schülerinnen und Schülern der Oberstufe politische Einstellungsunterschiede herausgearbeitet. Zusätzlich wird der Einfluss religiöser Orientierungen und der sozioökonomische Status auf die politische Orientierung in Israel untersucht. Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Unterschiede zwischen linken und rechten Einstellungen vor allem Blick auf territoriale Kompromisse gegenüber den arabischen Ländern bestehen. Auch Religiosität hat einen starken Einfluss, indem sie direkt mit der politischen Rechtsorientierung zusammenhängt. Je niedriger der sozioökonomische Status, desto stärker ist die Identifizierung mit der politischen Rechten. Diese Tendenz ist auffällig, weil die politische Linke sich intensiv um die Zustimmung von sozial benachteiligten Gruppen bemüht. Die Implikationen der Untersuchungsergebnisse werden ausführlich diskutiert. (DIPF/Orig.)
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'God is a racist'—so goes a statement published in the literature of the Western Guard, a white-supremacist, anti-semitic group in Toronto. It is one of a number of racist organizations that have sprung up in Canada since the Second World War. Stanley Barrett points out in this disquieting study that although many of the principles of such organizations are offensive to the vast majority of Canadians, they represent a growing part of a broader political phenomenon that has recently surfaced in numerous nations.In examining the rise of right wing extremism in Canada, a nation with a traditional reputation for tolerance, Barrett considers a wide range of political convictions, from confessed fascists to essentially ordinary, law-abiding, but highly conservative individuals who are deeply concerned about the future of Western Christian civilization.Barrett's study, grounded in a scientific tradition that has regularly exposed racial myths, is guided by humanist values that celebrate individual worth. It sheds new light on a growing phenomenon that threatens those values
In: A SAGE reference publication
Although the distinction between the politics of the left and the right is commonly assumed in the media and in treatments of political science and history, the terms are used so loosely that the student and the general reader are often confused: What exactly are the terms left and right supposed to imply? This two-volume Encyclopedia of Politics: The Left and the Right contains over 450 articles on individuals, movements, political parties, and ideological principles, with those usually thought of as left in the left-hand volume (Volume 1), and those considered on the right in the right-hand
"Social conflicts and voting patterns in Western nations indicate a gradual erosion of working-class support for the left, a process that class theory itself cannot adequately explain. Farewell to the Leftist Working Class aims to fill this gap by developing, testing, and confirming an alternative explanation of rightist tendencies among the underprivileged. The authors argue that cultural issues revolving around individual liberty and maintenance of social order have become much more significant since World War II.The obligation to work and strict notions of deservingness have become central to the debate about the welfare state. Indeed, although economic egalitarianism is more typically found among the working class, it is only firmly connected to a universalistic and inclusionary progressive political ideology among the middle class.Farewell to the Leftist Working Class reports cutting-edge research into the withering away of working-class support for the left and the welfare state, drawing mostly on survey data collected in Western Europe, the United States, and other Western countries."--Provided by publisher.
In: Oxford scholarship online
In: Political Science
In: Heritage
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Tables -- Preface -- PART I. SOCIAL CREDIT IN QUEBEC: ITS NATURE -- PART II. SOCIAL CREDIT IN QUEBEC: ITS DEVELOPMENT -- PART III. A PROFILE OF THE CREDITISTE LEADERSHIP -- PART IV. THE PATTERNS OF ORIENTATIONS AND ALLIANCES IN THE 1963 SPLIT: A CASE STUDY -- PART V. CONCLUSIONS -- Appendix A: Sample Design -- Appendix B: Questionnaire -- Appendix C: Index Construction -- Index
In: Historical materialism book series
"The German Left and the Weimar Republic illuminates the history of the political left by presenting a wide range of documents on various aspects of socialist and communist activity in Germany. Separate chapters deal with the policy of Social Democracy in and out of government, the attempts of the Communist Party to overthrow the Weimar Republic, and then later to oppose it. Later chapters move away from the political scene to treat the attitudes of the parties to key social issues, in particular questions of gender and sexuality. The book concludes with a presentation of documents on various groups of socialist and communist dissidents. Many of the documents are made accessible for the first time, and each chapter begins with an original introduction indicating the current state of research."--Back cover
In: The Western political quarterly: official journal of Western Political Science Association, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 263
ISSN: 0043-4078
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 409-417
ISSN: 1467-9221
The relationship between political conservatism and left–right orientation was examined in 15 Western European and 13 former communist Central and Eastern European countries using the data from European Social Survey Round 3 (N = 46,103) and Round 4 (N = 50,601). Cross‐culturally validated values were used to measure the two potential aspects of conservatism: resistance to change and acceptance of inequality. Both of these aspects were positively related to right‐wing orientation in Western countries. In the former communist countries, the relationships were positive, negative, and nonexistent; they differed between the countries and varied between 2006 and 2008. The results indicate that conservatism can be related to left‐wing or right‐wing orientation depending on the cultural, political, and economic situation of the society in question. The results also show that despite the shared communist past, former communist Central and Eastern Europe is a diverse region that should be treated as such also in research.