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This book explores the contradictions in Britain's humanitarian and military intervention in Libya and Syria, beginning with the Arab spring in 2010. The book assesses the contradictions between the expressed humanitarian intentions of British military interveners and the impact of their actions on the putative beneficiary states. It demonstrates that, as a result of foreign intervention, both Libya and Syria were rendered non-functional as unitary nations and suffered extensive harm to their people and infrastructure. To evaluate the effectiveness and credibility of humanitarian warfare, the author conducts a thematic analysis of debates on Libya and Syria in the House of Commons. The book provides a detailed study of intentions and motives expressed by Members of Parliament, of consequent British state actions and their outcomes, and of MPs' reactions to outcomes.It providesample evidence of duplicity, insincerity, indifference to harm, and ulterior motives for violence that undermine moral claims and support the argument that, although humanitarian warfare may be possible, the leading Western activist states (Britain, France, and the USA) are poorly qualified to carry it out. Illustrating a systemic failure of strategy and accountability in British foreign policy, this book will be of interest to scholars and graduates of Humanitarian Studies, International Relations and Military Studies.

Faced with significant security challenges, in recent years Japan and South Korea have both sought to raise their international profile through peacebuilding, development, humanitarian assistance, and human security. This book assesses the past, present, and future potential of these niche diplomacy initiatives undertaken by Japan and South Korea, largely in Southeast Asia. The book concludes that not only do such nontraditional security channels have the potential to achieve meaningful change for partners and beneficiaries, but they could also form the basis of future confidence-building and security cooperation between Japan and South Korea, which have to date achieved little in the field of traditional security cooperation, despite facing many shared challenges. Working across disciplines and national boundaries, the contributors to this volume argue that policy prioritization in the fields of peacebuilding, development, and human security by Tokyo and Seoul could have the potential to accrue wider benefits not only to the Northeast Asian actors and the Southeast Asian partners, but also to wider regional and even global security communities. At a time when the role of so-called middle powers is receiving increasing levels of attention both domestically and internationally, this book will be of considerable interest to scholars of Japan and the ROK, as well as development, security, and foreign policy researchers more broadly.

This book discusses the main legal questions raised by free and open source software (FOSS) licenses and other alternative license models, such as Creative Commons. The legal questions raised by FOSS and other alternative licenses have been the subject of an intense international debate among legal scholars and practising lawyers in the last years. Courts in different jurisdictions have confirmed that the core features of FOSS licenses are compliant with the respective applicable laws and thus enforceable in the respective jurisdictions. What is still missing so far is an in-depth comparative analysis of the legal issues raised by FOSS, Creative Commons and other alternative license on a worldwide scale. This book presents a general report on FOSS licenses and alternative license models to establish common ground and enable comparison between jurisdictions. The general report is followed by 24 national reports covering the world's most important IT-markets. General and national reports use the same structure to facilitate the comparison. The book shows that despite the differences in their origins, all FOSS projects use detailed licenses for the organisation of their communities. It also shows the differences in the proofing of these licenses by courts in some jurisdictions, and the tailor-made provisions established by some legislators to solve the legal issues raised by the license model

Intro -- STRATEGIZING RESILIENCEAND REDUCING VULNERABILITY -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- NEW POLICY DIRECTIONS IN CONFRONTINGTERRORISM: CHALLENGESFOR THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- DEFINING VICTORY AND A LONG-TERM STRATEGY TO ACHIEVE IT -- IRAQ, AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN -- SECURING NUCLEAR WARHEADS, MATERIALSAND RADIOLOGICAL SOURCES -- WINNING MUSLIM-AND EUROPEAN-HEARTS AND MINDS -- THE DOMESTIC CHALLENGE OF BUILDING A RESILIENT SOCIETY -- REFERENCES -- EXAMINING THE LINKAGES BETWEEN NATIONALSECURITY FRAMEWORKS AND SECURITY SECTORREFORM (SSR): THE NEED FOR 'VALUE-BASED'STRATEGIC PLANNING -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- "WHOLE OF GOVERNMENT" APPROACHES AND LINKAGESWITH NATIONAL SECURITY PLANNING -- WGA POLICY INSTRUMENTS SUPPORTINGOVERSEAS INTERVENTIONS -- TOWARDS A MORE STRATEGIC APPROACH TO SUPPORTINGOVERSEAS SECURITY INTERVENTIONS -- CORE VALUES AND NATIONAL INTERESTS: THE FOUNDATIONSFOR NATIONAL SECURITY PLANNING PROCESSES -- TOWARDS AN IMPROVED PLANNING MODEL FOR NATIONALSECURITY. THE SOPHISTICATED TO THE SIMPLE -- CONCLUSIONS -- DEALING WITH DISASTER - PARADOXAND PERCEPTION -- ABSTRACT -- AN UNCERTAIN WORLD -- THE RATIONALITY OF RISK -- THE COMMUNICATION OF RISK -- FEAR AND TRUST -- ENHANCED RESILIENCE -- STRUCTURAL CHANGES -- WAY FORWARD -- REFERENCES -- THE GROWING COMPETITION FOR WATER:AN EMERGING GLOBAL FLASHPOINT -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- THE CHALLENGES OF MEETING GROWING GLOBALWATER DEMAND -- OVERPUMPING OF AQUIFERS -- DESALINATION -- SANITATION AND QUALITY-OF-LIFE ISSUES -- CLIMATE CHANGE -- POVERTY -- TERRORISM -- LEARNING FROM PAST DISASTERS -- NO SIMPLE SOLUTIONS -- CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS -- REFERENCES -- A STRATEGIC VIEW OF SECURITY -- ABSTRACT -- INTRODUCTION -- KEY POINTS FOR STRATEGIC THINKERS -- THE NEED FOR EFFECTIVE RISK MANAGEMENT -- COMPLIANCE AND GOVERNANCE -- THE INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT.

The paper examines the genesis of postcolonialism in various (mutually
conditioned) forms: at the conceptual, humanistic, theoretical and
disciplinary level. With the contextualization of the work of the first
authors who put the question mark on the established and dominant
western-centric perception of global divisions, we will (de)construct various
historical and paradigmatic influences on the development of postcolonialism.
A special emphasis is put on the position of postcolonialism within the
so-called Great Debates in the academic discipline of International
Relations. Also, we consider the possibility of development of
postcolonialism as a theory on the medium level that has a multiple utility
for International Relations. A critical examination of the initial
assumptions of postcolonialism as inherently processual, reflexive and
subversive, will open up the issues of the contemporary challenges of the
social life of former colonies and their relationships with other actors on
the international scene. One of the major issues (which can be set as a
hypothesis) is how to use the advantage of the epistemological and
theoretical postulates of postcolonialism in the research of the modern world
in which the orientalist rhetoric largely survives, but due to the rise of
terrorism and large-scale migration from the Middle East, the political and
social reality is changed?

Chronologische Übersicht über die Entwicklung der bilateralen Beziehungen zwischen Mexiko und den USA vom 1.10.1981 bis zum 30.6.1982 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der abweichenden Positionen in der außenpolitischen Beurteilung der internationalen Konfliktsituation in Zentralamerika und der Karibik sowie der tendenziellen Verschlechterung der Wirtschaftskooperation und des Warenverkehrs

Wichtigste Punkte der Rede des damaligen stellvertretenden Außenministers Qiao Guanhua vor der UNO im Oktober 1974 zu internationalen Fragen (u.a. Rühmung der Erhöhung des Erdölpreises und des arabischen Erdöl-Boykotts 1973 als "historische Pioniertat"). (DÜI)

The international debate on odious debt touches on many fundamental issues, including the intersection between ethics and finance, the moral responsibility of parties to international contracts and of sovereigns to their constituents. Stephania Bonilla analyzes the dynamics of sovereign debt relations and looks at how the incentive structures of the parties involved can have implications on odious debt. She specifically looks at the role of international law in the reputation mechanism sustaining creditor-debtor relations. Further, she examines the factors and players that drive change in sovereign debt governance, in an effort to move towards a more sustainable financial system with a more equitable distribution of burden between lenders and borrowers

This paper studies the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in promoting central bank independence (CBI). While anecdotal evidence suggests that the IMF has been playing a vital role for CBI, the underlying mechanisms of this influence are not well understood. We argue that the IMF has ulterior motives when pressing countries for increased CBI. First, IMF loans are primarily transferred to local monetary authorities. Thus, enhancing CBI aims to insulate central banks from political interference to shield loan disbursements from government abuse. Second, several loan conditionality clauses imply a substantial transfer of political leverage over economic policy making to monetary authorities. As a result, the IMF through pushing for CBI seeks to establish a politically insulated veto player to promote its economic policy reform agenda. We argue that the IMF achieves these aims through targeted lending conditions. We hypothesize that the inclusion of these loan conditions leads to greater CBI. To test our hypothesis, we compile a unique dataset that includes detailed information on CBI reforms and IMF conditionality for up to 124 countries between 1980 and 2014. Our findings indicate that targeted loan conditionality plays a critical role in promoting CBI. These results are robust towards varying modeling assumptions and withstand a battery of robustness checks.

In contributing to the debate on the European Union (EU) comprehensive approach to security, this article examines the structural-operational interface between trade and security. It hypothesizes that the challenge of comprehensive security to combine structural activities with operational measures is most pronounced in the trade-security interface. As the oldest, most integrated and most powerful external policy domain of the EU, trade policy has acquired a high degree of institutional autonomy, operates according to its own logic and standard procedures and has a distinct organizational esprit de corps. This inhibits the integration of the EU's trade policy into the more comprehensive security portfolio. To operationalize this hypothesis, the article empirically explores the coherence between EU trade and security discourses and the extent to which trade measures have been used for security policy ends, as envisaged in the 2003 European Security Strategy. The empirical analysis confirms the hypothesis that coherence between the trade and security areas is limited, and that this relates to the institutional insulation of the EU trade policy sphere. However, the findings reveal that external factors, such, as international trade law and preferences of the trade partners, should also be considered to further explain the relatively limited coherence between EU trade and security. Adapted from the source document.

This paper constitutes a component of a larger research project. The larger project attempts to address two issues in international relations - —one substantive and theoretical, the second epistemological and ontological. The first issue, which will be the focus of this paper, considers the puzzle of variance in the successful application of global norms. It seeks to explain the conditions under which global norms become part of the agenda of global governance and thus consequential to the actions of state and non-state actors alike. In that sense, the paper focuses on the critical factors that explain variance in the adoption of norms onto the agenda of global governance, their widespread acceptance as legitimate, and their enforcement. I outline three explanatory variables and, according to their configuration, eight possible combinations. The second aspect of this project attempts to apply some of the theoretical aspects of the project to the case of the development of the norm of preventative intervention in intrastate conflicts. In doing so I seek to understand both how, and the extent to which, the concept has evolved during the course of the last decade. Specifically, to what degree has the idea of preventative intervention become widely discussed and part of the policy agenda, and to what degree and how is it implemented?

On July 17, 2018, starting an unjust war became a prosecutable international crime alongside genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Instead of collective state responsibility, our leaders are now personally subject to indictment for crimes of aggression, from invasions and preemptions to drone strikes and cyberattacks. The Crime of Aggression is Noah Weisbord's riveting insider's account of the high-stakes legal fight to enact this historic legislation and hold politicians accountable for the wars they start. Weisbord, a key drafter of the law for the International Criminal Court, takes readers behind the scenes of one of the most consequential legal dramas in modern international diplomacy. Drawing on in-depth interviews and his own invaluable insights, he sheds critical light on the motivations of the prosecutors, diplomats, and military strategists who championed the fledgling prohibition on unjust war - and those who tried to sink it. He untangles the complex history behind the measure, tracing how the crime of aggression was born at the Nuremberg trials only to fall dormant during the Cold War, and he draws lessons from such pivotal events as the collapse of the League of Nations, the rise of the United Nations, September 11, and the war on terror. The power to try leaders for unjust war holds untold promise for the international order, but also great risk. In this incisive and vitally important book, Weisbord explains how judges in such cases can balance the imperatives of justice and peace, and how the fair prosecution of aggression can humanize modern statecraft.