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Norway's experience with its integrated foreign policy of engagement makes the case that better prevention, protection and assistance should be sought by states through international law and dialogue with non-state armed groups. Adapted from the source document.

Dieser Artikel gibt einen Überblick über das Südafrikanische Regime zu Beginn der 80er Jahre, in Bezug auf seine internationale Position und seine internen ökonomischen und politischen Probleme nach der Unabhängigkeit von Zimbabwe und liefert eine Einschätzung weiterer Einflußfaktoren der internationalen Politik auf Südafrika. Einem Überblick über diese Entwicklungen folgt eine Beschreibung der ökonomischen Probleme und sozialen Konsequenzen innerhalb Südafrikas. Daran schließt sich eine Analyse der Antwort der Regierung auf den wachsenden Widerstand an. Die Politik heute folgt der sogenannten "totalen Strategie" der Botha-Regierung. Das Hauptziel dieser "totalen Strategie" ist die Zerschlagung der wachsenden Opposition, insbesondere des bewaffneten Freiheitskampfes, der von der Befreiungsbewegung, der ANC in Südafrika, geführt wird. Dieser Kampf wird im letzten Teil der Analyse beschrieben. Er wird als eine neue Einheitsbewegung der aufgrund von Rassen- bzw. Klassenzugehörigkeit unterdrückten Gruppen gesehen. (GPÜbers)

"Der MCA ist ein neues Instrument der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, das sich insbesondere durch seine strengen, aber transparenten Vergabebedingungen von anderen Instrumenten unterscheidet. Der MCA soll helfen, Armut und Instabilität in Entwicklungsländern zu verringern, die als einer der wichtigsten Gründe für den internationalen Terrorismus angesehen werden. Es ist jedoch unklar, wie die sicherheitspolitischen Motive der US-Regierung umgesetzt werden sollen, wenn 'failed states' keinen Zugang zu MCA-Mitteln haben. Für Madagaskar bringt die Qualifizierung für den MCA einen hohen Gewinn an internationalem Ansehen mit sich. Die Erwartungen an den MCA sind in Madagaskar sehr hoch. Die Mittel, die zur Verfügung gestellt wurden, werden jedoch kaum ausreichen, um die vielfältigen Hoffnungen zu erfüllen." (Autorenreferat)

Der Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über die außenpolitischen und außenwirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten der Interregionalen Wirtschaftsassoziationen der Russischen Föderation. Neben einer allgemeinen Darstellung der rechtlichen Basis und der Aufgabenstellung der Assoziationen werden auch Beispiele für einzelne Aktivitäten aufgeführt. (BIOst-Mrk)

Aus jugoslawischer Sicht

Provides a summary of a five‐day workshop held in Istanbul, organized by the International Center for Research on Women. Focuses on the potential for organizing women home‐workers, increasing the visibility of this group and strategies for implementing the International Labour Organisation's convention on Homework in Turkey.

While the majority of drug control is apparently based on the prohibitive control of illicit drugs, it is here suggested as essential to keep in mind that much more regulation is put into the control of pharmaceuticals in order to ensure that they do not end up being utilized for non-medical purposes. Before the interwar period there was virtually no illicit manufacture of drugs for non-medical purposes, as many of the drugs used for non-medical purposes were bought directly from pharmacists who were legally able & willing to sell them to any purchaser. As these substances were used in medicine at that time, it was not possible to prohibit their production, but rather to find a means of limiting their application to cases of medical necessity. The London Conference of 1930, established in order to prepare for the following year's international conference on pharmaceutical regulation, is here reviewed as a historical illustration of the first initiatives at national & international drug control. 39 References. C. Brunski

The Crusades had a wide variety of impacts on societies throughout Europe, Asia, and Africa. One such notable impact was its role in the development of knowledge between cultures. This book argues that the Nubian kingdom of Dotawo and the Latin Christians became increasingly more connected between the twelfth and early fourteenth centuries than has been acknowledged. Subsequently, when Solomonic Ethiopian-Latin Christian diplomatic relations began in 1402, they were building on the prior connections of Nubia, either wittingly or unwittingly: Ethiopia became the Ethiopia' that the Latin Christians had previously been aiming to develop relations with. The histories of Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusades were directly and indirectly entwined between the twelfth century and 1402. By placing Nubia and Ethiopia within the wider context of the Crusades, new perspectives can be made regarding the international activity of Nubia and Ethiopia between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries and the regional role reversal of Dotawo and Solomonic Ethiopia from the early fourteenth century. Prior to the fourteenth century, Nubia had been the dominant Christian power in the region before Solomonic Ethiopia began to replace it, including by adopting elements of discourse which had previously been attributed to Nubia, such as its ruler being the recognised protector of the Christians of north-east Africa. This process should not be viewed in isolation of the wider regional geo-political context. Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusading World, 1095-1402 will appeal to all those interested in the history of the Crusades, Nubia, and Ethiopia, particularly concerning inter-regional physical and intellectual connectivity.

Intro -- Introduction -- Prologue -- Global Commons: A Concept at Risk -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- About the Editors -- The Global Commons -- The Declaration of the South China Sea as a Global Common: Conflict Management and Environmental Protection -- 1 Introduction: The South China Sea as a Global Common -- 2 The South China Sea Conflict -- 2.1 The Nature of the Conflict -- 2.2 The Strategies of the Actors and Their Impact -- 3 Attempts at Conflict Resolution -- 3.1 International Law -- 3.2 Negotiated Solutions -- 3.3 Jurisdictional Solutions -- 4 The Return of the Area to the Situation of Global Common: A Proposal for an Alternative Solution -- References -- The Exploitation of the Sea for Trade and Communication: The New Arctic Routes, Challenges, Conflicts and Prospects -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Arctic Melting -- 3 Arctic Traffic -- 3.1 Destinational Traffic -- 3.2 Intra-Arctic -- 3.3 Trans-Arctic -- 4 Legal Disputes -- 5 Navigation -- 5.1 Global Navigation Satellite Systems (GNSS) -- 5.2 Non-satellite Electronic Navigation Systems -- 5.3 Navigation Support -- 5.4 Communications -- 6 The Shipowner's Decision -- 6.1 Strengths -- 6.2 Weaknesses -- 6.3 Opportunities -- 6.4 Threats -- 7 A Forecast -- 7.1 Destinational and Intra-Arctic Traffic -- 7.2 Trans-Arctic Traffic -- 7.3 Aids to Navigation -- 7.4 Search and Rescue -- 8 In Summary -- References -- Climate Change and Great Power Competition in the Arctic -- 1 Global Warming: The Case of the Artic -- 2 The Northeast Passage: The Russian Stance -- 3 China, the Polar Silk Road and the NSR -- 4 The Northwest Passage. Canada and the US -- 5 US Stance. 10 Years Behind Russia? -- 6 Conclusions -- References -- The Future of Mining: The Exploitation of Marine Geological Resources as Global Commons -- 1 Introduction.

Intro -- Titre -- Copyright -- « Notre Francophonie n'est ni une tour, ni une cathédrale. Elle s'enfonce dans la chair ardente de notre temps et ses exigences » -- Chapitre 1 - La Francophonie force de proposition et d'innovation -- 1.1 Une présence renforcée sur l'échiquier international -- 1.2 Une Francophonie des réseaux au côté des populations -- Chapitre 2 - Œuvrer pour l'émergence de la gouvernance démocratique -- 2.1 Assurer partout la paix et la sécurité -- 2.2 Ancrer la démocratie et l'État de droit -- 2.3 Défendre l'universalité et l'effectivité des droits et des libertés -- 2.4 Se mobiliser face aux nouveaux défis et aux menaces globales - Lutter contre le terrorisme et la radicalisation violente -- Pour une approche humaniste des migrations -- Plaidoyer pour les pays en crise : renouer les fils du dialogue -- Chapitre 3 - Vers une meilleure insertion des populations francophones dans l'économie mondiale -- 3.1 Investir dans le capital humain pour une croissance partagée et un développement responsable -- 3.2 Du plaidoyer à l'action pour un développement durable -- 3.3 Le numérique au cœur du développement et de l'innovation -- Chapitre 4 - L'éducation : une arme de construction massive -- Chapitre 5 - Un espace riche de ses diversités -- 5.1 Culture et diversités culturelles, dessiner les contours d'un nouvel humanisme -- 5.2 Le français : une langue vivante en résonnance avec le monde -- Chapitre 6 - La Francophonie au rythme du monde : de Dakar à Erevan -- « Au moment où nous marchons vers le cinquantième anniversaire de la Francophonie, demandons-nous, ici à Erevan, en toute conscience et en toute responsabilité, de quel côté de l'Histoire nous voulons être ? » -- Annexes -- Francophonie : carte d'identité -- L'ensemble opérationnel francophone -- Sites -- Repères chronologiques 2015 - 2018 -- Table des matières

For nearly two decades, ASEAN has served as a vehicle for the postsocialist states of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam (CLMV) to seek diplomatic recognition and enmesh their economies with the dominant discourses, structures, and visions of post-Cold War capitalist modernity. In scholarly and lay understandings of how CLMV states "integrate" through ASEAN, attention has been firmly on the political, security, and economic outcomes of ASEAN-CLMV interactions, with diplomacy viewed as a passive instrument to pursue such outcomes. Such a static view of diplomacy, I argue, obscures a vital mechanism in and through which these broader macro-social changes are being sought and accomplished. As they pursue modernist state projects, diplomats too must yield to experiences of learning and redefinition to express (and enable) the project of international "integration".This paper examines such processes of learning and redefinition by studying the effects and consequences of immersion in English-based ASEAN multilateral work for the diplomats of CLMV states.It delves into the Attachment Officers Programme for CLMV diplomats at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta as an illustrative case to tease out the skills CLMV diplomats gain from their stints in ASEAN work. These skills — the ability to draft quasi-diplomatic documents in English, facility with speaking English, and an embodied ease in interacting with foreigners (both Asian and Euro-American) — are generic but also transposable as these junior diplomats embark on representational and negotiating roles for their countries. The paper demonstrates how stints in ASEAN multilateral diplomacy have emerged as a channel for exposure and grooming for CLMV diplomats as they themselves integrate with an English-based global (yet Eurocentric) diplomacy