Suchergebnisse

By acclaimed historian David Pietrusza (Rothstein, 1920, 1960, and 1948), the dazzling series of events and amazing cast of characters that comprised the simultaneous rise of Hitler's Third Reich and FDR's New Deal in 1932, thus setting the stage for World War II. During that year, two Depression-battered and humbled nations confronted destiny.

The 2015 Paris declaration obligated international development organizations to assess the climate compatibility of their projects. For irrigation projects, like those negotiated between the Agence Française de Développement, and the Cambodian government in the early 2020s, calculations of estimated greenhouse gas emissions have become important requirements. But how to estimate emissions from future rice fields and the effects of irrigation infrastructures that do not exist? To address this issue, emissions calculators have been developed as a means to bridge climate science and development knowledge infrastructures, so that data and forms of calculation from climate science can easily enter the world of development. However, by engaging in an infrastructural inversion, we argue that this understanding is flawed. Drawing on a case study of an irrigation project in Cambodia, we show that heterogeneous data concatenations are continuously transformed in the movement across infrastructures until referentiality breaks down. Emission calculators operate as a data wormhole, emitting extremely uncertain numbers that contribute to a problematic and speculative politics of anticipation. In contrast with the dominant politics of anticipation, which depends on futile efforts to neutralize uncertainty, infrastructural inversion makes it possible to envision a decentered politics attentive to distributed agency.

The mainstream Hip-hop narrative positions itself as hypermasculine, violent, greed obsessed and overtly misogynistic. Even in spite of this, those at the margins (historically women), have arisen to appear a cut above the stereotypical rap discourse. This piece takes on the journey of expanding the dominant narratives surrounding Hip-hop. We must both back at the past and towards to future to truly the expansive landscape that Hip-hop culture has to offer the world. This piece mainly examines the function of gender identity politics through a Hip-hop lens. Analyzing both the work of renowned artist Lauryn Hill, but also the queer identified music of Mykki Blanco. This piece utilizes the methodologies of performances studies, lyrical analysis and queer theory to construct its viewpoints.

The Law and Politics of Sustainability explores efforts made to address pressing environmental concerns through legislation, conventions, directives, treaties, and protocols. Articles explain the mechanics of environmental law, the concepts that shape sustainable development, case studies and rulings that have set precedents, approaches to sustainable development taken by legal systems around the world, and more. Experts and scholars in the field raise provocative questions about the effectiveness of international law versus national law in protecting the environment, and about the effect of current laws on future generations. They analyze the successes and shortcomings of present legal instruments, corporate and public policies, social movements, and conceptual strategies, offering readers a preview of the steps necessary to develop laws and policies that will promote genuine sustainability. ; https://digitalcommons.law.uidaho.edu/facw_bkcntri/1080/thumbnail.jpg

Place branding strategies contribute to policy decisions that shape a city. Little research, however, investigates how place marketers influence the decision-making of those higher up in the value chain. Drawing upon Bourdieu's theory of cultural intermediation, we identify where these professionals exhibit influence in a city branding endeavour and what impact they have on policy decisions. We report results of semi-structured interviews with senior place marketers at 13 cities around the world and find that policy decisions are influenced in unofficial, hidden and non-systemic ways, including identifying and working with key stakeholders behind the scenes, playing politics, and applying a promotional lens to policy endeavours. We discuss these findings and their implications on theory and practice.

Indirect Rule examines how states indirectly exercise authority over others and how this mode of rule affects domestic and international politics. Indirect rule has long characterized interstate relationships and US foreign relations. A key mechanism of international hierarchy, indirect rule involves an allied group within a client state adopting policies preferred by a dominant state in exchange for the dominant state's support. Drawing on the history of US involvement in the Caribbean and Central America, Western Europe, and the Arab Middle East, David A. Lake shows that indirect rule is more likely to occur when the specific assets at risk are large and governance costs are low. Lake's conceptualization of indirect rule sharpens our understanding of how the United States came to occupy the pinnacle of world power. Yet the consequences of indirect rule he documents—including anti-Americanism—reveal its shortcomings. As US efforts at democracy promotion and other forms of intervention abroad face declining support at home, Indirect Rule compels us to consider whether this method of rule ultimately advances US interests

AbstractThe global justice movement reveals a diverse array of emergent publics striving politically for a sustainable world. Working partly from John Dewey, we try to illuminate democratic grounds for knowledge and action in these endeavors. We begin by situating Dewey's ideas in the politics of American history, especially historian John Diggins' countervailing approach to issues of authority, knowledge and opinion. Diggins, against Robert Westbrook and others, contends that Dewey's philosophy of politics chased radical democratic illusions, whereas he might have learned from Charles S. Peirce to uphold the boundary between professional communities and other entities including democratic publics. Dewey saw no democratic alternative to harness the political energy of ordinary people. We argue that Dewey had come to understand that a corporate state system of political economy had come to engulf both the liberal democratic polity and the professions. Dewey's political challenge to the professions and his illumination of the aesthetic ecology of democratic publics prefigure a democratic republican alternative that opens up a new basis for participation in the global justice movement confronting, among other obstacles, a transnational corporate state based in the USA.A Marxist-progressivist notion of the ongoing socialization of markets by corporate capitalism too often reinforces an anti-Populist intellectual sensibility that is coupled with, whether wittingly or not, either a social-democratic elitism or a revolutionary vanguardism. Globalization struggles need, on the contrary, a pragmatic vision of democratic publics instituting a true diversity of policies assuring a world-in-common. The fight for public spaces in the treacherous politics of civil society and global consumerism is a struggle against subjectivization. The fact that corporate state elitism, in the U.S. context, feeds on a rightist version of nationalism does not mean we can junk the history of democratic struggle for a republican alternative to imperialism. By and large, neo-liberal policies "from above" have aggravated various types of inequality and the militaristic turn pursued by some elites compounds not only negative side effects but critical opportunities. Democratic action in and from the United States has to be clear about both place-based forms of life and expanding forms of solidarity in global struggles for democracy and the commons.Our reading of Dewey is strengthened by research that highlights his ecological ontology and its key role in his democratic theory. We argue that globalizing knowledge regimes and their products, such as deforestation, re-institute destructive dualisms that would be transformed by a Deweyan approach that energizes democratic forms of agency and policy. Dewey's essay on "Time and Individuality" is explicated to disclose the radical democratic implications of Deweyan science. We show further that this approach, as a field science and ecological stewardship, provides public alternatives to violence, whether primarily "social" or "environmental". A Deweyan logic of particularity casts in contrasting relief our historical epoch's dominant logic of fungibility, the fetishization of global economic space, and its looming costs. The reclamation and reconstruction of democratic publics are long overdue and requires new regimes of participatory and place-based knowledge opening on the global commons for sustainable life.

International Forum for a Nuclear-Free World, for the Survival of Humanity, Feb. 1987.

The rise of climate change as an issue of global concern has rested on scientific representation and understanding of the causes and impacts of, and responses to climatic change. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), in particular, has been central to how climate change has become known as a global political problem. This thesis aims to critically examine the production, negotiation, and stabilisation of policy-relevant knowledge in international climate politics. It takes the IPCC as a global stage on which the knowledge politics of climate change plays out, drawing attention to the performative interactions which shape the relationship between knowledge production processes and policy making at the global level. Informed by social constructivist accounts, particularly from within the social studies of science, this thesis builds on the notion that science and politics can never be truly separated from each other, rather, they are co-produced. In turn politics is not confined to strategic interests and negotiating positions, it is instead a constitutive process taking place at many scales. Theoretically I advance the concept of knowledge politics, as a co-productive and performative interplay between knowledge and politics. This interplay takes place both in deliberations over what counts as science, knowledge, and policy on the global stages of the IPCC and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and in the selection and choices that take place when writing the IPCC assessment reports. Empirically I explore different backstage and frontstage sites which approach the knowledge-politics of the IPCC from different angles.This thesis finds that the relationship between science and politics in the climate change case is complicated and convoluted. Whilst the IPCC plays a central role in mediating between the scientific community and international climate politics it is not purely a vehicle of communication. Instead it is actively involved in shaping the knowledge on climate change that becomes known in the political realm. The IPCC's particular definition of policy relevant knowledge, and its ways of defining the science-policy relationship based on a separation of facts and values, has resulted in a tendency to favour abstract, scientific representations of climate change. This thesis has also shown, however, that this representation is often challenged backstage in the IPCC assessment process by both authors from different disciplines, and governmental representatives from different parts of the world. In turn, it also illustrates that since the Paris Agreement in 2015, there has seemingly been a shift in the way that the IPCC approaches policy relevant knowledge on climate change, through ensuring that conversations about interdisciplinarity, values, and deeply entrenched differences in how science is done are taking place, both frontstage and backstage. Overall, this thesis draws attention to how the decisions made backstage over knowledge play a key role in how climate change comes to be known as a political issue in the frontstage global climate politics. This interaction between the backstage and frontstage shows how the sites of politics can be extended to also include scientific deliberations and illustrate the co-productive relationship between the IPCC and climate change politics more broadly.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface to the Revised Edition -- Preface -- Introduction: Religion, Art, Politics, War, and Sports -- Chapter One: Sports, Athletic Heroes, and God in the Shaping of Israelite History -- Chapter Two: From War Games to Funerary Games in Epic Greek Poetry: Warrior-Athletes in the Iliad -- Chapter Three: The Epic Continuum: From Odysseus to Aeneas -- Chapter Four: From Lyric to Tragic to Comic: Pindar's Heroic Athletes and Their Poetic Successors -- Chapter Five: Gladiatorial Contests from the Pagan Era to the Early Christian Era -- Chapter Six: Sports and War in Medieval Christendom: From Jousting to Crusading for God -- Chapter Seven: Sports and Spirituality from the Ancient Near East to the Far East and Back -- Chapter Eight: Religion and Sports Within and Beyond the Muslim World -- Chapter Nine: Jews in Sports from Nahmanides in Barcelona to Mendoza in England -- Chapter Ten: Sports and Judaism Since Emancipation -- Chapter Eleven: America from the Maya to the Birth of "The National Pastime" -- Chapter Twelve: Twentieth-Century American Sports and its Intersection Among Immigration, Religion, and Race -- Chapter Thirteen: God on the Gridiron and Elsewhere: From Locker Room to Finish Line -- Epilogues: Sports, Religion, and Politics-from Old Visual Art to New Stars of the Pulpit and Screen -- Bibliography -- Index.

Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that "Bonn is not Weimar." Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.

In this paper I explore the early circulation of penicillin. I review the early distribution in Spain of a scarce product, reflect on the available sources about the illegal penicillin trade and discuss some cases of smuggling. I argue the early distribution of penicillin involved time and geography, a particular chronology of post Second World War geopolitics. Penicillin practices and experiences belong to this period, in a dictatorship that tolerated smuggling and illegal trade of other products, some, like penicillin, produced in neighbouring countries. As a commodity that crossed borders, penicillin, transiting between the law and hidden trade, between countries and social domains – between war fronts and from a war front to an urban site to be sold – reveals practices of the early years of prosperity in the 1950s. These transits were permanent tests of a society based on taxes and exchanges, law and bureaucracy, control, discipline and the creation of standards. Key words: Penicillin in Spain - Post Second World War - Smuggling - Black market - Bureaucracy