The globalization of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) production began in the 1980s in the Southern Highlands of Bolivia. It has generated transformations in the agrarian system of the region questioning the production sustainability. The low quinoa yields experienced by quinoa producers within indigenous communities is a major issue for the different actors of the production chain, scientists, development institutions and policy makers. Today, they mainly attribute it to soil degradation. Consensus that changes in current field-level practices are needed has led to a search for agro-technical innovations. This study analyses the transition from subsistence agriculture to an export-oriented production system, underlying factors that could explain low yields and territorial resource management issues. We use various theoretical frameworks (farming systems, political ecology and collective action) to characterize the changes that occurred at different temporal and spatial scales, from actual producers' individual life courses to the history of this region for the last forty years. Interviews, participatory observation, workshops and role-playing games were conducted in four rural communities. Results show that explaining low yields by soil degradation has no sound scientific basis. Moreover, this explanation does not take into account the complex interactions that exist between environmental, technical, social and political factors. In fact, this study first shows that actual farming practices are not adapted to the agro-ecological conditions of the new production areas, and that the organic certification norms are not sufficient to ensure the production sustainability. It also stresses the emergence of social tensions related to the new rules of land access and land use, which emerge in a context of weakening of the community's authorities, of high spatial mobility and of the diversification of activities among the farmers. It finally reveals a disconnection between research and development activities and this new context. Soil degradation is an agro-technical discourse disseminated among market chain actors which hides crucial problems. Rebuilding a sustainable relationship between communities and their environment require collective agreements for land and agricultural resource management, and a broader vision that takes into account social, institutional and political processes. ; La globalización de la producción de quinua (Chenopodium quinoa) iniciada a partir de los años 80 en el Altiplano Sur de Bolivia, se constituyó en un vector de cambios que generó profundas transformaciones en el sistema agrario de esta región. Estas transformaciones hicieron emerger, entre los actores involucrados en la cadena productiva y quienes se relacionan con ella (científicos, instituciones de desarrollo, tomadores de decisiones), una generalizada preocupación sobre la sostenibilidad de la producción. Dichas inquietudes, centradas principalmente sobre los bajos rendimientos obtenidos por los agricultores, se le han atribuido a la degradación de los suelos, alertando sobre la urgente necesidad de que se modifiquen las prácticas agrícolas mediante diversas innovaciones agrotécnicas. Frente a esta problemática, este estudio analizó las transformaciones agrarias surgidas de la transición de una agricultura de subsistencia a una agricultura de exportación así como los factores de fondo que explican los bajos rendimientos obtenidos por los agricultores. El estudio se apoya sobre diferentes enfoques teóricos (sistemas agrarios, ecología política y teoría de acción colectiva) para analizar las transformaciones descritas a través de diferentes escalas temporal y espacial, desde las trayectorias de vida de algunos agricultores hasta la historia regional de los últimos cuarenta años. Igualmente, se aplicaron diferentes herramientas (entrevistas, observación participante, talleres participativos y juego de roles) en cuatro comunidades representativas y ante actores institucionales en las escalas regional y nacional. Nuestro análisis revela que atribuirle a la degradación de los suelos la baja productividad de los cultivos no posee ningún fundamento científico serio. Esta explicación no toma en consideración las complejas interacciones que se presentan entre los factores ambientales, técnicos, sociales y políticos del sistema. En efecto, este trabajo demuestra en primer lugar, la desadaptación de las prácticas actuales de cultivo a las condiciones agroecológicas de las nuevas zonas de producción así como la insuficiencia de las normas de certificación orgánica para asegurar la sostenibilidad de la producción. En segundo lugar, revela el surgimiento de tensiones sociales vinculadas a las nuevas reglas de acceso y uso de la tierra, en un contexto en el que se presenta un debilitamiento de la gestión comunal en la gestión de los recursos y en el que la movilidad espacial y la pluriactividad caracterizan a la población cultivadora de quinua. Finalmente, demuestra la falta de articulación entre las acciones de investigación y desarrollo y el contexto actual. La degradación de los suelos es un discurso agrotécnico difundido por algunos actores de la cadena productiva. Este discurso oculta los problemas vinculados a la gestión individual y colectiva de los recursos territoriales, profundamente transformados por el auge de la quinua. La construcción de acuerdos colectivos para reconstruir una relación sostenible entre las comunidades y su ambiente debe abordarse desde una visión territorial que toma en cuenta los procesos sociales, institucionales y políticos. ; La mondialisation de la production de la quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd.), initiée dans les années 80 dans l'Altiplano Sud de la Bolivie, a bouleversé le système agraire de cette région. Parmi les acteurs de la filière (producteurs, organisations professionnelles, importateurs) et ceux qui lui sont associés (gestionnaires, agents de développement, chercheurs), ces changements ont fait émerger des questionnements sur la durabilité de la production, principalement centrés sur une dégradation des sols dont la baisse des rendements agricoles serait l'indicateur le plus fiable. Cette perte de productivité des sols appellerait un changement urgent des pratiques agricoles au sein des communautés rurales, passant notamment par diverses innovations agro-techniques. Cette étude analyse les transformations agraires liées au passage d'une agriculture de subsistance à une agriculture d'exportation, ainsi que les facteurs de fonds qui expliquent les faibles rendements des parcelles. Plus largement, cette étude questionne les modes de gestion actuels des ressources du territoire. Elle s'appuie sur différentes approches (systèmes agraires, écologie politique et théorie de l'action collective) pour analyser ces transformations décrites à travers différentes échelles temporelles et spatiales, depuis le parcours individuel de vie jusqu'à l'histoire régionale des quarante dernières années. Différents outils (réalisation d'entretiens, observation participante, ateliers participatifs et jeux de rôles) ont été utilisés au sein de quatre communautés rurales représentatives et auprès d'acteurs régionaux et nationaux. Notre analyse révèle qu'il n'est pas scientifiquement prouvé que les faibles rendements soient la conséquence de la dégradation des sols. Cette explication néglige les interactions complexes qui existent entre facteurs environnementaux, techniques, sociaux et politiques. En effet ce travail démontre tout d'abord l'inadaptation de certaines pratiques actuelles de culture aux conditions agroécologiques des nouvelles zones de production ainsi que l'insuffisance des normes de certification biologique pour assurer la durabilité de la production. Il signale ensuite l'apparition de tensions liées aux nouvelles formes d'accès et d'usages des terres, dans un contexte où la gestion communautaire des activités agricoles et des ressources foncières s'est progressivement affaiblie, et où la pluriactivité et la mobilité restent des pratiques généralisées parmi les producteurs de quinoa. Il démontre enfin le manque d'articulation entre les actions de recherche et de développement et ce nouveau contexte. La dégradation des sols est un discours agro-technique diffusé par certains acteurs de la filière. Ce discours occulte des enjeux cruciaux liés à la gestion de l'espace et des ressources agricoles. La construction d'accords collectifs pour reconstruire de liens durables entre les communautés et leur environnement doit s'inscrire dans une vision plus large du territoire qui prenne en compte les processus sociaux, institutionnels et politiques.
Background and aims of the research The research for this report was commissioned by the Historical Child Abuse Team of HM Prison & Probation Service (HMPPS), to inform its response to the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA). Their aim was to enhance HMPPS's institutional memory, and to suggest avenues for improved practice in safeguarding children in custody. The research set out to review the operation of past safeguarding frameworks within what is now known as 'the secure estate for young people'. Research methods The initial research strategy was twofold: to conduct an orienting review of risk factors for institutional abuse using existing research and the reports of child abuse inquiries; and to review which kinds of establishment held children sentenced to custody for criminal offences by the courts, and under what policy and legal frameworks they did so. These reviews framed our consideration of inspection reports, archival records, and other primary records concerning institutions of interest. The latter were selected according to where known allegations of sexual abuse have been made. All were male-only; to ensure that female custody was included in our analysis, we added the small number known to have held girls to the list. Systematic catalogue searches were then carried out to identify relevant records in the two principal repositories used for the study (the Radzinowicz Library in Cambridge and The National Archives). The results of these searches were uneven. Archival records for the earlier period (1960 to the 1990s) were sparse, and some issues and institutions of interest were not well-covered. We therefore adopted a more pragmatic strategy, pursuing 'leads' by browsing the archive catalogues, following cross-references in archival records, drawing inferences about institutions for children using available information (for example, by reviewing how complaints were handled in adult prisons where information was lacking for complaints by children) and turning to academic literature where archival sources lacked information relevant to certain issues. Freedom of Information (FOI) requests were also made to access relevant closed archival records but no files of interest were opened in time for inclusion in the report. The review of records covering the later period (1990s onwards) faced a contrasting challenge: the volume of documents published on secure institutions for children is enormous. Due to the three-month time limit for the whole project, it was not possible to comprehensively review the available material on specific institutions, and we therefore focused on published reviews of the children's secure estate overall, and on overviews of the running of all establishments (such as annual reports and thematic inspection reports). References to specific institutions were then chased up in inspection reports. Summary of key developments in safeguarding in the secure estate Safeguards against abuse from 1960 to the 1990s Changes in the nature and scope of the secure estate (and the youth justice system more generally) during this period were highly complex. Between 1960 and 1998, there was particular turbulence; since 1998 things have stabilised somewhat. The period as a whole, however, remains one in which there have been frequent revisions of institutional aims, management problems, resourcing pressures and cycles of expansion, reorganisation and decline. This turbulence is part of the context for historical abuse; it has not been uncommon, at different times, for institutions to become detached from their original aims, and instead to 'drift', sometimes with the result that the duty of care was diluted or suspended. In general, from 1960 until at least the 1980s, policies of all kinds were ill-developed, and often poorly implemented. Responses to abuse were reactive and often failed to recognise or counteract the potential harms which custody might inflict on children. It was common for staff to use their power in irregular ways, and penal institutions often featured violent cultures, in which victimisation of some inmates by others was routine, and sometimes carried out with the tacit consent of staff. Systems aiming to balance children's interests against those of staff (for example, by enabling them to complain) were often ineffective because they failed to correct the disparities in power that were inherent to institutional life. In penal institutions, complaints could be dangerous to raise: there were significant formal and informal barriers to raising a complaint, and significant risks of formal or informal reprisal from staff members. Investigative procedures were also weak, usually relying on investigation within the institution, or (rarely) external investigation by Boards of Visitors. The independence of Boards from prison authorities was not guaranteed. Arrangements to protect the 'welfare' of children were also hampered by resourcing, and by the narrow definition of the issue: Welfare Officers were, for the majority of this period, probation officers mostly responsible for heavy resettlement caseloads, and with limited time for other tasks. In the care system, checks and balances against abuse were often weak, left the same people and organisations responsible for the administration and oversight of institutions, and led to serious conflicts of interest. By the 1970s and 1980s, secure custody within the care system was developing along different lines to that in penal institutions. New justifications for custody were being advanced: that it was not a deterrent, or a training opportunity, but a form of treatment. These ideals were not always achieved in practice, but they led to a shift in official thinking whereby secure conditions were reframed as a way of meeting children's needs, rather than compelling their compliance. One result was to increase awareness of the risks that could be posed by inadequate safeguards. Catalysts for change, 1990-2000 New discourses and practices regarding child protection emerged in the care system during the 1980s and 90s, most particularly as the result of a series of public inquiries which exposed abuses in residential homes. Increasingly, it was recognised that residential institutions possessed their own risks and were particularly vulnerable to certain characteristic risks of abuse. The new practices were formalised into a single legislative framework by the Children Act 1989, which transformed the regulation of the care system. However, its applicability to children in YOIs was legally uncertain until a High Court ruling in 2002. Legal ambiguity did not prevent observers of the prison system making strong criticisms of YOIs (and later, STCs) a major plank in their prison reform agenda. These criticisms were powerful because they drew on the general rights and protections which the 1989 Act had created for children and which, it could be argued, they were denied in custody. These calls for reform applied the 1989 Act to child imprisonment in novel ways, leading to a 'new orthodoxy' in safeguarding. The implementation of a 'new orthodoxy', 2000-2016 Since 2000, there have been further developments in the policy framework for the secure estate, but also new indications that policies have not been perfectly implemented. Imbalances of supply and demand for places in the secure estate, and a gradual shift towards a more vulnerable and damaged population, have been among the factors making implementation challenging. Even so, some safeguards are undoubtedly more effective than previously. For example, greater controls are applied through staff vetting, and several custodial practices such as restraint and strip-searching have been reassessed in light of children's lived experience of these forms of power. Yet these new policies have also been circumvented in new ways. Abuses have come to light which possess both new features and others familiar from past inquiries. Most fundamentally, the arrival of new safeguarding policies has led to the recognition of forms of abuse which went unrecognised before. This has had an unforeseen effect: it has expanded the boundaries of what can potentially be considered abusive. The outcome of this shift remains unclear. Conclusions The safeguarding of children in secure institutions can only be evaluated fully through close attention to organisational culture, as well as the actions and motivations of 'bad' individuals. Cultural beliefs affect day-to-day decision-making and are not always congruent with what is laid down formally in policy; indeed, in some circumstances culture is used to justify the circumvention or relaxation of standards which are officially sanctioned. This is particularly likely in residential institutions for children, which feature inherent disparities of power. Race and learning difficulties added to vulnerability, though it is unclear whether this resulted in an increased likelihood of sexual abuse. The apparent absence of allegations of sexual abuse in establishments for girls is difficult to explain using the evidence we have reviewed, but does not appear to be because girls in custody were less vulnerable. New safeguarding policies implemented since the 1990s contain their own vulnerabilities and have generated their own forms of illegitimacy. It is difficult for institutions to recognise these. It is a consistent pattern, throughout the history we have reviewed, that abusive practices had often seemed unlikely or unthinkable, but later became visible. Thus while preventive safeguards are, in themselves, important, it is also important that institutions do everything possible to promote trusting, positive relationships between staff members and the children in their care, and to ensure that both staff and children are able to make meaningful challenges to aspects of custodial practice. The size of institutions appears relevant here, as do structures of accountability which avoid excessive formality. It is also important that institutions are open to outside scrutiny. This is not merely a question of regular inspection: it is clear from the historical record that those responsible for scrutinising the secure estate could become acculturated, so that their ideas about what is 'normal' and acceptable began to reflect those of the culture around them. Contemporary arrangements for inspection and oversight need to retain awareness of this risk. Abusive cultures develop largely because it is relatively easy for staff, in the context of organisations with steep power differentials, to present certain practices as justifiable means to legitimate ends. Over the long term, the operational context for the secure estate is always likely to be characterised by fluctuations in resourcing, and imbalances between supply and demand. Shifting priorities (of the sort which have been associated with the development of abusive cultures) are likely always to affect provision. In consequence, cultural blind spots will always be possible, and identifying them will always impinge on the interests of those who hold power. This makes protections for whistleblowers a key measure to protect children against abuse. In short, despite safeguarding policies and frameworks and inspection regimes, the potential for abusive practices to develop must be viewed as evolving, and thus always possible. This points to three final reflections: • the use of custody for children should be limited as far as possible, because of the inherent tensions in residential institutions where there is a marked disparity of power and an element of coercion in the allocation of residents; • there are distinct benefits to historical research in this area, because it enables a long view to be taken on present-day safeguards and abuses, and reveals continuities in the kinds of risks affecting the implementation of safeguards; • child safeguarding must be understood as an ongoing, iterative process, rather than as the attainment of a defined standard of practice. ; The report was commissioned by HM Prison & Probation Service and funding for the project came from them. Their aim was to improve their institutional memory and prepare their evidence to the Independent Inquiry on Child Sexual Abuse. Further details of the research questions agreed with them can be found in the appendices of the report at page 69.
Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito apresentada à Faculdade de Direito ; O principal objetivo desta dissertação é examinar os marcos legais das jurisdições internacionais comuns que regulam o jogo e o jogo online. As características morais e culturais distintas do jogo fazem com que a administração legal neste setor varie significativamente entre as jurisdições em todo o mundo, particularmente em termos de legislação. Um estudo da estrutura legal de um país ou região envolve os seguintes componentes principais: Definição legal das atividades de jogo (taxonomia e categoria); Quais regimes regulatórios (como monopólios estaduais ou licenciamento) regem a operação das atividades de jogos de azar; As abordagens específicas para jogos de azar online e terrestres; Disparidades de hierarquia na legislação em diferentes países ou regiões; Leis especiais, supervisores, reguladores, para o setor de jogos de azar em certas jurisdições; Legislação sobre a tributação do jogo. A dissertação afirma que vale a pena comparar e pesquisar os enquadramentos jurídicos que regem o jogo na União Europeia e nos Estados Unidos, não obstante as disparidades dos sistemas político e jurídico. Essas jurisdições significativas representam duas das estruturas legais de jogos de azar mais típicas do mundo hoje, mas também existem vários obstáculos e desafios legais, demonstrando que a indústria de jogos de azar não é um campo direto que pode ser aprendido por meio de metodologias simplistas. O dicionário de jogos de casino define o jogo como "a previsão de um resultado incerto, assumindo as consequências das suas previsões através de apostas". Assim, o jogo tem três elementos básicos: o primeiro é apostar, o segundo é ter um oponente, e o terceiro é que o resultado é baseado na oportunidade, e um dos elementos acima não pode faltar. Este trabalho considera que o jogo e o jogo de chance (game of chance) são iguais em conteúdo e alcance. Do ponto de vista da economia política, a indústria do jogo não pode criar valor por si só, mas apenas participar na distribuição do valor através do jogo e do jogo. Do ponto de vista legal, as práticas de jogo podem ser ilegais ou legais, conforme permitido ou autorizado pelo estado. De acordo com o nível de extensão e conotação calculada, o jogo pode ser dividido em sentido estreito e amplo. Por natureza, há jogo comercial e social. A diferença entre os dois reside na forma como são organizados e se são rentáveis. Jogos sociais são muitas vezes uma forma de entretenimento organizado por pessoas, como jogar poker. Esses jogos geralmente não têm organizadores óbvios, pessoal disperso, pequeno alcance de influência e mais ênfase no entretenimento. Os governos geralmente não interferem nesses jogos de azar. O jogo comercial refere-se aos jogos de azar que lucram com as organizações operacionais especiais de acordo com as regras ou probabilidades especiais do jogo, que podem ser divididos em jogos de loteria tradicionais, jogos competitivos, jogos de cassino e assim por diante. Os jogos competitivos incluem loteria de futebol, corrida de cavalos, corrida de cães ou outras competições esportivas. Os jogos de azar comerciais têm um grande impacto na economia local e na vida das pessoas, até mesmo negativo, por isso precisam ser especialmente regulamentados pelo estado ou governo. A indústria de jogos de azar é caracterizada por serviços de entretenimento. Turistas, residentes locais e até jogadores compulsivos tendem a jogar por prazer e sorte, portanto, não devem ser considerados como ações de investimento (mesmo para aqueles com tais motivos). A taxonomia detalhada dos vários jogos será apresentada no Capítulo 1, que é considerado um bom ponto de partida para explorar os vários regulamentos do jogo. O enquadramento legal do jogo refere-se ao modo de organização e operação em que o governo supervisiona o funcionamento da indústria do jogo sob a condição de economia de mercado. Assim como o sistema regulatório de alimentos e medicamentos, o marco legal do jogo também é um meio de regulação governamental para um determinado setor ou questão dentro do sistema regulatório macroeconômico, com o objetivo de garantir o desenvolvimento sustentado, saudável e estável da indústria do jogo. O estabelecimento de uma estrutura legal para jogos de azar está intimamente relacionado ao contexto cultural de um país ou região e é derivado da compatibilidade legal, ideologia orientadora e princípios regulatórios, incluindo proibições, regulamentos especiais, acesso a mercados e tributação.Mais especificamente, o trabalho no nível operacional inclui o registro de empresas de jogos, registro de produtos, acordos governamentais e empresariais, supervisão e fiscalização de fiscalização, etc.Este artigo seleciona deliberadamente um jogo legal e modelo de estrutura fiscal para pesquisa nos Estados Unidos e na UE, a fim de mostrar quais medidas legais são aplicadas a questões específicas do "jogo" em diferentes jurisdições ao redor do mundo. ; The main objective of this paper is to examine the legal frameworks of common international jurisdictions that regulate gambling and online gambling. Gambling's distinctive moral and cultural characteristics necessitate that legal administration in this sector varies significantly between jurisdictions worldwide, particularly in terms of legislation. A study of a country or region's legal framework entails the following major components: Legal definition of gambling activities (taxonomy and category); What regulatory regimes (such as state monopolies or licensing) govern the operation of gambling activities; The specific approaches to land-based and online gambling; Hierarchy disparities in legislation in different countries or regions; Special laws, supervisors , regulators, for gambling sector in certain jurisdictions; Legislation on the taxation of gambling. The paper claims that the legal frameworks governing gambling in the European Union and the United States are worth comparing and researching, notwithstanding the political and legal systems' disparities. These significant jurisdictions represent two of the most typical gambling legal frameworks in the world today, but there are also numerous legal stumbling blocks and challenging, demonstrating that the gambling industry is not a straightforward field that can be learned through simplistic configurations.The Casino Gaming Dictionary defines gambling as "making a prediction about an uncertain outcome and then accepting the consequences of your decision for the amount of money you have bet." It can be seen that gambling has three basic elements: the first is to have a bet, the second is to have an opponent, the third is to take a chance, none of which is dispensable. This paper holds that gambling and game of chance are equal in connotation and extension. From the perspective of political economy, the gambling industry itself cannot create value, but only participates in the distribution of value through betting and gambling. From the legal point of view, according to whether the country allows or authorizes, it is divided into legal gambling and illegal gambling. According to the level of denotation and connotation will be told, there are betting points on narrow sense and broad sense. There are commercial and social gambling by nature. The difference between the two lies in the way they are organized and whether they are profitable or not. Social gambling is usually a form of entertainment organized by people, such as playing poker.Such games generally have no obvious organizers, scattered personnel, small scope of influence, and more emphasis on entertainment. Governments generally do not interfere with such gambling games. Commercial gambling refers to the gambling games that profit from the special operating organizations according to the special game rules or odds, which can be divided into traditional lottery games, competitive games, casino games and so on. Competitive games include football lottery, horse racing, dog racing or other sports competitions. Commercial gambling games have a great impact on local economy and people's life, even a negative impact, so it needs to be specially regulated by the state or government. Gambling industry is characterized by entertainment service. Tourists, local residents, and even compulsive gamblers tend to gamble for pleasure and luck, thus, shouldn't be considered as actions of investment (even for those with such motives). The detailed taxonomy of the various games will be presented in Chapter 1, which is considered a good starting point for exploring the various game regulations. Gaming legal framework refers to the organization and operation mode that the government supervises the operation of the gambling industry under the condition of market economy.Just like the regulatory system for food and drugs, the legal framework for gambling is also a means of government regulation for a specific sector or issue within the macroeconomic regulatory system, with the aim of ensuring the sustained, healthy and stable development of the gambling industry.To establish the gambling legal framework is a country or a region's cultural concept, the derived out of the country or region corresponding legal gambling compatibility, guiding ideology and principles of management, etc., including the prohibitions, regulators set, market access and taxation. More specifically, the work at the operational level includes gambling enterprise registration, business registration, government and enterprise agreement, supervision and law enforcement inspection, etc. This paper deliberately selected the United States and several member states of the European Union as the research models in the field of legal framework and taxation of gambling law, in order to show what legal measures have been applied in various jurisdictions in the world when facing the special issue of "gambling".
Over the last decade, Australia's tropical north has featured front and centre in big national debates about the nation's future. As in the past, the north has again been cast as the nation's frontier saviour through bold new resource and agricultural developments, both real and imagined. Yet others have dreamt of the north's expansive landscapes being secured as an iconic wilderness. Big human rights-centred debates have raged about the success or otherwise of Commonwealth, State and Territory interventions in Indigenous communities. Quick-draw policy responses on complex issues like the live cattle trade have had devastating impacts on the confidence of northern industries and communities. Finally, the daily media images of refugees heading to the coast keep the north's strategic importance on centre-stage, raising unresolved tensions about relationships with our Asian-Pacific neighbours. With some exceptions, these national debates have played out across southern Australia's media, policy-making and academic institutions and think-tanks; a debate largely crafted by, and for, a southern audience. For those of us in the north, it is forgivable to think that the south looks upon northern Australia as one might look upon their own troubled child; a youngster on the precipice between adolescence and adulthood. There seems to be, on one level, that great hope and expectation of a gifted life ahead; the north stepping forth into untold prosperity and longevity. At the same time, there remains a fear that, left to its own devices, the north will spiral into delinquency; a failed state perhaps. While it could be too easy to cast a discussion about the future of northern Australia in simple north-south terms, the south does have the political power, money and population to deliver big changes in the north. Many in the north, however, would argue that, on a daily basis, they experience flaws in the south's contribution to its governance. There is a common perception that major policy decisions are often made in the interest of a southern electorate without real concern for the rights and interests of those in the north. Other concerns relate to programs that are too short term, fragmented and restrictive to make any genuine changes for the better. Without further extending the "troubled youth" analogy, this might just be a sign that the north is maturing and is champing at the bit to be more in control of its own destiny. The north, however, is indeed different to the south. It has a far thinner human and institutional capacity. Its land tenure foundations are largely public or communal versus private. It is primarily an Indigenous domain. Its climate and annual cyclonic risk is beyond the typical experiences of those in the south. Much of the north is closer to populous Asian and Pacific capitals than to Perth, Brisbane or Canberra. As such, northerners, by and large, are looking for different governance models. There is a desire to cast existing models aside and to at least explore, in partnership with State and Federal Governments, innovative new approaches. Northern Australians want people in the south to better understand this unique, majestic land and its importance to the nation. Over recent years, several columnists and academics have had a go at building a narrative about the north, but few have tried to start a genuine dialogue between northern and southern Australia; a dialogue focused on how the nation as a whole might work towards a better future for northern Australia through governance reform. This discussion piece aims to start a national debate about the purpose and direction for such reform. It is not, however, a return to Theodorian-style calls for political separatism. Northern Australia needs southern Australia and vice versa. This means that, at the very least, the nation needs a bolder and united north Australian narrative that takes us from being the post-colonial backwater of three separate governments to a more northern-driven but nationally integrated governance system. It is about Australian and State/Territory Governments radically and collectively reconfiguring their current fragmented and geographically distant approach, to one that negotiates big policy decisions in the north and that manages government policy and programs in radically different ways. With mature economies in the south, fresh opportunities for major national economic, social and environmental advances rest in the north. Southern powers need to explicitly support the emergence of these opportunities from within the north itself for the benefit of the nation as a whole. This could emerge through a stronger northern Australian policy, fiscal and delivery architecture; perhaps one directly integrated into the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) framework. Such an architecture and associated processes, however, must be powerfully engaged with a cohesive and strong pan-tropical alliance of northern Australia's sectoral interests, inclusive of traditional owners, local government, industry, human service, conservation and other sectors. It must also be independently informed by a cohesive and engaged knowledge-based relationship with the north's key research institutions. If this approach recasts the way decisions are made for the north, then there are several big reform agendas that need to be the foundational focus of attention. First, as the foundation for both economic development and rights protection, the north needs real innovation in the efficient resolution of land use and tenure conflicts across the landscape. This requires a long-term, cohesive and regionally-driven approach to planning of the north's strategic land use and infrastructure needs. This contrasts the current approach, driven both by either high profile southern conservation campaigns or major development projects that emerge in bull markets. On the economic front, we also need a more targeted and consistent approach to negotiating major project development in ways that lift investor-confidence while not trashing our crown-jewel environmental and cultural assets; approaches that also can build the long-term foundations for regional community development. Alongside this, we have an opportunity to create the basis for an eco-system services economy specifically designed for, and focussed on, northern Australia; one that delivers land owners/managers real economic reasons for managing landscapes explicitly for their cultural, conservation and wilderness values while also keeping the economic foundations for remote communities intact. At the community-scale, over the past 30 years, the core government model for Indigenous policy and program delivery shifted from assimilation to self-determination, but the policy failures of both have culminated in (the largely top-down) interventions of the last decade and their focus on service normalisation. While addressing critical needs, the new normalisation-based approaches continue to disempower and deliver stop-start progress. The architecture for government delivery largely remains welfare-oriented, inflexible and annualised. Such approaches simply do not build lasting human capacity and often do not work for a region with a rugged landscape, limited human resources and a cruelling wet-dry seasonality. Similarly in that time, local governments across the north have been gradually lumbered with big new policy and delivery responsibilities without linked improvements in revenue. To shift the whole economy from an historically boom-bust cycle, however, the nation must build the foundations for a tropical knowledge-driven economy that both underpins productivity improvements in our existing industries (mining, agriculture, fishing, tourism) and creates real export-oriented engagement. This outward looking engagement needs to be not just into the Asia-Pacific, but right across the globe's tropical latitudes. This will rely on Australia investing in tropical knowledge development (e.g., tropical health, agriculture, environmental and disaster management, tropical design and energy) within the north. These strengths then need to be brokered into the wider tropical region via long-term partnership building, trade and innovation clusters and the strategic attraction of foreign investment. This palette of reforms could deliver a progressive and productive northern Australia with a strong identity and lifestyle values to-die-for. Despite the challenging climate, the north could become a place where a great diversity of people (with a wide skills base) want to live, escaping our reputation as the southern hemisphere's salt mines. The cost of failure would be great: a permanent boom and bust economy with more bust and less boom, whole regions of multi-generational disadvantage and the nation's environmental and cultural jewels degraded. If progressed through the right governance reforms, however, securing these opportunities in the north may hold the keys to the whole nation's future. This paper outlines first why good governance for northern Australia is important to the nation. It details how things actually function in a pan-tropical sense, in northern Western Australia (WA), the Northern Territory (NT) and northern Queensland, and at regional and local scales. It then looks at how the north has been governed through the lens of major conflict themes from our recent history. It also looks at the outcomes that might emerge from a business-as-usual scenario; what happens if the flaws in the governance of the north continue unabated into the future? Finally, it explores (or perhaps dreams) of some of the alternative possibilities for northern governance.
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Lachankeri microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of about 716 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 84 per cent is covered by soils, 2 per cent by mining/industrial and 16 per cent by habitation and water bodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 14 soil series and 25 soil phases (management units) and 5 land management units. The length of crop growing period is 150 cm) soils. About 2 per cent sandy soils at the surface, 65 per cent has loamy soils at the surface and 16 per cent has clayey soils at the surface. About 55 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity. An area of about 13 per cent has nearly level (0-1%) and 71 per cent area has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands. An area of about 34 per cent has soils that are slightly eroded (e1) and 50 per cent moderately eroded (e2) lands. An area of about 0.75%) in 72 per cent area of the soils. Available phosphorus is high (>57 kg/ha) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed. Available potassium content is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed. Available sulphur is low (4.5 ppm) in an area of about 59 per cent and deficient (0.6 ppm) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed. Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils. The land suitability for 31 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 82(11) 305(43) Sapota 89(12) 171(24) Maize 20(3) 368(51) Pomegranate 89(12) 171(24) Bajra 153(21) 315(44) Musambi 89(12) 171(24) Groundnut 75(10) 439(61) Lime 89(12) 171(24) Sunflower 71(10) 110(15) Amla 153(21) 388(54) Red gram 71(10) 110(15) Cashew 29(4) 217(30) Bengalgram - 388(54) Jackfruit 89(12) 172(24) Cotton 56(8) 332(46) Jamun 34(5) 226(32) Chilli 104(15) 284(40) Custard apple 153(21) 388(54) Tomato 104(15) 284(40) Tamarind 34(5) 95(13) Brinjal 109(15) 275(38) Mulberry 89(12) 245(34) Onion 58(8) 326(46) Marigold 49(7) 339(47) Bhendi 58(8) 326(46) Chrysanthemum 49(7) 339(47) Drumstick 89(12) 165(23) Jasmine 49(7) 339(47) Mango 34(5) 83(12) Crossandra 49(7) 338(54) Guava 44(6) 217(30) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 5 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops that helps in maintaining productivity and ecological balance in the microwatershed. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc. Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY Baseline socioeconomic characterization is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: Lachankari micro-watershed in Karkihalli Sub-watershed (Koppal taluk and district) is located in between 15014'–15013' North latitudes and 76014' – 76013' East longitudes, covering an area of about 715.81 ha, bounded by Lachanakeri, Karkihalli and Kunakeri villages with length of growing period (LGP) 120-150 days. We used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified. Results: The socio-economic outputs for the Lachankari micro-watershed in Koppal taluk and district are presented here. The data indicated that there were 149 (58.66%) men and 105 (41.34%) were women among the sampled households. The average family size of marginal farmers was 4.19, a small farmer was 5, a semi medium farmer was 4.33, a medium farmer was 4 and for large farmers it was 4.22. There were 54 (21.26%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 127 (50%) were in 16- 35 years of age, 62 (24.41 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 11 (4.33%) were above 61 years of age. The Lachankeri had 33.46 per cent illiterates, 0.39 per cent functional literates, 20.87 per cent of them had primary school education, 11.42 per cent of them had middle school education, 17.72 per cent of them had high school education, 8.27 per cent of them had PUC education, 0.39 per cent of them had ITI, 4.33 per cent of them had degree education and 3.15per cent of them had other education. The results indicate that, 94.12 per cent of households practicing agriculture and 3.92 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labourers. The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 65.35 per cent of the household members, 1.18 per cent were agricultural labourers, 1.97 per cent were general labours, 0.79 per cent of them were in government sector and 27.56 per cent of them were students. The results shows that 0.39 per cent of them participated in self help groups, 3.54 per cent of them participated in user groups and 95.28 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions. About 0per cent of landless farmers have participated in self help groups and 95.24 per cent have not participated in any local institutions. Marginal farmers participated in self help group (0%) and user groups (5.45%). 2 The results indicate that 1.96 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 0 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 3.92 per cent of them possess pucca house and 7.84 per cent of them household's posses' semi pucca house. The results shows that 94.12 per cent of the households possess TV, 78.43 per cent of the households possess mixer grinder, 11.76 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 37.25 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, and 88.24 per cent of the households possess mobile phones. About 41.18 per cent of the households possess plough, 7.84 per cent of them possess tractor and 60.78 per cent of the households possess sprayer. The average value of plough was Rs.1, 738, the average value of tractor was Rs.3, 76,250 and the average value of sprayer was Rs.4, 741. The results indicate that, 21.57 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 41.18 per cent of the households possess local cow, 17.65 per cent of the households possess crossbred cows, 5.88 per cent of the households possess buffalo and 1.96 per cent of the households possess sheep. Average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.76, average own labour (women) available was 1.36, average hired labour (men) available was 6.9 and average hired labour (women) available was 5.62. The results indicate that, 88.24 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate and 3.9 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate. Households of the Lachankeri micro watershed possess 29.54 ha (46.6 %) of dry land and 53.4 ha (33.86%) of irrigated land. The average value of dry land was Rs. 3, 80, 989 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 5, 65,389. Marginal farmers had irrigated area of 0.53 hectares, small farmers had 11.67 hectares, semi medium farmers had 13.7 hectares of irrigated land and medium farmers had 10.26 hectares of irrigated land. Farmers have grown cotton (0.81 ha), cow pea (1.3 ha), ground nut (8.72 ha), maize (18.74 ha), paddy (3.5 ha) and pearl millet (Sajje) (7.77 ha), red gram (togari) (45.54 ha). Marginal farmers have grown sugarcane (0.4 ha), ground nut (0.4ha), and maize (2.99 ha), Small farmers have grown ground nut (3.34 ha), sugarcane (1.3 ha) and maize (5.91 ha). Semi medium farmers have grown maize (4.99 ha), paddy (2.97ha), pearl millet (Sajje) (3.43 ha) and sugarcane (0.81ha).Medium farmers have grown maize (4.86 ha) and ground nut (2.96 ha). The cropping intensity Lachankeri micro watershed was found to be 152.38 per cent. In case of marginal farmers it was 100 per cent, for small farmers it was 94.38 per cent, in case of semi medium farmers it was 86.11 per cent, medium farmers had cropping intensity of 275.89 per cent 3 The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 63206. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 72628. The net income from ground nut cultivation was Rs. 9421.94, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1: 1.15. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 37238. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 26355.59. The net income from Bajra cultivation was Rs. -10882.68. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 01:00.7. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for cowpea was Rs. 43484. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 35506.25. The net income from cowpea cultivation was Rs-7977.92, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 01:00.8. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 49293. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs 74100. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs 24806.22. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 01:01.5. The results indicate that, households have planted 2 teak, 77 neem trees, 3 tamarind, 1 peepul tree and 6 banyan trees. Marginal farmers have planted 12 neem, 2 teaks, 1 peepul and 1 banyan tree. Small farmers have planted 27 Neem. Semi medium farmers have planted 26 neem and 1 tamarind trees. Medium farmers have planted 12 neem trees. Bore well was the major source for drinking water for 82.35 per cent includes 20 per cent of landless, 83.33 per cent of marginal, 87.5 per cent of small farmers, 100 per cent of semi medium and 83.33 per cent of medium. Electricity was the major source of light for all the households in micro watershed. Kerosene was major source of light for 1.96 per cent of the households The results indicated that,49.02 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 20 per cent of landless, 16.67 per cent of marginal, 87.5 per cent of small, 16.67 per cent of semi medium and 100 per cent of medium and large farmers had sanitary toilet facility. The results indicated that, 90.2 per cent of the households sampled possessed BPL card. The results indicated that, wild animal menace on farm field (65.31%) of the households, frequent incidence of pest and diseases (19.61%), High cost of Fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (9.8%), , high rate of interest on credit (33.33%), low price for the agricultural commodities (9.8%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (39.22%), less rain fall (72.55%), Source of Agri-technology information (Newspaper/ TV/ Mobile) (15.69%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
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I will begin with a story. When I was in graduate school I returned to Hampshire twice to teach as part of the Jan Plan. The college was interested in elevating its January term, which up until then had been a free for all of student led courses. I was looking to get out of Binghamton for a few weeks. Even in the bitter cold of January, Amherst has more to offer than Broome County. I saw the first Scream during one of those Januarys, and the next January I taught it.My course was meant to be fun. We read some of Lawrence Grossberg's We Gotta Get Out of this Place, some of Steven Shaviro's The Cinematic Body, some Jameson, and probably some of Men, Women, and Chainsaws (Basically books that I thought were cool). My approach to Scream was ambitious. I assigned some of Paolo Virno's writings on opportunism and cynicism as the prevailing attitudes of modern life, and tried to make a connection, albeit an uncertain one, between his description of cynicism and the self aware nature of Scream. The basis of this connection is the way in which the cynic is aware of both the arbitrary and binding nature of nature of certain rules, norms, and protocols. As Virno writes:"The cynic recognizes, in the particular context in which he operates, the predominate role played by certain epistemological premises and the simultaneous absence of real equivalences. To prevent disillusion, he forgoes any aspiration to dialogic and transparent communication. He renounces from the beginning the search for an intersubjective foundation for his practice and for a shared criterion of moral value … The decline of the principle of equivalence, a principle intimately connected to commerce and exchange, can be seen in the cynic's behaviour, in his impatient abandon of the demand for equality. He entrusts his own affirmation of self to the multiplication and fluidification of hierarchies and unequal distributions that the unexpected centrality of knowledge in production seems to imply."This awareness of rules seemed to apply to the self aware nature of the Scream films which attempt to both recognize the conventions of the slasher film, "there are rules for surviving a horror movie," and keep those conventions in place as the basis for the film. (It is worth noting that the Scream films never offer a justification for a convention, never goes the route of later films, like Cabin in the Woods that ground the conventions of one genre by explaining them by way of another, in this case cosmic horror/government conspiracy). The Scream films both acknowledge the cliched nature of the rules while simultaneously using them as rules, saying that "You will be right back" is a sure guarantee that you won't, engaging in sexual activity is a death sentence. (it demands both a knowing wink and a terrified scream).This put the Scream films in a difficult position, of constantly commenting on while utilizing the conventions of slasher films, a task made more difficult by the fact that that specific sub genre of horror is subject to its own cycles of exhaustion and renewal. The recent Scream films, the one just called Scream and the recent sequel, that resumes the sequence with the number VI, have offered their own meta-commentary on the genre, and the current state of the culture industry. Scream coined the term "requel," a sequel that is also a reset or reboot of the series. Usually such requels attempt to right a series which has lost its way, or its audience.The requel brings back a major character or original director as an attempt to restore continuity and trust. A list of such requels includes the recent Halloween films with Jamie Lee Curtis, Terminator: Dark Fate, Jurassic World: Dominion, and Prometheus. All films that reboot and restore a series. It could be argued, however, that the Scream films have never needed such a reset. The original cast, Neve Campbell, Courtney Cox, and David Arquette, have been in all of the films, and there has been no diversion from the formula that needed correction just the exhaustion brought about by repetition. This tension between the concept and the film is resolved in Scream (5) by having The Stab series, the films within the film, lose sight of the slasher premise of the earlier films. The reference here seems to be to such series wrecking deviations as the Friday the Thirteenth in space, Jason X and the convoluted mythos of the later Halloween films. Scream is oddly a better work of film criticism than a film. The film is fine, for what it is, but it follows its own predictable set of rules, rules not mentioned, opening with a menacing phone call and a killing, and ending with a revelation of who is wearing the Ghost Face mask this time and why. The better the films get at commenting on the unwritten rules of the culture industry the more glaring there own unwritten rules stand out. The latest installment, Scream VI continues this odd trajectory in which the commentary and plot increasingly diverge. The commentary now focuses on the idea that the killers are building a franchise. A franchise has its own rules, most importantly legacy characters can now be killed off in order to further the franchise. The intellectual property is the real main character. Such a description fits such films as The Force Awakens and The Last Jedi, which bring back Han Solo and Luke Skywalker only to kill them off so that the franchise could live on. Once again this is a point of criticism that does not exactly describe the latest Scream film. David Arquette's Dewey character was killed in Scream (5); Courtney Cox's Gail Weathers character is attacked but seems to survive this film, and Neve Campbell's Sydney character does not even appear in the latest installment, but that is because they did not offer her enough money. The tension between intellectual property and actor is one of the defining characteristics of modern filmmaking. It is a conflict between an old world of marketing movies based on bankable stars and a new world of carefully managed franchises, and in this interregnum CGI monsters are born. This can be seen in the MCU, which as much as it hides actors behind interchangeable digital masks, putting out three different Spider-Men, three Hulks, and countless Batmen, still has to make an entire film about the death of one of its stars, Chadwick Boseman, and struggles to draw audiences after the departure of Robert Downey Jr. and Chris Evans. Although that last point has to do with another tension, the tension between serial repetition and narrative closure. To cite the MCU once again, Avengers: Endgame felt like an end to a story spanning dozens of films, and when the story comes to an end people are not immediately ready to just jump back in. The recent Indiana Jones movies are defined between both of these tensions, between actor and property, brand repetition and narrative closure. There is no small bit of irony to the second tension. At the level of structure the films revival an older serial form, that of Saturday adventure serials that is completely at home in the modern serialization of intellectual property. One gets the impression in watching the films that they could have made a ton of these movies, there are always new treasures to find and Nazis to punch. Residual meets the emergent, old serials meet the serial form of the sequel. The moment to do that has passed, however, and now the recent films struggle with Harrison Ford, the aging bankable star beneath the IP hat, and the sense that the last film ended with the closest thing to a happily ever after the series offered--Indy and Marion are married and Shia LeBeouf does not put on the hat. Indiana Jones and the Dial of Destiny resolves the first issue, that of Ford's age, with an extended opening sequence set at the end of World War II made possible by the combination of old film stock and modern AI imaging. What we get is not so much a young Harrison Ford, but at least a reminder that he existed, somehow his charm eludes CGI reproduction. The opening sequence devolves into the weightless cartoon world of so much modern digital effects. With respect to the later we learn that Shia LeBeouf's Mutt died in Vietnam and the grief of his loss destroyed Indy's marriage. All of this means that he is off an another adventure again with a young god daughter, played by a (hopefully more bankable) Phoebe Waller-Bridge. The film follows the rules of an Indiana Jones film. There are chases, horse chases, car chases, plane chases, some version of creepy crawly creatures, this time eels, and ancient booby traps, all of which are punctuated by jokes about how old Harrison Ford is this time out. The film is slightly better than the last, but, in the final scene, when Marion and Indy are not only reunited but they repeat there "where doesn't it hurt" flirtation from the first film, you get the sense that the directors are searching for their own dial of destiny, a device that could turn back time and make a half dozen Indiana Jones films between nineteen eighty and eighty nine, back when the IP was fresh and Ford was bankable. As I began this piece with my own bit of nostalgia. In the nineties, I tried to make a connection between the Scream film's self aware commentary on the rules of its genre and Virno description of the cynic as the prevailing attitude of postmodernism. I remember saying to the class, "we see these films because we are aware of the rules, the cliches, but we still want to enjoy them." I would add now that in the age of Intellectual Property we are aware that all of these films are made to build, and capitalize on the brand, the IP, but we want to pretend that they are driven by something else, by something more compelling. The task of modern filmmaking, of the contemporary culture industry, is to make what is driven by market forces feel like it is made for our enjoyment. This task appears to be harder to pull off than digitally deaging an old movie star.
This doctoral dissertation evaluated the use of sustainable biomass sources (agri-food waste and residues, and industry streams) in anaerobic digestion with the goal of replacing maize silage in a large-scale biogas production and investigated alternative pathways of biogas utilisation incorporated in energy systems operating with high share of renewable energy sources. The methods applied in the research included elements of chemical and mechanical engineering in order to create a holistic approach that could be applicable to various biogas plant cases. Experimental investigations showed the biogas yield of residue lignocellulosic biomass of 0.192-0.275 Nm3/kgTS, and bulk food waste of 0.252-0.566 Nm3/kgTS. Meat and bone meal and wastewater sludge were shown to be co-substrates with antagonistic effect in biogas production, however they increased the reaction rate of overall degradation. Pyrolysis of digestate showed lower energy requirements and higher biochar yield (38%) compared to direct pyrolysis of lignocellulosic biomass (24%). The gate fee business model for receiving biodegradable waste and the implementation of new technologies, namely biogas upgrading, are the most likely options for biogas plants in the future. A robust mathematical model of power-to-gas integration showed that the installation of 18 MWel of wind and 9 MWel of photovoltaics with an additional import of 16 GWhel from the grid could produce 36 GWh of renewable methane which could be economically competitive with natural gas if the feedstock gate fee in the proposed system was -120 €/t. Geospatial availability of an energy potential of biogas production from examined feedstocks, combined with Life Cycle Assessment of the alternative biogas utilisation pathways created the synergistic effects in terms of reduced environmental burdens by 4-36 times compared to the current operation. Based on the applied methods and outcomes of the doctoral thesis, the research hypothesis "Applying holistic approach on biogas plants, both on the production and utilisation side, can increase economic profitability and environmental benefits over current subsidised operation" was tested and confirmed. The economic feasibility of biogas plants after exiting subsidy schemes will include the implementation of the gate fee business model for substrates, new investments in biomass pretreatment lines, increase of on-site biogas storage capacity and additional investments in renewable methane production system, primarily biomethane. Environmental burdens of such actions will be reduced through a contribution of biowaste management on urban and rural level, combined with the utilization of biogas for production of biomethane as a replacement to natural gas. ; Biomasa je obnovljiv izvor energije (OIE) te ima važnu ulogu u diverzifikaciji opskrbe energijom u Europskoj Uniji (EU) [1]. Ona doprinosi ravnoteži ugljikovog dioksida (CO2), stvaranju radnih mjesta, smanjenju emisija stakleničkih plinova (eng. Greenhouse gas, GHG) te osiguravanju dostupnosti resursa i njihovom ekonomičnom gospodarenju [2]. U Republici Hrvatskoj biomasa je definirana prema Zakonu o obnovljivim izvorima energije i visokoučinkovitoj kogeneraciji kao "biorazgradivi dio proizvoda, otpada i ostataka biološkog podrijetla iz poljoprivrede (uključujući tvari biljnoga i životinjskoga podrijetla), šumarstva i srodnih proizvodnih djelatnosti, uključujući ribarstvo i akvakulturu, kao i biorazgradivi dio industrijskoga i komunalnog otpada" [3]. Biomasa se može direktno koristiti kao gorivo za dobivanje energije (npr. drvna biomasa u kotlovima), ili se može biokemijskim, kemijskim, ili termokemijskim postupcima pretvoriti u materijal dodane vrijednosti – biogorivo, čime se postiže njezina šira primjenjivost u energetske svrhe [4]. Biogoriva prve generacije dobivena iz prehrambenih usjeva kao uzgojene biomase [5] naišla su na neodobravanje znanstvene zajednice i šire javnosti, primarno zbog korištenja obradivih površina za njihov uzgoj. Napredna biogoriva (druge i treće generacije [5]) proizvedena su iz biomase koja nije kompetitivna s proizvodnjom hrane, a u nju spada otpadna biomasa iz kućanstva i industrije, poljoprivredni ostatci, neprehrambeni usjevi te alge. Ova doktorska disertacija stavlja fokus na korištenje biomase u procesu anaerobne razgradnje za dobivanje bioplina. Cilj istraživanja je ostvariti sinergijski učinak između ekonomičnog korištenja otpadne biomase i proizvodnje energije u sustavima s velikim udjelom OIE kako bi se postiglo smanjenje utjecaja na okoliš u usporedbi s trenutnom praksom u bioplinskim postrojenjima koja uključuje korištenje kukuruzne silaže i proizvodnju električne energije uz zajamčenu otkupnu cijenu. Mjesto nastanka, tip biomase, te njezine količine bitan su faktor za strateško pozicioniranje novih bioplinskih postrojenja, te za planiranje novih lanaca opskrbe sirovinama u postojećim postrojenjima. Geografski informacijski sustav (eng. Geographic Information System, GIS) [6] prepoznat je kao vrijedan alat za mapiranje potencijala izvora biomase, kao i određivanje transportnih udaljenosti od mjesta nastanka biomase do postrojenja. GIS analiza na razini EU pokazala je ukupni energetski potencijal za proizvodnju bioplina iz poljoprivrednih ostataka i životinjske gnojovke na godišnjoj razini jednak 0.7 EJ (oko 195 TWh) [7], što je dvostruko više nego proizvodnja bioplina iz tih supstrata ostvarena u 2016 godini u EU. Primjenom GIS alata na lokalnoj razini u Grčkoj, Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i Finskoj pokazano je da ekonomski prihvatljive transportne udaljenosti za supstrate mogu varirati između 10 i 40 km [8–10]. Povećanjem radijusa raspoloživosti biomase povećava se i kapacitet postrojenja čime je moguće ostvariti veću proizvodnju obnovljive energije, no istovremeno stvara se dodatan teret na okoliš, kako je još uvijek većina biomase transportirana teretnim vozilima na fosilna goriva [10]. Ono što također treba uzeti u obzir prilikom procjene korištenja biomase u bioplinskom postrojenju je njezina tržišna vrijednost, odnosno plaća li bioplinsko postrojenje za biomasu, ili dobiva naknadu za njezino gospodarenje (eng. Gate fee, GF). U postojećim okvirima proizvodnje bioplina, cijena kukuruzne silaže je između 15 i 40 € po toni sirovine [11], dok alternativni izvori biomase (npr. miješani komunalni biootpad i otpadna hrana) postižu GF u iznosu od -60 do 0 €/tona [11]. Nakon što biomasa uđe u prostor bioplinskog postrojenja, potrebno ju je adekvatno pripremiti za proces anaerobne razgradnje. U tu svrhu mogu se koristiti metode predobrade koje se služe termičkim, mehaničkim, kemijskim ili biološkim postupcima (ili nekim njihovim kombinacijama) [12]. Metode predobrade služe kako bi potaknule proces razgradnje kompleksnih polimernih molekula prisutnih u organskoj tvari, čime se postiže viša konverzija biomase u bioplin [13]. Uspješnost razgradnje biomase te proizvodnje bioplina, kao i stabilnost u procesu određuju se eksperimentalnim mjerenjima, pri čemu se prate procesne varijable kao što su sadržaj suhe tvari (eng. Dry Matter, DM, ili Total Solids, TS), proizvodnja i sastav bioplina, pH, koncentracija hlapljivih masnih kiselina (eng. Volatile Fatty Acids, VFA), ukupni anorganski ugljik (eng. Total Inorganic Carbon, TIC), prisutnost amonijakalnog dušika (eng. Ammonium-nitrogen, NH4-N), koncentracija soli, teških metala i ostalo [14]. Na temelju vrijednosti navedenih procesnih varijabli operatori bioplinskih postrojenja znaju odvija li se proces unutar dozvoljenih vrijednosti te kako reagirati ukoliko je primijećena nestabilnost u procesu. Eksperimentalni podatci također služe za modeliranje kinetike anaerobne razgradnje [15] pri čemu se ovisnosti o kompleksnosti ulaznih podataka i traženih rezultata mogu primijeniti razni kinetički modeli [16–18]. Složeniji modeli zahtijevaju veći broj ulaznih podataka, ali također daju i detaljniji uvid u mehanizam reakcija i otkrivanju tzv. uskog grla procesa koji određuje ukupnu brzinu nastanka bioplina. Osim bioplina, drugi proizvod anaerobne razgradnje je digestat kojeg čine nerazgrađeni ostatci biomase u tekućoj fazi [19]. Tekuća frakcija digestata je obično bogata makronutrijentima – dušikom (N), fosforom (P) i kalijem (K), što ju čini primjenjivom kao gnojivo za tlo [20]. Čvrsta frakcija digestata također sadrži P, ali i zaostali organski ugljik (C) što ga čini prikladnim za poboljšavanje karakteristika tla, kompostiranje [21] ili za neki od oblika energetske oporabe [22]. Prednost korištenja digestata u opisanim načinima leži u činjenici da je njegova tržišna vrijednost mala, tek 2-4 €/t [23]. Proizvedeni bioplin najčešće se koristi kao gorivo u kombiniranoj proizvodnji električne i toplinske energije, kogeneracija (eng. Combined Heat and Power, CHP). Proteklih desetljeća na razini EU mehanizmi subvencija za bioplinske kogeneracije u vidu feed-in-tariffa i feed-in-premija rezultirale su intenzivnom penetracijom bioplina u elektroenergetski sektor [24]. Razina subvencija je definirana na nacionalnoj razini, ali u svim članicama EU nije niža od 80 €/MWhel, što je gotovo dvostruko veći iznos od prosječne veleprodajne tržišne cijene električne energije u EU [25]. Također, ono što je važno napomenuti jest da su subvencije izdane na određeni period (12-20 godina od statusa stjecanja povlaštenog proizvođača električne energije [26]) nakon čega će bioplinska postrojenja morati razmotriti neke druge načine iskorištavanja (eng. Utilisation) bioplina da bi zadržale ekonomski isplativo poslovanje. Prema podatcima Europske udruge za bioplin (eng. European Biogas Association, EBA) u 2020. godini u Europi je bilo instalirano 18,943 bioplinskih postrojenja, od kojih je 18,214 (96%) radilo u kogeneracijskom načinu, a ostalih 4% kao postrojenja za proizvodnju biometana kroz tehnologiju poboljšavanja bioplina (eng. Biogas upgrading) odnosno uklanjanje svih ne-CH4 komponenti bioplina [27]. Ova doktorska disertacija detaljno razlaže inovativnije načine iskorištavanja bioplina u budućim energetskim sustavima, što će uključivati rad kogeneracijskih postrojenja u tržišnim okvirima [28], pretvorbu bioplina u biometan te proizvodnju e-metana kroz implementaciju power-to-gas (P2G) koncepta [29] u sustavima s visokim udjelom energije iz varijabilnih OIE. Primjena procjene životnog ciklusa (eng. Life Cycle Assessment, LCA) [30] može otkriti utjecaje promjene politika sirovina u proizvodnji bioplina i njegovog iskorištavanja u sprezi s budućim energetskim sustavima u odnosu na okoliš. Usporedba LCA performansi za bioplinsko postrojenje koje koristi životinjsku gnojovku i energetske usjeve pokazala je da bioplin za proizvodnju električne energije stvara uštede od oko 300 kgCO2-eq/MWhel, dok upgrading bioplina u biometan i njegovo ubrizgavanje u plinsku mrežu štedi oko 191 kgCO2-eq za proizvedeni MWh biometana [31]. Za preglednije tumačenje opisanih rezultata potrebno je izraziti emisije istom jedinicom, ali i prezentirati podatke o sastavu miksa električne energije (eng. Electricity mix). Za slučaj Irske, LCA je pokazao da integracija P2G koncepta za upgrading bioplina, uz korištenje električnog miksa od 85% OIE, može rezultirati smanjenjem GHG emisija za 70% u odnosu na fosilna goriva [32]. Na temelju pregleda literature (detaljniji prikaz u poglavlju Introduction), dosad nije zabilježeno istraživanje u području anaerobne razgradnje koje povezuje mapiranje i korištenje ostatne i otpadne biomase za proizvodnju bioplina sa njegovim iskorištavanjem u budućim energetskim sustavima. Ova doktorska disertacija je ocijenila takav cjeloviti pristup i predstavila rezultate istraživanja iz perspektive jednog, odnosno više bioplinskih postrojenja. Interdisciplinarni i cjeloviti pristup prema promatranoj temi koristio je elemente kemijskog i strojarskog inženjerstva za ispunjavanje četiri glavna cilja istraživanja: • • Kvantificirati proizvodnju bioplina koristeći nove supstrate biomase kao što su lignocelulozni ostatci iz poljoprivredne proizvodnje, otpadna hrana i industrijski nusproizvodi koji nisu konkurentni proizvodnji hrane, kao što je to slučaj s kukuruznom silažom u sadašnjoj proizvodnji bioplina. • • Procijeniti kinetičke parametre anaerobne razgradnje novih supstrata kombinirajući matematičko modeliranje i eksperimentalne podatke kako bi utvrdili utjecaj kemijskog sastava supstrata na stabilnost procesa i eventualna ograničenja u procesu. • • Utvrditi ekonomski isplative načine budućeg rada bioplinskih postrojenja na naprednim energetskim tržištima nakon što bioplinska postrojenja ostanu bez financijskih potpora i zajamčene cijene električne energije. • • Procijeniti utjecaje na okoliš različitih načina korištenja bioplina integriranih u buduće energetske sustave s visokim udjelom obnovljivih izvora energije. Ostvareni ciljevi istraživanja te rezultati prezentirani su široj znanstvenoj zajednici kroz sedam objavljenih znanstvenih radova (šest radova u kvartilu Q1 te jedan rad u Q2). Znanstveni članak 1 (ARTICLE 1) [33] prikazuje detaljnu analizu lanaca vrijednosti biomase iz različitih poljoprivrednih ostatka, nusproizvoda i otpada (eng. Agricultural wastes, co-products and by-products, AWCB). Rad opisuje faze u kojima i kako nastaje otpad kroz tri specifična koraka u lancu vrijednosti: proizvodnja/uzgoj, obrada u industriji te potrošnja/konzumacija. Analiza uključuje razdoblje od 7 godina, od 2010. do 2016. u 28 zemalja članica Europske unije (EU28) te uključuje četiri različita sektora sa 26 analiziranih dobara (eng. Commodity) i prikladnim vrstama otpada koji se pojavljuju u tim sektorima. Za izračun tehničkog potencijala AWCB korišteni su javno dostupni podaci iz EUROSTAT i FAOSTAT baze, a metoda proračuna uključivala je upotrebu specifične količine AWCB po analiziranim dobrima i sektoru. Rezultati su pokazali da je u analiziranom periodu u EU28 procijenjena količina AWCB iznosila oko 18,4 milijarde tona, a prema udjelima: animalni sektor ~ 31%, sektor povrća ~ 44%, sektor žitarica ~ 22% te sektor voća ~ 2%. Analizirajući pojedine sektore i količine nastalog AWCB, daljnje istraživanje bilo je usmjereno na evaluaciju korištenja određenih AWCB iz lanca vrijednosti biomase u procesu anaerobne razgradnje s ciljem proizvodnje bioplina. Znanstveni članci 2, 3 i 4 pokazuju rezultate takvog pristupa uz primjenu istraživačkih metoda kemijskog inženjerstva. ARTICLE 2 [34] istražuje upotrebu lignoceluloznih ostataka trave kao zamjene za silažu kukuruza u anaerobnoj razgradnji. Uzorci trave prikupljeni su s područja koja nisu kompetitivna s proizvodnjom hrane: neobrađeno zemljište, obala rijeke Save u gradu Zagrebu te bankina autoceste. U istraživanju je određen svježi i suhi prinos biomase, njezin kemijski sastav, prinos te sastav proizvedenog bioplina, a primjenom Anaerobic Digestion Model No. 1 (ADM1) modela određeni su kinetički parametri razgradnje trave. Ujedno, na kraju je dana usporedba okolišnijih učinaka zamjene kukuruzne silaže ostatnom travom u proizvodnji električne i toplinske energije. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali da je najveći prinos ostatne trave utvrđen za obalu rijeke, sa prosječnom vrijednošću od 19 t/ha svježe mase i 2.6 t/ha suhe mase. Svi uzorci trave pokazali su zadovoljavajuće parametre za primjenu u anaerobnoj razgradnji − omjer C/N između 16.6: 1 do 22.8: 1. Ostvareni biokemijski potencijal metana u monorazgradnji (monodigestiji) ostataka trave su: 0.275 Nm3/kgTS za travu s neobrađenog zemljišta, 0.192 Nm3/kgTS za travu s obale rijeke i 0.255 Nm3/kgTS za travu s bankine autoceste. Procijenjeni kinetički parametri razgradnje trave razlikuju se od do sada objavljenih rezultata, prvenstveno zato što prijašnje analize uključuju specifične tipove travnate biomase, a ne ostatnu (miješanu) travu. Procijenjeni okolišniji utjecaji zamjene kukuruzne silaže travnatom biomasom u proizvodnji električne i toplinske energije pokazali su prednosti u smislu ostvarenog doprinosa kvaliteti ekosustava (eng. Ecosystem quality) i ljudskog zdravlja (eng. Human health), no također i nešto veće emisije GHG uzrokovane izgaranjem fosilnih goriva u poljoprivrednoj mehanizaciji i povećanim transportom trave zbog nižeg prinosa bioplina u odnosu na silažu. Čvrsta frakcija digestata dobivena u procesu monodigestije trave korištena je u znanstvenom članku 3 (ARTICLE 3) kao ulazni materijal za istraživanje procesa pirolize. Cilj istraživanja u ARTICLE 3 [35] bio je odrediti utjecaj anaerobne razgradnje na sastav lignocelulozne biomase korištenjem termogravimetrijske analize (eng. Thermogravimetric analysis, TGA). Također, procijenjeni su iznosi energije aktivacije i modificiranog predeksponencijalnog faktora za travu i njezine digestate, kao i prinos konačnog ostatka pirolize (eng. Biochar). Rezultati su pokazali da je procijenjena količina razgrađene celuloze i hemiceluloze u istraživanim uzrocima trave oko 44–50%. Nadalje, digestati trave pokazali su veći prinos biochar-a (oko 38%) u odnosu na uzorke trave (oko 24%). Kombinirani proces anaerobne razgradnje trave i pirolize njezinih digestata pokazao je manje vrijednosti procijenjenih kinetičkih parametra što upućuje na niže energetske potrebe takvog procesa u odnosu na direktnu pirolizu trave. ARTICLE 4 [36] bio je izrađen u suradnji sa industrijom biomase i bioplina. U radu je eksperimentalno istražena razgradnja otpadne hrane (eng. Food waste, FW) iz bioplinskog postrojenja zajedno s nusproizvodnima iz kafilerije (eng. Rendering plant): mesno-koštano brašno (eng. Meat and bone meal, MBM) i mulj sa otpadnih voda (eng. Wastewater sludge, WWS). Prvo je provedena termička predobrada uzoraka FW (FW1 i FW2) pri temperaturi od 35 °C i trajanju 5 dana u koju su bili dodani MBM i WWS u udjelima od 5, 10 i 15% TS. Nakon toga slijedila je anaerobna razgradnja pri 40.5 °C u trajanju od 40 dana. Uvjeti termičke predobrade i proizvodnje bioplina u laboratorijskom mjerilu replicirani su iz rada samog bioplinskog postrojenja. Također, za vrijeme procesa u laboratoriju bile su praćene sve procesne varijable kao i u radu digestora na postrojenju. Kao rezultat predobrade kemijska potrošnja kisika (eng. Chemical Oxygen Demand, COD) ispitivanih uzoraka povećala se za 7 – 26%. Dodavanjem MBM u FW1 došlo je do povećanja vrijednosti COD kao i NH4-N, dok se u slučaju dodatka WWS u FW2 postiglo smanjenje, što je i bilo očekivano, budući da je WWS materijal s niskim udjelom organske tvari. Kao rezultat testa anaerobne razgradnje dobiveni su sljedeći prinosi bioplina: za FW1 – 0.566 Nm3/kg TS, za FW1-MBM – 0.499 Nm3/kg TS, za FW2 – 0.252 Nm3/kg TS i 0.195 Nm3/kg TS za FW2-WWS. Tako širok raspon vrijednosti rezultat je heterogenosti FW (FW1 i FW 2 uzete su s vremenskim razmakom od dva mjeseca na istom postrojenju). Prema sastavu proizvedenog bioplina, kao i ostalim procesnim varijablama može se zaključiti da su FW1 i FW2 vrlo slični po sastavu, ali da je istovremeno postojao neki uzročnik inhibicije u proizvodnji bioplina za uzorak FW2, koji se nije mogao procijeniti na temelju dostupne opreme i provedenih mjerenja. Tek su mjerenja električne vodljivosti ukazala na to da uzorak FW2 sadrži nešto veću koncentraciju soli koja bi mogla biti uzročnik smanjenog prinosa bioplina. Nusproizvodi kafilerije dodani u 5%-tnom udjelu uzrocima FW rezultirali su smanjenjem proizvodnje bioplina za 12% u slučaju MBM i 23% u slučaju WWS, ali nisu utjecali na stabilnost proizvodnje. Štoviše, analizom kinetike razgradnje ustanovljeno je da MBM i WWS ubrzavaju proces razgradnje FW što se vidi iz višeg iznosa reakcijske konstante. Također, pokazano je da ispitivani uzorci najbolje koreliraju sa kinetikom prvog reda što je vidljivo iz najniže ostvarene vrijednosti RMSE (eng. Root mean square error) koja je iznosila 0.015 Nm3/kg TS. U znanstvenom članku 5 (ARTICLE 5) [37] provedena je tehno-ekonomska i scenarijska analiza rada bioplinskog postrojenja nakon isteka subvencija za proizvodnju električne energije. Vođenje takvog sustava temeljilo se na iznosu cijena električne energije i biometana (eng. Unit commitment with economic dispatch) koje su određivale koja od jedinica za prihvat bioplina: CHP, upgrading ili spremnik ima najveću ekonomsku isplativost u danom trenutku. Za opis dinamike korišten je program MATLAB/Simulink, a za ekonomsku analizu MS Excel. U prvom scenariju prikazan je utjecaj cijene proizvodnje električne energije u bioplinskom postrojenju (eng. Break-even point of electricity production, BECPel) na broj radnih sati kada ono može ostvariti svojevrstan profit na dan-unaprijed tržištu (eng. Day-ahead market) električne energije. Rezultati su pokazali da kada vrijednost BECPel postane 40 €/MWhel, bioplinsko postrojenje može ostvariti (neki) profit radeći samo 4,000 sati godišnje, kako je ostalo vrijeme cijena električne energije na tržištu niža od cijene proizvodnje. Kada BECPel postane 100 €/MWhel bioplinsko postrojenje ne može ostvariti nikakav profit radeći na dan-unaprijed tržištu. Kao jedno od rješenja koje se nameće za smanjenje vrijednosti BECPel je korištenje supstrata s negativnom cijenom (GF model) koja je detaljnije prikazana u članku 6 (ARTICLE 6). Drugi scenarij uključivao je instaliranje upgrading jedinice i proizvodnju biometana, a proizvodnja električne energije ovisila je o cijenama na tržištu uravnoteženja (eng. Balancing market). Takav pristup je pokazao da bioplinsko postrojenje i uz relativno visoku cijenu biometana od 80 €/MWh, može u određenim trenutcima ostvariti i veći profit ako radi na balancing tržištu. Treći scenarij za bioplinsko postrojenje uključivao je integraciju industrijskog otpada iz proizvodnje šećera za proizvodnju bioplina i njegovo korištenje za proizvodnju procesne topline u vrijeme šećerne kampanje. Takav pristup pokazao se relativno neisplativim za bioplinsko postrojenje kako je cijena prirodnog plina na veleprodajnom tržištu još uvijek dosta niska i bioplin joj ne može u tom smislu biti konkurentan. ARTICLE 6 [38] predstavlja rezultate integracije P2G koncepta u rad bioplinskog postrojenja koje se nalazi u GF poslovnom modelu, odnosno prima naknadu za ulazni supstrat pri proizvodnji bioplina. Cilj istraživanja bio je razviti robustan matematički model na satnoj razini za procjenu optimalnih kapaciteta vjetroelektrane i solarne elektrane, veličine spremnika za bioplin te kapacitete elektrolizera, upgrading jedinice i metanatora (eng. Methanation unit) koristeći linearno programiranje i besplatni (eng. Open source) programski jezik Julia. Kao funkcija cilja korištena je minimizacija ukupnih troškova. Matematički model testiran je na postojećoj bioplinskoj elektrani instalirane snage 1 MWel. Utvrđeno je da P2G koncept zahtijeva integraciju 18 MWel vjetra i 9 MWel solara na lokaciji, uz dodatan uvoz električne energije iz mreže u iznosu 16 GWhel kako bi se na godišnjoj razini proizvelo 36 GWh obnovljivog metana. Analiza je pokazala da GF (u promatranom slučaju za otpadnu hranu) značajno doprinosi ekonomskoj održivosti obnovljivog metana: promjena GF za 100 €/toni rezultira smanjenjem troškova njegove proizvodnje za 20-60%. Ustanovljeno je da za vrijednost GF=-120 €/tona obnovljivi metan iz prikazanog koncepta postaje cjenovno konkurentan prirodnom plinu. Robusna priroda modela pokazala je da nesigurnosti povezane s proizvodnjom električne energije iz vjetra i solara na lokaciji mogu povećati troškove proizvodnje obnovljivog metana za 10-30%. ARTICLE 7 [39] integralno obuhvaća rezultate svih dotad objavljenih radova u sklopu izrade doktorske disertacije i smješta ih u kontekst testiranja hipoteze. U njemu je provedena geoprostorna analiza (eng. Geospatial analysis) bioplinskog sektora korištenjem javno dostupnog programa QGIS te procjena okolišnijih utjecaja pomoću programa SimaPro. Cilj rada bio je mapirati energetski potencijal otpadne trave, industrijskih nusproizvoda i otpada, te komunalnog biootpada (otpadne hrane) za zamjenu kukuruzne silaže u postojećoj proizvodnji bioplina te planiranje proširenja bioplinskog sektora. Kao studija slučaja (eng. Case study) korištena je Sjeverna Hrvatska (eng. Northern Croatia), područje s intenzivnim bioplinskim sektorom te snažnom industrijom, poljoprivredom i velikom gustoćom stanovništva. Rezultati su pokazali da bi navedene sirovine mogle zamijeniti 212 GWh bioplina iz kukuruzne silaže u postojećim bioplinskim postrojenjima te stvoriti dodatnih 191 GWh biometana u novim postrojenjima. Također, geoprostorna analiza je pokazala da su neka bioplinska postrojenja izgrađena u neposrednoj blizini plinske transportne mreže (<2km udaljenosti) i da imaju potencijal za utiskivanje biometana u plinsku mrežu. Cjelokupna analiza utjecaja na okoliš postojećih bioplinskih postrojenja pokazala je da integralni pristup proizvodnji i korištenju bioplina stvara sinergijske učinke u smislu smanjenja opterećenja na okoliš, što izravno dokazuje hipotezu studije. Kompleksnost P2G koncepta i njegovi intenzivni energetski zahtjevi čine ga trenutno nepovoljnijim u usporedbi sa klasičnim upgradingom bioplina, no isti dolazi do izražaja kada se u razmatranje uzmu budući energetski sustavi s visokim udjelom OIE. Znanstveni doprinosi ovog rada ostvareni su kroz provedena istraživanja te prikazani kroz objavljene rezultate u radovima kako slijedi: • Eksperimentalnim istraživanjem anaerobne razgradnje novih supstrata biomase odredit će se potencijalne prepreke u proizvodnji bioplina, poput pojave inhibicije ili utjecaja tipa biomase na stabilnost procesa: ARTICLE 2: Ustanovljeno je da lignocelulozna biomasa u obliku ostatne trave ne sadrži fizikalno-kemijske karakteristike koje bi ograničile njezinu upotrebu za proizvodnju bioplina. Štoviše, pokazalo se da ista uzrokuje poboljšanu kontrolu pH što doprinosi stabilnosti proizvodnje bioplina. Nedostatak njezinog korištenja je taj što je za ostvarivanje većih prinosa potrebno primijeniti neki oblik predobrade. ARTICLE 4: Heterogenost otpadne hrane utječe na vođenje procesa za što je potrebno ustanoviti robusnu kontrolu procesnih varijabli. Pokazalo se da i na razini bioplinskog postrojenja postoje neke varijable koje se ne prate na dnevnoj razini (prisutnost soli i metala), a koje mogu uzurpirati proizvodnju bioplina. Ustanovljeno je da kafilerijski nusprodukti i otpad u manjim količinama mogu doprinijeti povećanju brzine razgradnje otpadne hrane. • Predložiti alternativne mjere za trenutni sektor bioplina uzimajući u obzir tržišne cijene i analizu utjecaja na okoliš koristeći pristup procjene životnog ciklusa. ARTICLE 5: Alternativne mjere za bioplinski sektor u vidu proizvodnje biometana i rada bioplinskih postrojenja na day-ahead i balancing tržištu električnom energijom pokazala se kao najvjerojatnija opcija nakon napuštanja poticajnih sustava za proizvodnju električne energije. U takvim okvirima tranzicija s kukuruzne silaže na supstrate alternativne supstrate postati će prihvatljiva operativna odluka uz dodatne investicije u novu opremu. ARTICLE 6: Integracija varijabilnih OIE u rad bioplinskih postrojenja pokazala je da će se u budućnosti paradigma bioplinskih postrojenja kao takvih promijeniti – više neće biti samo pasivni proizvođači struje, nego će postati aktivni sudionici na tržištima energijom. ARTICLE 2: Pokazano je da otpadana trava više doprinosi kvaliteti ekosustava i ljudskom zdravlju nego kukuruzna silaža, iako uzrokuje veće emisije stakleničkih plinova, prvenstveno zbog intenzivnijih potreba za transportom na fosilna goriva. ARTICLE 7: LCA predloženih mjera za sektor bioplina koje uključuju zamjenu kukuruzne silaže alternativnih oblicima biomase te iskorištavanje bioplina u sustavima s visokim udjelom OIE pokazala je sinergistički efekt u smislu smanjenja cjelokupnog tereta na okoliš. Analiza je također pokazala da je integracija P2G u promatranim okvirima još uvijek neatraktivna zbog kompleksnosti sustava i energetski intenzivnih procesa. • Napredni model geografskog informacijskog sustava mapiranja novih izvora biomase koji će u kombinaciji s različitim načinima korištenja bioplina integriranim u sustave visokih obnovljivih izvora energije u naprednim energetskim tržištima rezultirati robusnim matematičkim modelima primjenjivim na različite slučajeve bioplinskih postrojenja. ARTICLE 6: Razvijeni robusni model integracije P2G koncepta u rad bioplinskog postrojenja pokazao je sinergiju između GF poslovnog modela te integracije obnovljive električne energije i topline koji su objedinjeni u postavljenoj matematičkoj formulaciji nivelirane cijene obnovljivog metana (eng. Levelized cost of renewable methane, LCORM). ARTICLE 7: Razvijeni GIS model obuhvaća analizu postojećih bioplinskih postrojenja i pozicioniranje budućih biometanskih postrojenja na temelju geoprostorne analize dostupnih alternativnih supstrata i položaja plinske mreže. Hipoteza ovog istraživanja je da je primjenom cjelovitog pristupa u radu bioplinskih postrojenja, i na strani proizvodnje i iskorištavanja bioplina, moguće povećati ekonomsku profitabilnost i doprinos zaštiti okoliša u usporedbi s trenutnim subvencioniranim radom. Kroz provedena istraživanja hipoteza je testirana i potvrđena uzevši u obzir sljedeće: • Ekonomska profitabilnost bioplinskih postrojenja nakon napuštanja subvencija i ograničenja u korištenju kukuruzne silaže bit će teže ostvariva. Uključivat će implementaciju GF poslovnog modela za supstrate za što će biti potrebne nove investicije po pitanju linije za predobradu, povećanje kapaciteta za spremanje bioplina na lokaciji kako bi postrojenje bilo fleksibilnije na tržištu električne energije te dodatne investicije u sustav za proizvodnju obnovljivog metana, prvenstveno biometana. • Cjeloviti pristup pokazao je da će doprinos budućeg bioplinskog sektora smanjenju okolišnih tereta ići kroz dvostruki doprinos: iz gospodarenja otpadom za proizvodnju bioplina koji će uključivati prvenstveno komunalni i industrijski biootpad u urbanim bioplinskim postrojenjima, a poljoprivredne ostatke u ruralnim bioplinskim postrojenjima, te iskorištavanja bioplina za proizvodnju obnovljive energije u vidu biometana.
This paper analyzes a set of environmental conditions that influence the development of Technology Based Enterprises (TBCs) in innovation-based and efficiency-based economies. The existing literature on this phenomenon is reviewed and data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) is used. Exploratory factorial analysis is handled out with the application of the Varimax Orthogonal Rotation method. The study concludes that some of the factors identified are influential in certain economic environments for the consolidation of EBT's, particularly in innovative economies. Keywords: Entrepreneurship, technological base, efficient, innovative. URL:http://revistas.uta.edu.ec/erevista/index.php/bcoyu/article/view/883 DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.31164/bcoyu.24.2020.883 References: Acs, Z. J., Audretsch, D. B., & Lehmann, E. E. (2013). The knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship. Small Business Economics, 41(4), 757-774. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-013-9505-9 Alarcón, M. A., & Díaz, C. del C. (2016). La empresa de base tecnológica y su contribución a la economía mexicana en el periodo 2004-2009. Contaduría y Administración, 61(1), 106-126. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cya.2015.09.004 An, H. J., & Ahn, S. J. (2016). Emerging technologies—beyond the chasm: Assessing technological forecasting and its implication for innovation management in Korea. Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 102, 132-142. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techfore.2015.06.015 Aportela, I. (2015). La información como recurso estratégico en las empresas de base tecnológica. Revista General de Información y Documentación, 25(2). https://doi.org/10.5209/rev_RGID.2015.v25.n2.51238 Barrientos, E., Quiroz, L., & López, W. (2017). Factores influyentes para el emprendimiento en tecnologías de la información y comunicación para economías de Latinoamérica vs economías de Europa y Norte América. Gestión de la innovación para la competitividad, 1-17. Bertoni, F., Martt, J., & Reverte, C. 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Economics: The Open-Access, Open-Assessment E-Journal, 5(2011-7), 1. https://doi.org/10.5018/economics-ejournal.ja.2011-7 ; El presente trabajo analiza un conjunto de condiciones del entorno que influyen en el desarrollo de Emprendimientos de Base Tecnológica (EBT) en economías basadas en innovación y en economías basadas en eficiencia. Se realiza una revisión de la literatura existente respecto a este fenómeno y se utilizan los datos del Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM). Se lleva a cabo análisis factorial exploratorio con la aplicación del método de Rotación Ortogonal Varimax. El estudio concluye que algunos de los factores identificados resultan influyentes en determinados entornos económicos para la consolidación de los EBT's, particularmente en las economías innovadoras. Palabras clave: Emprendimiento, base tecnológica, eficientes, innovadoras. URL:http://revistas.uta.edu.ec/erevista/index.php/bcoyu/article/view/883 DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.31164/bcoyu.24.2020.883 Referencias: Acs, Z. J., Audretsch, D. B., & Lehmann, E. E. (2013). The knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship. Small Business Economics, 41(4), 757-774. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-013-9505-9 Alarcón, M. A., & Díaz, C. del C. (2016). La empresa de base tecnológica y su contribución a la economía mexicana en el periodo 2004-2009. Contaduría y Administración, 61(1), 106-126. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cya.2015.09.004 An, H. J., & Ahn, S. J. (2016). Emerging technologies—beyond the chasm: Assessing technological forecasting and its implication for innovation management in Korea. Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 102, 132-142. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techfore.2015.06.015 Aportela, I. (2015). La información como recurso estratégico en las empresas de base tecnológica. Revista General de Información y Documentación, 25(2). https://doi.org/10.5209/rev_RGID.2015.v25.n2.51238 Barrientos, E., Quiroz, L., & López, W. (2017). Factores influyentes para el emprendimiento en tecnologías de la información y comunicación para economías de Latinoamérica vs economías de Europa y Norte América. Gestión de la innovación para la competitividad, 1-17. Bertoni, F., Martt, J., & Reverte, C. (2017). The Impact of Government-Supported Participative Loans on Employment Growth in Entrepreneurial Ventures. SSRN Electronic Journal. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3088072 Binsawad, M., Sohaib, O., & Hawryszkiewycz, I. (2019). Factors impacting techology business incubator Performance. International Journal of Innovation Management, 23(01), 1950007. https://doi.org/10.1142/S1363919619500075 Borini, F., Ribeiro, F., & Miranda, M. (2017). The internationalisation of new technology-based firms from emerging markets. 23-41. Brüne, N., & Lutz, E. (2019). The effect of entrepreneurship education in schools on entrepreneurial outcomes: A systematic review. Management Review Quarterly. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11301-019-00168-3 Brunet, I., & Alarcón, A. (2004). Teorías sobre la figura del emprendedor. Papers. Revista de Sociologia, 73, 81. https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers/v73n0.1108 College, B., & Park, B. (2017). Global Entrepreneurship Monitor report. 155. Colovic, A., & Lamotte, O. (2015). Technological Environment and Technology Entrepreneurship: A Cross-Country Analysis: Technological Environment and Technology Entrepreneurship. Creativity and Innovation Management, 24(4), 617-628. https://doi.org/10.1111/caim.12133 Cooper, S. (2006). Exploring the pre-entrepreneurial careers of high-technology entrepreneurs. International Journal of Continuing Engineering Education and Life-Long Learning, 16(5), 341. https://doi.org/10.1504/IJCEELL.2006.010957 Costantini, V., & Crespi, F. (2015). European enlargement policy, technological capabilities and sectoral export dynamics. The Journal of Technology Transfer, 40(1), 25-69. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-013-9307-x Cunningham, J. A., Lehmann, E. E., Menter, M., & Seitz, N. (2019). The impact of university focused technology transfer policies on regional innovation and entrepreneurship. The Journal of Technology Transfer. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-019-09733-0 De los Ríos, S., Rodríguez, I., & Sáenz, R. (2015). Emprendedores y capital riesgo en España: El caso de Fond-ICO Global. Revista Icade. Revista de las Facultades de Derecho y Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales, 0(94), 31. https://doi.org/10.14422/icade.i94.y2015.002 Díaz, E., Souto, J., & Tejeiro, M. (2013). Nuevas empresas de base tecnológica. Netbiblo, S. L. https://www.madrimasd.org/uploads/informacionidi/biblioteca/publicacion/doc/Nebts3.pdf Etemad, H. (2016). 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In: CIC Mazzaferro, Maryanne Taylor and Rose Mary Pepin 1-1 - Final.pdf
Interview with Mary Anne Taylor and Rosemary Mazzaferro Pepin. Topics include: Memories of their grandmothers. Their parents spoke Italian. The difference between children in Italy today and children in the United States. Living close to family. The work Mary Anne and Rosemary do. What their mother is like. Italian food and cooking. Faith and going to church with their families. The importance of education, getting good grades, and going to college. Mary Ann and Rosemary went to Holy Cross. The differences in how Mary Ann and Rosemary were raised compared to their brothers. The support of their parents. Memories from living on Central Street. Growing up with their cousins nearby. What their Italian heritage means to them. The immediate impact of September 11th. Mary Anne's hair accessory business. Their parents' strong work ethic. ; 1 INTERVIEWER: …with the Center for Italian Culture at 12:55. And [unintelligible - 00:00:10] at their parents' house at 575 West Street. If you could just tell me your names, just so I can make sure this is being recorded. ROSE MARY: Rose Mary Peppin. MARYANNE: Maryanne Taylor. INTERVIEWER: Okay, now it's working. I'll be asking questions. MARYANNE: 'Cause I don't know what this is about… INTERVIEWER: Now, I'd like to -- I'll go out with, first of all, tell me a little about you grandparents if you remember them at all. MARYANNE: The only ones we could remember is our grandmothers. Both are grandfathers were passed on before we were born. Our grandmothers were elderly when we were small, right. So as far as I remember, my grandmother, my father's mother, [unintelligible - 00:00:57], she stayed at home and she cooked and took care of her family, and it was the same with my mother's mother, Carmela Guglielmi. She did pretty much the same thing. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Were they living close by to each other? Or… ROSE MARY: My dad's mother, [unintelligible - 00:01:18], she lived not far from Saint Andrew's Church. And [unintelligible - 00:01:24] about her because she passed on when I was… MARYANNE: I was eight. ROSE MARY: So I was like six. I just remember her being in the kitchen and just kind of stirring things around. I don't really have a great recollection… MARYANNE: She used to make Italian cookies. That's the one thing I remember about her. She always made the best. And she always had [unintelligible - 00:01:49] or very often when we came to visit. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember [unintelligible - 00:01:53]?2 ROSE MARY: They spoke English, but they spoke Italian with their children. They spoke English to use, but they didn't speak it very well. A bit of a broken English. Not extremely, but -- and Italian accent. MARYANNE: Broken English for sure with dad's mother is what I would always remember, and pretty good [unintelligible - 00:02:15]. ROSE MARY: Right. They would always speak Italian to each other when they didn't want us to know what they were talking about. We remember that. Do you remember that? MARYANNE: I remember that. INTERVIEWER: Your parents would speak Italian, in the house with the kids? MARYANNE: I don't remember that. But I remember with their friends that were Italian, and again, if they were explaining something that was not for the kids' ears, they would get into Italian. ROSE MARY: They would speak Italian with their parents but not with us. And not with each other, I don't think. Not with their brothers and sisters. They spoke English. INTERVIEWER: Do you ever wish that you had learned? ROSE MARY: Definitely. I have learned a little bit of Italian myself. MARYANNE: I did learn a little bit myself also. ROSE MARY: I spent a couple of years living in Italy. And so -- and at that time I could speak Italian. Not fluently, but enough to get by. But that was in the early '80s, and because nobody speaks Italian, I have forgotten just about everything. But I do very much wish that I had Italian. I'm in touch with my Italian relatives in Italy. A lot of them speak English because they learned it in school, but it would be nice to be able to speak Italian to them also. It would be easier to communicate. INTERVIEWER: Why did you live in Italy? ROSE MARY: Well, my ex-husband was in the military. He was in the Navy, and we were stationed there for two and a half years. So we were stationed in Naples, Italy. So at that time I spent a lot of time 3 visiting relatives. And I got to know them and maintain those friendships right up to today. Last summer, my son and I—my son just turned 14—we went to visit with them. And the neat thing about it is that it is hard to keep in touch with people that live in Italy because the long distance phone calls and everything. But now because of email, my son, who is 14, has a teenage cousin over there that they can email each other back and forth, and it's no more expensive than talking with your friends through email. And they can communicate on all different levels. Some of them are very good with English. Some of them are really struggling, but they all study it in school. So they are able to communicate. It's a little strained with some of them because they really have to think about what they want… INTERVIEWER: What were the years that you lived in Italy? ROSE MARY: It was 1982 to 1985. INTERVIEWER: Getting back to your son, and we will get back to the other things, I'm sorry but, your 14-year-old son. Do you see any differences between him and… ROSE MARY: The ones that live in Italy? Yes, I do. Maybe actually I don't. In some ways I think that their families are a lot closer there. I mean, we have a close family, but I think that -- for example all the cousins in Rome, they all live very close to each other, and they want to be that way. None of them want to leave Rome. They all want to be with their family and live near the family. Whereas I think these kids, they want to go off to college, they want to go live somewhere else, they want to experience things that are away. Other than that they seem very similar in a lot of ways in that they love the same things. They love rock music, they love going to the beach, they love going to the clubs, you know. 4 A lot of the Italian kids listen to American music. So they have that in common. Video games, they play video games. They have a lot of things in common. There is not drinking age in Italy. And according to all my Italian relatives there is no problem with alcohol. Alcoholism is rare in Italy. And kids wanting to drink, they are able to drink. They are able to go to bars from their early teens, pre-teens, and they aren't that interested in drinking. But they may order a drink at the age of 14 or 15 but they don't get drunk. And we did go to bars when we were visiting them last summer. They were all about the same age 14, 15, 16 to 18, and they would order a drink or two drinks at a bar, but they would never get drunk. INTERVIEWER: What about your son? ROSE MARY: My son isn't really interested in drinking. He's, you know, like I said, he just turned 14, so he was actually only 13 last summer. He would try them, just take a taste, to have the taste of the Italian liquor that, you know, we can't get here, but that's all. He wasn't really interested in drinking. He is still very young for that. MARYANNE: Something that you mentioned about the kids now, with your son and the numerous [unintelligible - 00:07:17] to my parents. I think what you said about them wanting to go experience new things, I think college and then, you know, look for different jobs than we are, I didn't have any interest in being back in Leominster. I wanted to, you know, live elsewhere and just from where college took me to different jobs. And then just 10 years later, I am back in Leominster, and you know, just the way things happened. And then, and you look at and you value the families more, I think when you do have kids. And I think with my mother and father it was just totally different world then, but they -- just the way things happened, Leominster boy meets Fitchburg girl, and they marry, 5 and everyone is from the same area. So I think that's just the change… INTERVIEWER: What do you think is the stimulus for that? MARYANNE: Education. I think the opportunity you can do whatever… ROSE MARY: And also, I think that the generation that is growing up right now [unintelligible - 00:08:22] our generation is more like my parents' generation. For example, my mother's family, my mother has three sisters and herself. She's the one that moved farthest away, moving from Fitchburg to Leominster. But her sister, one of her sisters never got married and stayed right in the house and still lives there today. You know, she has been living in the same house for 70 something years. Her other sister moved next door, built a house next door. Her other sister moved just up the street. My father's side the same way. His father and mother had a house. One of his brothers moved next door. One of his brothers moved behind the house, and the others were all kind of in the area. And the people seem to be like that still. They get married but they just move very close by. In fact, my cousins in Italy -- I don't work, we have a big family business with the plastic factory. I don't work in the family business. And my cousins in Italy had a hard time understanding that. Why, because when there is a family business in Italy, the whole family works in the family business, and it doesn't make sense to work somewhere else. They couldn't, you know -- it's a different kind of thinking. They couldn't understand that oh, well I want to do something different. INTERVIEWER: Did your parents? ROSE MARY: Oh, yes. They don't have any problem with it. Like my sister just said, she never even thought that she would come back and work in the family business. And it wasn't really a thought that we had to work in the family business growing up. We could do whatever 6 we wanted. But in Italy it's just more expected that you work in the family business. They still have that kind of thinking, I think, that, you know, they're all tied up with their families and all working together, all living close by each other. INTERVIEWER: How is it that you both ended up back in Leominster even though you didn't foresee that? MARYANNE: I went out to college and then got a journalism degree in Chicago. And then from that I was looking for jobs in the newspaper industry, and the job I got took me to Florida. So I lived in Florida for about three years and got a little discouraged with that just because of the -- it just wasn't a great fit for what I wanted to do, and the pay was not very good in Florida and also in the newspaper industry. So I started doing different sales jobs. And so I did that for a while, and then my mother was calling and saying come back, come back, and I just was -- I was happy there; I just wanted to experience life outside of the area. But then my brother, who was actually working in the family business, he was saying we really need some help in the family business doing sales. And so I thought about it and thought about the climate, because also the Florida heat was not grand. I did like the skiing and all that, so I just, I came back at that point and lived in different, lived in the area, and then lived in the Boston area for a little bit. And that's how I came back. INTERVIEWER: So then you ended up marrying someone? MARYANNE: Actually, I married someone from, who grew up in Westborough, Mass. We just met at a local health club. And we just were friends and then we got married and ended up finding a house in Leominster. And now, I actually -- well, now I don't really work in the family business, but I used to be part of it, and I bought part of the business, and it's a hair accessory business. And then -- so 7 that's still based in Leominster and is -- because it's tied into plastics, and I used [unintelligible - 00:12:12] some of the products so it just made sense that I'm here and being now 40. But even at 30 I could just see the benefit of Leominster, the town of Leominster, versus living in Boston with the traffic and all that. And it's a nice place to raise kids. So that's why I'm back here. That's the long story. INTERVIEWER: Does your husband work in the business? MARYANNE: Right before the birth of my second child he left his job to work with me, which -- it would have been a hell of a business because I couldn't do it with two kids and using daycare as we wanted, limited daycare. So he did join the business, and now the two of us are together. It's called Good Hair Days, Incorporated. INTERVIEWER: I love that name. Who thought up that name? Did you think of that name? MARYANNE: Yes. It's six years old now, and it started in 1996. INTERVIEWER: How did you end up back in Leominster? ROSE MARY: It was really just kind of by chance. I did want to come back to New England because I live in different places that didn't have any seasons. I loved the change of seasons in New England. And I just wanted to come back to New England, and it just turned out that it was convenient to live in Leominster. You know, the housing market at that time was good for me. One I got settled in, I just didn't move. INTERVIEWER: Were you still married at that time? ROSE MARY: At that time I was still married. Yes. But not now. Though it kind of worked out for me to stay in Leominster. I mean, I had a very small child, a one-year-old, on my own, so it did help to be around family. INTERVIEWER: And what business are you in? You're in real estate?8 ROSE MARY: I'm in real estate. Real estate broker, and -- no, I don't. I work at the Boss realty group in Leominster. INTERVIEWER: What's the name of it? ROSE MARY: Boss, B-O-S-S. That's my life in English, certified to be a high school, English teacher. But I haven't done it. I've actually done teaching when I was in Italy. In fact I taught English as a second language at the adult night school, which is a very fun job. When I came back here I was actually going to go into teaching, but at that time I was starting to go on my own at that time, so I went into something else where I could make a little more money. INTERVIEWER: Thought of the plastics industry? ROSE MARY: Yeah, I thought of it. I did work for a little while in it, when my son was young, but it's just not something I wanted to stay with. And I do like what I do. And it's working out well for me. INTERVIEWER: In fact, you invest in real estate property. ROSE MARY: Right. Mainly I do real estate investments. I do brokerage also but mainly I do investing. And it's been working out very well, so. I'm my own boss, which I really like. You know, I do work for a company, but as a broker you're an independent contractor, so you do your own thing pretty much, your own hours, things like that. INTERVIEWER: Your family rarely spoke about your father's mother. What can you remember about your mother's mother? ROSE MARY: Mother's mother was living until we were well into our twenties, probably mid or late twenties. 1983 is when she passed away. [Unintelligible - 00:15:32] MARYANNE: We visited, and she used to come around. She had a lot of energy, like my mother, is what I remember. Going to the Cape house, a weekend on the Cape. And I can remember going shopping. We were teenagers or adults or something, and it would be my mother, my mother's mother, and, you know, several kids. And I can 9 remember my grandmother just wearing everybody out shopping. She kept going and going. ROSE MARY: She loved to shop. MARYANNE: Picking out for her, however many grandkids she had. She just, would keep shopping. ROSE MARY: Going and going. MARYANNE: [Unintelligible - 00:16:15] Christmas tree shops and wherever else and just shop. And also she would always, whenever we visited, she would have Stella Doro cookies, and we had to take them home. No matter if we were on diets. ROSE MARY: She loved us like that. MARYANNE: You gotta eat. You gotta eat, and that's the way my mother is, too, with us, I can remember. And now with our kids, trying to eat lunch, early supper. ROSE MARY: Very religious, she went to mass every day, which my mother does now too, every morning. She would walk to church all the way up until she was well into her mid to late eighties. She would walk to church. INTERVIEWER: And what street was that that they lived on? ROSE MARY: She lived on Belmont Street, and she would walk down to Saint Anthony's Church. Actually, one year she did fall and break her hip on it. But she -- we used to visit her every Sunday. It was a regular routine every Sunday. We would go to church and then we would visit the grandmothers. One or the other or both. INTERVIEWER: Would she have a big dinner for all of you? ROSE MARY: There would be a lot of food and she would love to feed us. She would just keep offering food. And I remember one occasion when my brothers decided they wouldn't say no, they would just keep eating everything that was offered. MARYANNE: I think I remember that.10 ROSE MARY: And she never stopped offering and they just kept eating. I don't know how it finally stopped. They just couldn't do it anymore or something, but she was like that. INTERVIEWER: What was the relationship like between your mother and your grandmother? MARYANNE: They visit each other like once a week. I don't remember if they did talk every day. ROSE MARY: Yeah, they would. You know, that's what I recall, my mother calling at least every day on the phone. INTERVIEWER: Do you have any similarities between the relationship with your mother that she had with hers? ROSE MARY: Yes. Yeah. I say I see a lot of similarities between the way my mother is and her mother is. They both go to church every day, every morning. My mother, you know, they like to tell you how to raise the kids and that kind of thing. And her mother would do that to her. And Ma will do that to us, shoes and those kinds of thing. And my diet and the children's bedtime. All those things, you know. Not in a bad way. Same kind of thing. I think the grandmothers, they like to tell their daughters how to, the best way to raise their kids. MARYANNE: I've had -- you've had 14 years with it. My kids are young, 18 months and three, so. ROSE MARY: Oh, when they're little, I guess. Not as much now. And my [unintelligible - 00:19:07] loves to cook. Every time the kids come in she cooks. It doesn't matter what time it is. She gives them food, she feeds them. You know, feeding them all the time is a really important thing. Especially when they were little. She always had food for them, made a lot of pasta for them. There was always a lot of pasta when we were visiting our grandmother's. And there's a lot for our kids. 11 INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:19:35] have you tried to keep up that tradition? ROSE MARY: A little bit. Not like my mother. My mother does cook Italian food. And her mother cooked Italian food… MARYANNE: I know my mother has a meatball recipe that was given to me, and I made it. ROSE MARY: And lasagna recipes. MARYANNE: I know that Nana Mazzaferro had some kind of Italian soup that is a combination of everything [unintelligible - 00:20:02]. My father's sister has that recipe, and she makes it now and then. ROSE MARY: [Unintelligible - 00:20:10] we've taken, and [unintelligible - 00:20:12]. And I love Italian. A lot of the foods that I -- I've actually learned to cook some Italian food when I was in Italy, from my cousins, actually, or just from people that I knew. And I do have those recipes at home. And a lot of the Italian food that you can get in Italy are ingredients, you can't find them here. So, I do try to carry on, I mean, just because I enjoy it. Not really for the sake of the tradition, but I do enjoy the food. You can't, you have to go to the north end, in Boston, to find them, some of the ingredients. [Unintelligible - 00:20:51] I don't know if you ever heard of that. But that's hard to find. INTERVIEWER: What other kinds of traditions to do you try to carry on? What about church? ROSE MARY: I'm not really a regular, but you know, we do try. MARYANNE: [Unintelligible - 00:21:12] about getting there. But you know, we talk about God and Jesus. But they're only… she's only three and one and a half. So one and a half. INTERVIEWER: Whether or not you go to church, that's kind of irrelevant? ROSE MARY: Oh yes, yes. Faith is important. MARYANNE: I believe in God and I believe in teaching them about that.12 ROSE MARY: We would say our prayers every night before going to bed, and I carry that on with my son. Even at 14 he says his prayers every night. You know, we do have faith. A lot of activities. MARYANNE: I remember as a kid growing up that whenever we had -- our cousins would attend, I'd say, my mother -- when we were little I see movies. They were big movie takers, my parents, it seems. The birthday parties were celebrated. And I think we try to do that now with the grandkids. But as they get older they don't want a birthday party, so that's understandable. But for the young ones we still do get together. MARYANNE: As they get older they just want to have birthday parties with their friends. When they were little they all, we all, had birthday parties and we'd all attend. All the aunts, uncles, cousins, so. INTERVIEWER: While you were in school did she work outside of the home? ROSE MARY: Probably when we all reached about junior high school level, and not when we were in elementary school. But she worked with my father in the family business, the plastics business. That's mainly what she did. MARYANNE: I think when I was around 14 or so I think is when she went to college for the first time. So she started studying. Even as we were young kids, babies and all, she would help my dad with any of the accounting business, and just doing some paperwork after the kids were in bed. ROSE MARY: She helped my father all along. She would do paperwork and things on a fulltime basis. Once we got to the junior high school level, and then like you said, when we even got just a little bit older she went back to college. INTERVIEWER: Tell me about that, her going back to college. MARYANNE: I thought it was great. It was something that she wanted to do, and I thought it was great.13 ROSE MARY: Yeah, we thought it was something she always wanted was a college degree, and she was finally able to do it. We were all old enough to take care of us once in a while. We were all in high school. I was in high school at the time. My older brothers were in college. It certainly wasn't a burden on us, not that we couldn't get our own meal or do things like that, so. It was her first opportunity to do it. She would fall asleep at the kitchen table, I remember that, studying. MARYANNE: She'd have her book in front of her and be asleep at the kitchen table. She was doing school plus taking care of the household and the kids and all. She knew it was important, so. INTERVIEWER: What kinds of things can you -- college, was it an option? MARYANNA: Good grades or that sort of thing. ROSE MARY: If we fell below As and Bs, if we got Cs, we were, you know, we had to bring them up. We had to bring our grades up. As and Bs were fine, Cs weren't. They didn't make us crazy about it or anything, but you know, we might have to go and go for some extra help to get that C to a B at least, you know. So yeah, it was always very important that we did very well. She would look at our homework. We were all good students on our own pretty much. On our own we did it, I think. But if we were struggling at any subject she would make sure that we would get extra help and get the grade up. But for the most part we were pretty good on our own. College, yeah, college was just kind of automatically we knew we were going. MARYANNE: As long as we tried, and [unintelligible - 00:25:23] remember getting Bs and Cs, but when you are in grammar school, it's no big deal. But we would try and, like she said, we did pretty well. What I remember though, I guess when I became a teenager, I wanted to earn money and was able to work in the family business, and they sent me to work summers in packaging. And when I 14 experienced working in the packaging department it would be assembly line work, doing the same thing eight hours a day, five days a week, all summer long. I was like, "I'm not gonna do this, I'm going to college." That was my understanding. I wasn't going to stop at high school because I didn't want to work in a factory for the rest of my life. That's kind of what stuck in my mind. And then being the fifth, follow the leader kind of, it just was assumed and I wanted to go. But in retrospect I think if I had waited a year that probably would have been real good, try out different jobs and get direction, but then… INTERVIEWER: Did all of you go to Holy Cross. Did I already ask that question? ROSE MARY: Yes, we all did. INTERVIEWER: How did that… ROSE MARY: That's where they really wanted us to go, and we all just went. INTERVIEWER: Oh, because your father went there, right? ROSE MARY: Right. INTERVIEWER: Because I forgot about that. ROSE MARY: Yeah, he went there. And he's still involved in the college, so. I don't exactly know what he is on, but he's on something. MARYANNE: I think just an alumni; I don't know, like, club or something. ROSE MARY: Right, so. That's where they wanted us to go and… MARYANNE: I think it was just always a backup. I think, you know, they really wanted us to go there, but we had other choices. I don't know if in your situation, but when you got into maybe one or two schools… ROSE MARY: I think that my mother probably didn't want us to go to school in Boston. I think that would have been my choice, but she was a little was a little nervous about Boston. So we ended up at Holy Cross in Worcester, so. It really [unintelligible - 00:27:36] old-fashioned Italian. Right, right. They don't want their daughter going off to the big city. But… INTERVIEWER: Were that many other Italians there?15 ROSE MARY: Actually, no. There weren't. It was mainly Irish Catholics. But all Catholic, but Irish. I think I probably was one of the few 100 percent Italian. MARYANNE: I think I generally -- except maybe this area, that there's not a lot of Italians. ROSE MARY: By the time you get to this generation it is kind of unusual to meet someone all Italian. MARYANNE: There are a lot of French Italians in this area. But, college I don't recall anything unique about being Italian in college. There were not Italian clubs or anything like that. ROSE MARY: There were a few Italians there, but I think the majority weren't. But it really didn't matter, you know. It wasn't a problem. INTERVIEWER: So by that generation… ROSE MARY: I don't think so, no. MARYANNE: It is just having a little bit of Italian in you. ROSE MARY: [Unintelligible - 00:28:40] read the Italian menu in the Italian restaurant a little better, but no, I really -- there was really no difference. INTERVIEWER: Was it important to you? ROSE MARY: Yes, that was probably part of the reason we ended up going there. Religion has always been important. My mother's always wanted us to go to Catholic schools. You know, we started out at Catholic elementary school. Couple years there before we went to public junior high school, just because there was no Catholic junior high school. Otherwise we probably would have ended up in a Catholic junior high at that time. Then we went to a Catholic high school and a Catholic college. My mother's the one that had more to do with our education. Definitely, you know, roles, my mother, the kids in the house, my father's role was earning the money. So yes, [unintelligible - 00:29:28] she wanted… MARYANNE: My mother.16 ROSE MARY: My mother, yeah. Probably not because of Italian, just their personalities. You know… MARYANNE: And then just being home, my dad, I just remember him working all the time. ROSE MARY: Right, dad worked a lot. He was always working. So, mom was home. So mom was the one that took care of the kids. You know, made sure the homework was done. Mom was always involved with educations, whereas dad was busy working. Not that education wasn't important to him… it was, but you know, working full time doesn't leave helping kids with their homework and making sure everything gets done. INTERVIEWER: Oh, why? SPEAKER 1: Maybe it was my. INTERVIEWER: Maybe your parents had different goals. Did the children also -- were there big gender differences growing up? ROSE MARY: I think when we were younger I would feel that -- I have three brothers, and I think the girls always have to do the housework. MARYANNE: Setting the table, clearing the table… ROSE MARY: Setting the table, clearing the table, Saturday morning vacuuming, dusting, and my brothers basically didn't have to do any of that. It was just the way it was with my parents. My mother took care of the house. My father took care the outdoors. My brothers had to take the trash out and mow the lawn. But… MARYANNE: Snow blow. ROSE MARY: Snow blow the drive way. They never really did any work indoors. And yeah, I remember I used to feel that it was unfair because we seemed like we had more work to do than they did. But, I mean, they got -- they were raised that way but now that they're older and they're -- they're not that way at all. They do, you know, housework and everything else, but they were raised 17 definitely for the girls to be trained in doing this and the boys to be doing that. INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:31:14]. ROSE MARY: No. I only have one son, and I do have him do some cooking so he learns how to cook and he does some housework so he learns how to do housework. He doesn't do a lot. I mean, typical 14-year-old, right? But I do have him do some things so he'll know how to do things when he has to do them on his own. INTERVIEWER: Were their expectations different? ROSE MARY: No, I don't think so. I think we were all expected to get educated, and it just was around the house, I would say that we were definitely doing the housework. The girls, yeah. MARYANNE: Yeah, I agree with that. INTERVIEWER: What about socializing? Could you go out as much or date as much, or…? ROSE MARY: And my brothers, I think there was a lot more protection for us. We weren't allowed to do as much. MARYANNE: You're older and you remember… ROSE MARY: I was the icebreaker… ROSE MARY My older brothers Abel and Tony doing things and probably, you know, wearing down our parents a little bit, and then, you know, the first son does something and the second son wants to do this. But then when the first daughter comes along, she had [unintelligible - 00:32:29], and then by the time I came along it was like, oh okay, you know, it's okay, Maryanne did that and I can do that. But there weren't as many battles for independence. ROSE MARY: But I think when it was my turn I wasn't allowed to do things my brothers got to do at the same age, so. INTERVIEWER: Then to college. Were you expected to do certain things on the weekend? Did you -- were you expected to come home on weekends?18 MARYANNE: No. No. They never expected us to come home on weekends unless we wanted -- stay there and do whatever we want. Go to the sports events. Go to the parties. Socialize. Be involved in whatever. No, there was no pressure to come home. No, there was no pressure to marry an Italian. But I heard my father say once, "It would be nice to have one of my kids marry an Italian." But there was never any pressure. INTERVIEWER: Did that happen? Are there any Italian spouses? No. ROSE MARY: No. No. Not one. Not even part Italian, I don't think. INTERVIEWER: But did you marry in the same religion? MARYANNE: I think yes. For my mother, especially. Yeah. ROSE MARY: That didn't happen either. Not with everybody. Ed's married to a Catholic. Abel's married to a Catholic. I wasn't married to a Catholic. Three out of five. Not bad. INTERVIEWER: Do you find that important to your children to marry the same faith? ROSE MARY: No. I don't think so. I think what's more important to me is that, you know, something that's extremely different would probably be a little difficult for me just because we didn't -- take Christmas. If my son were to marry somebody that, for example, was Jewish, and didn't celebrate Christmas, and you had [unintelligible - 00:34:27] because a lot of people do. They marry somebody who's Jewish, and then he didn't celebrate Christmas anymore. It would be a little difficult, because you know, we enjoy celebrating [unintelligible - 00:34:37] holidays together, and a lot of them are based on the religion—Christmas, Easter and -- so that would be that be a little hard not to be able to celebrate those things with him anymore. But I would accept it, totally accept it if that's what he wanted, if that's what made him happy. 19 MARYANNE: Yeah. I think the person that they marry and the relationship that they have, you know, [unintelligible - 00:34:59] would react today. [Unintelligible - 00:35:03] family together. ROSE MARY: You know, my [unintelligible - 00:35:09] both my parents, you know, it's important. MARYANNE: I think that they supported us a lot. I know just like we supported each other. My brothers were active in sports, and they, you know, basketball. My brothers were in high school, the whole family would go and watch the games and that would happen frequently. They just did that. So we knew that we were important to them. In college they would drive out to the games and try to go watch the games or the games so they could watch their son or daughter. Family just was normal. INTERVIEWER: Because it didn't all get picked up. Just about your parents going to see the games. MARYANNE: With my brothers, and they would just follow the family. If it was a sporting basketball games or football games, they would drive wherever if it was going to Worcester, they would just go and watch, and they did that in college, junior high school, and grammar school and when the kids were young, the kids would go right along. So we were just together as a family. And it was just -- that was normal life for us was to go and watch the brothers and sisters play basketball. ROSE MARY: Plus they treated us all family, so there wasn't -- the family relations were always important, and we were raised and taught that from a very early age: be good to your brother, be good to your sister. Watch out for your sister, you know, watch out for your little brother, whatever, kind of thing, so. INTERVIEWER: Do you feel that's an Italian-related trait? ROSE MARY: Yes, I think so. I mean, not just Italians. I'm sure there's probably lots of groups that, you know, the family is very important. But 20 yeah, I think there are a lot of families that the family is not important at all. But I don't see that that much in Italian families. I see that the family is there. When someone has a problem everybody supports them and helps them out or whatever. And probably when we were growing up, when we were little, you know, Sundays. Sundays, it was the same routine every Sunday. Get up. Go to church. Go out to lunch after church or go to the grandmothers. And that would be the Sunday. But that's when we were little. Then when we get older, everybody's got their own activities, sports events, whatever. So everybody, once we get older, we didn't really have a special family… MARYANNE: While everyone else in was the country, we used to watch Walt Disney. I remember playing cribbage. I'd learned how to play cribbage with my dad and used to on occasion play blackjack with pennies at the kitchen table and the whole family would do that. It all kind of goes by. I mean, it just goes by in a blur. INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:38:07] important to your family? ROSE MARY: Yes. My mother wanted us all to learn to play the piano, right? So it was important that we could read music and play an instrument. INTERVIEWER: I got the impression that you quit, maybe? ROSE MARY: Oh, sure. Like every other kid. Actually, I was [unintelligible - 00:38:27] but that's how you feel when you get older, right? MARYANNE: I taught my daughter that. ROSE MARY: I know. Yeah, you can tell your daughter that. MARYANNE: Yeah, and expose her. She wanted to expose us to different things, and my dad also would as we got older, he'd want to take us to a different restaurant, and [unintelligible - 00:38:42] something unusual. Just -- and have a well-rounded background. And always the one thing and then Maryanne and I, we just left them. But we continued with it to the point where we wanted to. It wasn't like they expected us to perform or the same thing with piano. If we 21 had natural ability, great. But there was some exposure. And, you know, I'm glad about that. INTERVIEWER: How did they make each of you feel special? [Unintelligible - 00:39:19] But, I mean, think of it, five kids. ROSE MARY: We used to all feel special. Gee, how did that happen? Well, I think that if we did something that deserved a compliment, we would get a compliment. I don't think that they ever praised us when we didn't deserve any praise, but they would, you know, say things like better, or I would expect something better from you or something like that. MARYANNE: I can just think of some specifics. Just little compliments that when you get to the age that -- and this would be probably in the mid to late ' 60 where my mother had [unintelligible - 00:40:08] home from school and then I could go run to the post office and then she could just drop me off and I'd run do that and say, "Oh, good little helper." INTERVIEWER: But just like little things like that? ROSE MARY: Right. Yeah, little compliments here and there, you know. I always made my bed in the morning and put all my things away. I'd hear, you know, that you're always as neat as a pin, you know, or things like that, just little -- on everyday kind of activities, every day, everyday things. MARYANNE: Didn't realize when it was happening, but now you think back… ROSE MARY: Right. Right. Exactly. You just have to think about what did they do to make me feel special. INTERVIEWER: Can you think of anything. a big event that stands out in your mind? Just little everyday things that add up over time. What's your hardest experience growing up? ROSE MARY: I'm trying to think, my hardest experience. MARYANNE: I have to get going in a short while because I'm away from work.22 INTERVIEWER: Okay. MARYANNE: Is there something that you wanted to ask specifically? INTERVIEWER: I want to ask about Central Street. How long did you live there? ROSE MARY: I was eight when we moved out. MARYANNE: So that was 1960… ROSE MARY: Seven. August of '67 is when we moved here. I remember we had not moved in. I had my 6th birthday party here before we moved in because we moved in, in August, so. MARYANNE: I remember running around in the backyard at Central Street and my aunt lived over the hill in the backyard, and running over there. I don't remember a whole lot being that age. INTERVIEWER: Italians living around here? ROSE MARY: Yeah. I think at that time there were a lot of Italians in that area. And our aunt, again, lived right behind us. And I had a uncle that lived just a little ways across the street, down the street a little bit. I remember a lot about living on Central Street because I was a little bit older. It wasn't like a heart-wrenching thing to move or anything, it was actually a very tiny little house, and my parents [unintelligible - 00:42:17] one child. When they moved out they had five children. INTERVIEWER: So a small… ROSE MARY: It was a very small ranch, and we were very crowded in there. And I can remember my mother just constantly arranging the furniture. Everything was like it happened all the time to me, but it probably didn't happen that often. Just trying to fit things in, you know, having to move the boys to another bedroom, because now there's three boys, and that's what I remember. So it wasn't -- we really needed a bigger house. So when we moved here, it was amazing. This house is three times bigger than the other one, and we had just one bathroom at that house. And there was five children and two adults living there. 23 So we have four bathrooms here. And I remember the first time I went to the bathroom, I had a hard time deciding where to go, which one to use. It was like I never had a choice before. But it wasn't an upsetting event or anything. It wasn't hard. It was really exciting. It was really exciting to move into a bigger house. Maybe I was nine years old when we moved. But I do remember being very crowded at that house. It was a three-bedroom ranch. One bedroom was used as an office for my father because at that time he was doing a lot of CPA work, so it was really just two bedrooms. MARYANNE: And my parent's bedroom was the living room. You walk in the front door and that was their bedroom. ROSE MARY: And my parents used the living room as their bedroom. And my brothers, for a while, they were out on this addition, which was like a porch but it was like a three-season porch. It was heated, but it was my brother's bedroom for a while and then we rearranged the whole house again, and you know… INTERVIEWER: Maybe we don't remember just the feeling that you had living in that neighborhood compared to this. ROSE MARY: Right. MARYANNE: Maybe that house wasn't even built before. I don't know. ROSE MARY: Yeah. I guess I remember that neighborhood really knowing everybody—mom, the kids. I could go door to door there. In this neighborhood, it took a while for meet people, and I didn't know, I don't even know the young people next door, but I might know the people two doors down or three doors down because they had kids. But in that neighborhood, I can remember back to when she was very little and she started to walk, now she must have been one. I can remember taking her for a walk around the whole 24 neighborhood, going from door to door to door, because I knew all the neighbors and showing them her. MARYANNE: I was her baby. ROSE MARY: She was my baby, right, and she was walking. You probably were a year old because it was summertime, and you were born in August. You were probably just a year because I was probably like three and a half, so. And that's the kind of neighborhood it was. I mean, I knew all the mothers. I knew all the kids. It was very safe. Can you imagine letting a three-and-a-half-year-old take a one-year-old for a walk now? But I did. . MARYANNE: There weren't a lot of houses though, I mean, it was… ROSE MARY: No. MARYANNE: It was Basset Street, which was just Aunt Eva's house. ROSE MARY: Right. MARYANNE: I don't know if you know that area, but with the [unintelligible - 00:45:19] is. INTERVIEWER: Your mother took me a long time ago. MARYANNE: It's a very short street, and then there's Christie Street, which probably at the time there was only about six houses on there. MARYANNE: Yeah, most of the houses are [unintelligible - 00:45:30]. ROSE MARY: Now, it's much further developed. MARYANNE: But still, I would never allow my three-year old out of sight… ROSE MARY: Right. And I was completely out of sight from the house. I mean, you couldn't see where I was from our house was. Yeah, [unintelligible - 00:45:47] in those days, or in that neighborhood. INTERVIEWER: You must have cousins, right? ROSE MARY: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: That are living, that grew up in Leominster in that small neighborhood… ROSE MARY: There's no differences between myself and my cousins and my father, probably the only one in his family that went to college, 25 right, I think? No. There's a big difference in the way, you know, his brothers lived compared to him. But I think their kids, for the most part, have gotten, you know, my cousins have gotten education and jobs, and you know, we're all living about the same. I mean, some people have more, some people have less. There isn't a big difference between myself and my cousins, but there is a difference my parents and their siblings and cousins. INTERVIEWER: How about growing up? MARYANNE: Every kid growing up, we just were playing with our cousins ,and what my dad did and their dad did didn't really -- we used to be able to play hide and seek a lot more, run around in the yard. ROSE MARY: Right. There was no judgment at all. And I don't think we really noticed a difference when we were growing up. It's true that we did, we probably the biggest house, but I don't think we had more than my cousins. We probably had the same amount. We didn't have better clothes or better toys or anything. We had about the same. You know, the kids all had about the same. We didn't have more clothes and more toys because my parents had more, but we probably did live in a bigger house. But kids I don't think noticed that as much. I don't remember noticing any difference. I think that actually my parents are very successful, but when we were growing up, they were building their business and they were building up their [unintelligible - 00:47:30], you know, so I think that a lot of money they had was really tied up in the business. So it never felt like we had a lot of money. I mean, it felt like we had everything we needed. We were perfectly comfortable. We had some luxury items, you know, my family had some luxury items, but I never really felt like we were rich or anything like that. I mean, I don't [unintelligible - 00:47:50]. But I never really felt 26 that, I mean, but the house, yeah, you might say that, you know, we would know that. But I think that a lot of money was always tied up. And probably when we got into our 20s, it seemed like suddenly that they had more money, because I think at that time, the businesses really just boomed, and that's like 20 years ago. But by that time we were already grown, you know, and on our own. Half of us were on our own, at least. Other than we had the big house where we usually the holiday parties were here and everything. Yeah, there was a tennis court. I guess that would make us seem like we had a lot. But it was different in those days, too. I mean, it was just a hard top, but it wasn't -- it wasn't beautifully sealed and painted and striped and fenced in. It wasn't. It was just like a black top. Really, it had a tennis net going across it, but it wasn't as nice then as it is now. We would just ride our bikes on it. We would play chicken. MARYANNE: Chicken, four square. ROSE MARY: Yeah. You had -- we didn't use it for tennis that much. I mean, a little bit but… MARYANNE: When we got older we did. ROSE MARY: Yeah. And then we'd just ride our bikes out there. Yeah. INTERVIEWER: So [unintelligible - 00:49:13] a hard question? MARYANNE: It's really not something that I think about. You know what, I'm just who I am, and I have to think family is important to me. But my husband, who's French, and his family is very close too. So I don't see a difference… SPEAKER 5: Only your kids are too young. They wouldn't even know. ROSE MARY: My son, you know, probably considers himself Italian. He's half Italian, because I'm 100 percent Italian, but the other half is a lot of 27 different things. He says he's half Italian, you know. Plus that we've been to Italy and he has formed a bond with his cousins in Italy. Been there twice, so. He likes his Italian heritage. MARYANNE: I could see that, but first I have my own business and I have friends, so I scramble every day for time. So I would want to take care of both of those things first and as they grow, I can see myself doing some of that, but not to the extent that she does. Traveling -- she's what, 79? But to see them and be part of their lives. ROSE MARY: For me, I probably just see myself, I'd say, would have more time on my hands and do some volunteer work. Probably not to that same extent, 'cause my mother has a lot of energy. But I do see myself doing some things, yeah, definitely. When I have more time. I think that Leominster's very worthwhile. I don't have time to enjoy it, you know. I like the open land that we're trying to preserve through the Open Land of Leominster. I think that's really being developed, and we've really wiped out all our open space. So we're down to our last apple orchard, which at least we've saved. You probably know about Sowan Farms? I'm very glad that we saved that. It was one apple orchard, one apple farm. So I can see myself getting involved in things like that, plus the Historical Society of Leominster does a lot to teach people about Leominster's past, which I guess the city's changing a lot, it's really developing. Something like that. Right now, like I said, I'm totally consumed with work and being a single parent and not just having much time for anything, but as things get easier, my son gets older, I have more time, maybe I can be involved with the Center for Italian Culture. Actually, I love Italy. I've spent some time there and I've traveled back a couple of times. I do speak some Italian, but like I said, I've lost it over 28 the years, but I would love to get it back so that when I go to Italy and visit I can have a little… INTERVIEWER: To have a Center for Italian Culture? ROSE MARY: No, it's preserve history for the future generation. INTERVIEWER: Do you feel that way? MARYANNE: Yeah, I think so. I think it's good. I don't know a whole lot about what's being done, but I think it's good that people will have questions. The next generation, a terrible tragic thing that happened for the whole country. I think there's [unintelligible - 00:52:52] in the paper last night about dollars this anti-terrorism campaign is costing. I have a lot of customers in New York, and they were greatly affected. And everywhere, it touched everyone in the world, something like that happening. ROSE MARY: That thing, I feel, is very heartbreaking to imagine happening. It has changed, probably, my activities a little bit as far as going on vacation this year and getting on a plane. I don't feel it's a very good job of wiping out terrorism. We haven't done it yet completely. MARYANNE: It did make me think about family quite a bit more because I've passed on two opportunities to fly since then, and I weigh what to do, and one would be -- oh, and they were both for business -- but if it was just a decision about going on vacation somewhere, then I look at what my first job is, and it's to stay alive and raise my kids. The business, I'm going to do all that I can by phone and email and websites, and I'm going to avoid traveling until things are better. But then it can change at any time. They might change later, but I don't have a desire to getting in an airplane. ROSE MARY: Plus, actually, my oldest brother lives in New York City and when we first heard the news, of course we didn't know, and it was a while before we could get through on the phone because all of the 29 phone lines were jammed up to find out that he was actually traveling on business that day. MARYANNE: Actually, he traveled the day before, flew To California on the Monday. ROSE MARY: Right. He was nowhere around. He doesn't work in the building, but he does go by that train station, right? He gets off the train there every day. So I mean, the first initial reaction to hear that was, "Is he okay?" And the panic, you know, and then to find out that he's okay, but then to think about all the people that found out that their family members were gone, too. INTERVIEWER: How did you get the idea for the hair accessories? I realize the family owned the plastics business, so… MARYANNE: Well, I worked at Cardinal Comb & Brush, and they made combs, a couple of brushes, and they had some hair accessories. I did a lot of different things there, but I worked in sales and I created a hair accessory product that did quite well, and it sort of opened my eyes, because the hair accessory portion of Cardinal Comb was very small. And after that product did real well, I started thinking, "Oh, I should create other products," and this and that, but the products that I was creating were of a better quality, more upscale, and the combs that Cardinal were making were more -- good-quality but much lower in cost. It just was something -- I didn't think about having my own business, but it just kind of happened. My brother had said, "Oh, why don't you take a hair accessory business and do this and that," and it just worked out. So we talked about it, we figured out what to do and we made the deal. They continued to manufacture the plastic for me, and probably 1994 that the product got started, and at the time there was a product called Topsy-Tail, which was that you make a 30 ponytail and you put this little plastic needle with a loop. That just opened my eyes more. INTERVIEWER: So that wasn't your product… MARYANNE: That wasn't my product, no, but suddenly the whole marketplace was looking at hair accessories as something. So after the product I created did well in '94, we just started talking, and by '95 we had decided to split that portion of the business, and that's when the hair things got started in January of '96. It was called the French Twist kit, and what it did was it combined some really handmade side combs with hairpins in one package, and then on the back gave very detailed instructions and illustrations of how to put your hair into a French Twist. That's really the product that sold in many different markets, and from that I said, "Oh wow. You should keep doing more." INTERVIEWER: About the products, called, are they Good Hair Days? MARYANNE: The name Good Hair Days is on all the packaging, and there's another brand called Grip-Tuth, which are these handmade combs I'm talking about. So there's always Good Hair Days on the card, but in some products there's Grip-Tuth as well. Some of the products are sold without the name; they're just plastic parts that are sold in the bridal industry or the craft industry by the designers. They're taking the combs and putting them… INTERVIEWER: Right now, who owns the company? MARYANNE: Well, I'm the President of the company. I do the sales and marketing of our new products. Whatever it takes. Production -- my husband now is doing production, shipping, all the day-to-day paperwork you know. Payables, receivables. And we have someone who works part-time for us. I know, we have a running joke. It's like, "So, good morning! How was your weekend?" But we get along. We're probably -- few. We get along, we laugh with each other. 31 We actually value the time with our kids. I was lucky I was able to bring my daughter into the office and take care of her, and she didn't start daycare until she was 15 months. I would take care of her, work the phones. I had a playpen set up in the office. She'd fall asleep, take a nap, I'd run out and do shipping or whatever needed doing. So that's very fortunate; may people have to put their kids in daycare. I kind of set up home, also, to work, so I was able to put time in the office and time at home. Technology today is great because you get messages, you get paged; you can take care of business on your own hours and in between diaper changes. INTERVIEWER: You both live in Leominster? ROSE MARY: I live on the other side, right neat Lancaster. MARYANNE: I live probably, like, a mile, two miles, a mile and a half or so down this way. I think what I've gotten from him, if that answers the question, is they both have a very strong work ethic. What I remember about my dad is that he was always leaving, going to work on Saturday mornings. It was like a, "Where are you going?" kind of thing, and just doing what it takes. And Mom would do everything it took in the house so they wouldn't need to do anything, and they worked and take care of -- hardworking, and that would be one thing I want to carry on. ROSE MARY: Both had a lot of integrity. Honesty, integrity. MARYANNE: And work integrity. Honesty. That sort of thing. INTERVIEWER: Tell me about… MARYANNE: I couldn't even think of what you asked to begin with. INTERVIEWER: Well, thank you very much. ROSE MARY: Okay, you're more than welcome. INTERVIEWER: It's hard to do./AT/pa/cs/mfb/es
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The Bossier City Council's decision to allow plenty of time to vet a propose four-year extension of its public-private partnership with Manchac Consulting appears wiser than ever as more details and analysis emerge about it – all of which buttresses the case that competitive bidding take place to manage city most engineering, public works, and utilities functions.
Last week, the Council stalled an attempt to begin the process of considering the no-bid extension. As originally cued, the Council could have signed off on a rate representing an increase of 50 percent over the deal that started in mid-2021, or $195,000 monthly, as early as Nov. 21. Instead, it will deal with the deal at the beginning of 2024, about three weeks prior to the agreement automatically extending for the existing three years at $169,000 monthly, starting mid-2024.
The extra time will give the city time to work through some issues, beginning with city ordinance allowing for only a three-year maximum on the life of a contract. However, state law allows local governments to use five years as a maximum, and as state law takes precedence over ordinance, the city could violate its ordinance and still have a legal contract as long as it doesn't span more than five years. When the city initiated the arrangement in 2016, which then only covered utilities, it was for five years, and when it renewed in 2021, incorporating previous amendments and adding others, a three-year term was used after initially setting it at another five and a whopping increase to more than $303,000 per month that the Council quickly yanked.
In other words, because it has a legal excuse to do so, as written the Republican Mayor Tommy Chandler Administration and the Council simply would ignore city ordinance. No elected official has presented a compelling reason why it should do so, and such an adequate defense of a four-year term must be made to justify treating the ordinance as if it didn't exist.
Then there's another ordinance that requires the city to have competitive bidding. By its wording, it appears to link to the state's Public Bid Law unless mayoral directive overrides, which doesn't appear to exist. Another ordinance excepts no-bid contracts such as the previous two and now proposed Manchac deals when, under regulations, the purchasing agent or his designee above the level of purchasing agent determines in writing that there is only one source for the required service.
Yet there's no evidence that the previous two or current proposed contracts received this determination, which would be ludicrous to suggest in any case. Plenty of contractors exist for these functions worldwide; in fact, one with an office in Bossier City, IBTS, runs almost the entire government of Central, LA.
However, yet again, there may be an out for the city. State public bid law is silent on whether local government must employ it in the case of professional services, as Manchac performs for the city. The competitive bidding ordinance, in that it covers "Contracts for supplies, services and major repairs exceeding the amount established by applicable state law" implies the city opts in for public bid law for services, yet that law specifies local government adherence only for supplies and repairs. At the very least, the Council should seek an outside legal opinion and from the Attorney General – after all, a majority on it didn't shy away from telling City Attorney Charles Jacobs, who can do this on his own anyway, to seek such things in regards to the certified petition calling an election on term limits for elected officials – clarifying whether the city has to bid competitively for this service, which in any event the Legislative Auditor highly recommends that it do, especially when talking about a $9.12 million dollar deal.
Then there's a question kicked around over the years, most recently by Republican Councilor Chris Smith, about whether hiring Manchac and installing one of its functionaries, currently Ben Rauschenbach, as city engineer violates the city charter in its requirement that the mayor appoint, subject to Council confirmation, that official. The same is true for director of public utilities, which Rauschenbach holds by virtue of his Manchac employment. Plus, the charter gives the mayor the right to fire any department head "as provided for by, or under, this Charter or other law except as otherwise provided by law, this Charter, civil service or other personnel rules adopted pursuant to this Charter."
Both Jacobs, as recently as last meeting, and his predecessor have sworn up and down that this arrangement doesn't violate the charter. But the arrangement is at best ambiguous and questionable, despite their reassurances.
Until mid-2020, the city had its own appointed engineer, but he "retired" (in actuality, forced out) and Rauschenbach assumed the post in Jun., 2020 by Council confirmation. At the time, the city attorney then opined that this conformed to the charter, since the mayor had the power to fire that individual.
But under the proposed renewal, which bakes in engineering functions of the city, that no longer would seem to be the case. That's because the terms of the last 2021 renewal jettisoned the city's ability to leave the contract at will. This means under the new deal that Manchac has full control over who it assigns as the engineer to oversee the contract, thereby who becomes the city engineer. Apparently, because the charter doesn't give terms embedded in a contract as a reason to override its assigning the mayor removal power, nor is there an ordinance in place that overrides that part of the charter, a mayor who objects to that choice in fact cannot fire that individual.
Further, this negates the mayor's power to appoint and Council to confirm. As if, of course, this process had happened during Chandler's term, as the charter says the terms of appointed key officers – Director of Finance; Director of Public Works; Director of Public Utilities; Chief Administrative Officer; City Attorney; City Engineer; Director, Parks and Recreation Division; Director, Fleet Services Division; Director, Human Resources Division; and Director, Civic Center Division – must coincide with the mayoral term. An exception in the charter is for Director of Arena Division, in case as it is presently of contracting out that function.
Throughout the first five months of Chandler's term, all of these positions were filled, although the Civic Center director was shoveled in to the job of Chandler's secretary Carol Andersen – except for Engineering and Utilities. The Council apparently never received a nomination from the Chandler for these posts, and therefore never confirmed Rauschenbach, who even though he was referred to as "city engineer" as early as Oct. 25, 2021 in Council minutes apparently technically must operate only on an interim basis, over two years later, in both posts.
Regardless, approval of the renewal appears directly to violate the charter because a contractual obligation would conflict with it. Again, at the very least Jacobs should ask for an outside opinion and one from the Attorney General on the issue.
Finally, not a legal matter but one which raises questions about Manchac's suitability to perform adequately its duties comes from its subsummation into Waggoner Engineering earlier this summer. Manchac is a wholly-owned subsidiary of and by all accounts in day-to-day operations is let alone by its owner Waggoner and by the Waggoner chief executive officer Emad al-Turk.
But recent actions by al-Turk call into question the fitness of any organization part of Waggoner to manage optimally Bossier City operations. Al-Turk has a long history of political activism especially as it relates to politics of the Levant, specifically Israel and the quasi-state of Palestine. Largely through his affiliation as one of the two officers of the International Museum of Muslim Cultures in Jackson, he publicly has advocated at the very least for complete independence of the three pieces of territory currently with largely autonomous existence but overseen by Israel. He also has posted on social media links to arguments that question the right of Israel to possess as much territory as it does or even to exist as a state.
At best, on this subject al-Turk argues with selective use of information; at worse, he displays ignorance about the entire picture. That has nothing to do with his performance as an engineer and manager, which by all accounts is competent.
However, concerning the recent attack by the non-state international actor Hamas, categorized by most states as a terrorist group including the U.S., on Israel's territory and people through means that violate international law, he has remained silent on the atrocities committed by Hamas, which runs the Gaza Strip with an iron hand, while condemning Israel's counterreaction that, by all accounts, is violent but adheres to international law. He calls that a "genocide" and in his most recent social media post linked to a cartoon with Democrat U.S. Pres. Joe Biden cradling Israel Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu sucking from a bottle labeled "Gaza Blood."
Again, even as emotive and biased as his opinion here may be, as long as it doesn't interfere with his running of Waggoner, it's not an issue pertaining to Council action concerning the Manchac contract. But the problem is that al-Turk's activism has become an impediment. Almost three weeks after the Oct. 7 Hamas assault, apparently in a state of emotional distress, al-Turk notified Waggoner employees that the events of the war so traumatized him and compelled him to engage in political and cultural advocacy on the issue that he would take a 30-day leave of absence from his duties (whether from accumulated paid time off or forgoing pay was not mentioned).
Bossier City needs a partner that is on-call around the clock. Having its partner's CEO out of pocket for reasons of political activism when crucial decisions may have to be made disserves the citizenry and calls into severe question whether the partnership with Manchac should continue.
As has become evident, there are many unresolved issues with renewing the Manchac contract. The Council was wise to tap the brakes on the move and needs to resolve these before any proceeding with a renewal, which may include introduction of competitive bidding for the job.
SummaryPROBLEMS OF DEVELOPMENT PLANNING IN REGIONS OF CONCENTHATION GERHARD ISBARYModern planning is an expression of society in evolution. It finds itself in the polarity between planning undertaken by the state, and community, town and regional planning carried out by local government. Its coordinating activities are an important democratic means of opposing the arbitrary actions which still create – without having the slightest notions about planning – very momentous data in a given area. Planning therefore is most active in those zones where economy and population have reached such a degree of density that the still existing open areas have to be treated with greatest care. It is the more strange that there are only few contacts between planning and agriculture in these urbanized areas. The sociological problems which arise from the continuous infringement on hitherto agriculturally used land, are often overlooked by planning in these urbanized areas as well as they appeal only very little to agrarian policies.The reason for this lack of contacts between both subjects seems to be not so much the different training of those working in these fields, but the fact that the economic integration of numerous farmers and agricultural employees started sooner than that of agricultural holdings into the national economy. Consequently, symptoms of structural dissolution predominated over the development of new agricultural forms. The great enticement to sell land at favourable prices, as well as the perseverance in traditional forms of farm management and a petrified class‐consciousness impeded the vast market chances in these urbanized areas which resulted from urbanization and its socioeconomic dynamics. Only in the fringe areas where no continuous contact with the 'urban way of life' existed, belts of intensive farming developed. It must, however, be mentioned that in the urbanized areas various groups found ways to assimilate themselves to the changed conditions of agricultural land use. Here horticultural and other holdings with intensive methods of cultivation, sparetime farmers, and often newly‐created lease‐holdings must be mentioned.If one accepts as a fact that in spite of all endeavours to decentralize, the process of increasing densities of population and industries in favourable locations goes hand in hand with the evolution of industrial society, it is obvious that the encroachment on agricultural land in the urbanized areas will continue. It must therefore be asked whether in future it will be possible for farms with an extensive use of land to have a location in these core zones. Planning has always emphasized that it is most important to loosen up these urbanized areas in order to create decent conditions of living for their inhabitants and to facilitate its functioning with as few frictions as possible. Priority must be given to the solution of the problem of preventing the merger of different centres which are connected by their functions within the conurbations, in order to preserve the character and entity of the various local units. Past experience does not show conclusively that the maintenance of these open spaces in the hand of agricultural holdings the productivity of which is related to an increased area of farmland, can be guaranteed even by the preparation of local development plans. Furthermore, planning by statute can give no guarantee for the viability of those agricultural holdings which do not try to reach an economic integration. Consequently, this kind of holdings has few chances in the core zones of the urbanized areas.In the field of international planning the idea has been promoted that public authorities ought to buy land in the open spaces of the 'buffer zones' between the different centres and to develop it for recreational purposes. The working of these open areas could then be undertaken either by special institutions, by public administration or by leasing. Taken as a whole, the land use of the open spaces within the urbanized areas will have to be organized under the principle that – moving from the outer borders of the fringe areas towards the centres – more or less independent holdings (full‐time farmers, part‐time farmers and specialized holdings of all kinds) will be followed by service undertakings (public and corporate property, the areas of permanent allotments, of private property such as parks, inns with gardens, and recreational institutions). In order to realize a plan of this kind a long‐term programme and considerable funds are needed, the use of which will be significant whith regard to the necessary redevelopment of urbanized areas.Parallel to regional economic policy, in international planning policy the tendency to plan integrated socio‐economic regions finds acceptance to an increasing degree. The development of contingent areas and the solution of problems arising therefrom are taken as an entity. The logical consequence will be the evolution of a regional sociology. Its main task will be the investigation of sociological problems in a changing regional community. It will then be in a position to recommend solutions which are urgently needed in planning and administration.RésuméPROBLÈVES DE LA PLANIFI CATION DU DÉVELOPPEMENT DANS LES RÉCIONS DE CONCENTRATION: GERHARD ISBARYLa planification moderne est pour la société en évolution une façon de s'exprimer. Elle se polarise entre une planification établie par l'Etat national et une planification émanant de l'autonomie des localités, des villes, des régions. Son action coordinatrice, orientée vers le bien commun, en fait un puissant moyen démocratique de s'opposer à l'arbitraire suivant lequel, maintenant encore, sans vue d'ensemble et pour ainsi dire inconsciemment, se fait la mise en place de choses importantes dans l'espace. C'est pourquoi la planification s'effectue le plus activement dans les zones où l'éducation et de promotion, une participation à la culture en général correspondent au caractère de notre société démocratique. Le planificateur doit essayer de contribuer à leur réalisation, en créant une structure écologique optimale.économie et la population ont atteint une telle densité qu'il importe de traiter avec le plus grand soin les espaces demeurés libres. Il est d'autant plus ttrange de noter que dans ces terri‐toires à densité croissante il existe peu de contacts entre la planification et l'agriculture. Les problèmes sociologiques qui, en de telles régions, résultent des emprises continuelles qui s'opèrent sur des espaces jusqu'ici utilisés par l'agriculture échappent souvent aussi bien aux conceptions d'améagement qu'éducation et de promotion, une participation à la culture en général correspondent au caractère de notre société démocratique. Le planificateur doit essayer de contribuer à leur réalisation, en créant une structure écologique optimale.à la politique agricole elle‐même. L'absence de relations entre ces deux domaines s'explique moins, pense‐t‐on, par la formation différente des hommes que par le fait que dans les zones à densité croissante l'articulation économique de nombreux exploitants et travailleurs agricoles s'est rélisée plus tôt que l'intégration économique des entreprises dans l'ensemble de l'économie. C'est ainsi que des phéomènes de dissolution structurelle l'ont emporté sur la création de nouvelles structures agraires. La tentation séduisante de vendre les terrains à des prix avantageux, mais aussi l'obstination à maintenir les formes d'exploitation traditionnelles, dans un sentiment de dasse figé, ont empêché dans les zones dont il s'agit la perception des grandes possibilités que la densité démographique croissante et le dynamisrne socio‐économique qui s'ensuit offraient au développement du marché. C'est seulement à l'extrĉme périphérie, là où ne se manifestait aucun contact permanent avec la vie citadine, que s'est développée une ceinture d'agriculture intensive. Sans doute, au sein même des espaces en voie d'agglomération, des groupes isolés ont su adapter l'emploi du sol aux conditions nouvelles. On pourrait mentionncr ici en particulier les exploitations de création de jardins et d'embellissement, les entreprises en rapport avec l'emploi des loisirs et souvent aussi de vraies fermes nouvellement constituées.En constatant que, malgré tous les efforts de décentralisation, la population et l'économie continuent à se concentrer dans les endroits appropriés, à mesure que progresse la civilisation industrielle, on se rend compte aussi que, dans les zones à densité croissante, les emprises de terrains jusqu'à présent agricoles ne sont pas arrivées à leur terme. La question se pose ainsi de savoir si à l'avenir, dans de pareilles zones, il restera une place quelconque pour des exploitations agricoles. Un des principaux postulats de la planification est de dégager les zones de concentration afin d'y créer des conditions de vie satisfaisantes pour la population et aussi pour que les fonctions s'y accomplissent sans s'incommoder l'une l'autre. Cela impose qu'on s'efforce d'empêcher l'imbrication mutelle sur le terrain des centres agglomérés qui constituent des ensembles fonctionnels, de manière à maintenir les possibilités d'existence et de dégagement de la résidence particulière. Or, l'expérience du passé montre que les plans d'origine locale n'ont euxmêmes pas assez pourvu au maintiem de tels espaces libres à la disposition des exploitants agricoles. Au surplus, la planification juridique ne saurait aucunement assurer l'existence d'entreprises qui, de leur côté, ne s'efforcent pas de participer à l'intégration économique. De telles exploitations n'ont par conséquent que peu de chances de subsister à I'intérieur des zones de concentration.Ainsi est apparue, dans l'aménagement international, une conception suivant laquelle, dans les zones intercalaires, les espaces libres seraient acquis par l'autorité publique et réservés aux besoins de détente immédiate de la population. La mise en exploitation de ces terrains peut se réaliser au moyen d'institutions particulières soit par voie administrative soit par voie d'affermage. En somme, l'utilisation des espaces libres à l'intérieur des zones à densité croissante se conformerait à un principe d'articulation suivant lequel, depuis la bordure périphérique en direction des centres, le territoire passerait graduellement des exploitations plus ou moins autonomes (agriculteurs à temps plein, agriculteurs d'appoint et exploitations d'agrément de tout genre) à des entreprises de service (propriétés publiques et corporatives, ceinture de petits jardins, domaines privés tels que parcs, établissements d'hôtellerie ou de détente). Pour réaliser un tel plan il est nécessaire d'établir un programme à long terme et de disposer d'importants capitaux, ce qui se justifiera nénmoins par la nécessité d'assurer les conditions d'assainissement indispensables aux zones d'agglomération croissante.Dans la politique internationale d'améagement du territoire se manifeste toujours davantage, parallèllement à la politique économique régionale, une tendance à planifier et à répartir l'espace en régions socio‐économiques constituant un réseau serré. Le développement d'espaces cohérents et les problémes nouvellement apparus se trouvent également impliqués dans ces conceptions. C'est pourquoi il est inévitable que se développe une sociologie régionale correspondante. Sa mission consistera à examiner par priorité les problèmes sociologiques qui se posent dans la communauté régionale en voie d'évolution. Elle se trouvera ainsi en mesure de recommander des solutions dont la planification et la pratique administrative devront tenir compte.
The Virginia Workmen's Compensation Act, first enacted in 1918, generally provides for case benefits and medical care to individuals injured in employment-related accidents. While the Act is neither tort law nor social insurance, it contains elements of both. As social legislation, the Act plays an important role in protecting citizens from loss of wages and provides an important supplement to protection available from the federal Old Age, Survivors' Disability and Health Insurance Program, unemployment compensation and private health and accident insurance plans. In 1979, more than 43,000 Virginia employees filed claims under the Act. Unlike other social insurance programs, however, workmen's compensation is funded by neither the employee nor the state. For a qualifying injury, death or disease, liability is borne by the employer and, presumably, passed on to the consumer."
State of the Union address by United States president Millard Fillmore regarding the Mexican Boundary Commission, and also issues regarding Central and South America. ; The U.S. Serial set is a specially bound, consecutively numbered version of all House and Senate reports and documents. Many of the government documents in the Americas archive come originally from the U.S. Serial set, although were bound together at some later point into the collection that is now represented in this collection.
В этой книге предпринимается попытка хотя бы частично воссоздать многосложную картину взаимоотношений Франции и Германии в первые годы после окончания франко-прусской войны 1870-1871 гг. В это время роль ближайшего соседа в жизни каждой из двух указанных стран, начиная с внешней и внутренней политики и заканчивая общественным сознанием и культурой, была исключительно велика. Американский историк Алан Митчелл не сильно преувеличивал, когда писал в одной из своих блестящих книг, что «национальная история Франции закончилась в конце XIX в. вместе с франко-прусской войной. Отныне исторический опыт французского народа был столь тесно и неразрывно связан с опытом своего ближайшего соседа, что двусторонний ракурс становится неизбежным». Однако итоги франко-прусской войны, запечатленные в положениях Франкфуртского мирного договора, коснулись не только победителя и побежденного, сковав оба народа незримой цепью. По общему признанию, они открыли также новую главу в истории международных отношений последней трети XIX в.: локальная война в сердце Европы неожиданно резко изменила расклад сил на дипломатической арене. Военное поражение привело к падению режима Второй империи и к краху всех претензий Франции на доминирующее положение в Европе. На смену ей в этой ипостаси поднималась спаянная войной с «вековым врагом» Германская империя. Отзыв французского корпуса из Рима на защиту Парижа позволил Итальянскому королевству присоединить город к себе и завершить, наконец, объединение страны. АвстроВенгрия предыдущая жертва прусского оружия после разгрома Франции потеряла надежды на реванш и, стремительно развернувшись на 180 градусов, начала сближение с Германией. Именно в этом значении Франкфуртского мирного договора как кардинального изменения европейского равновесия сохраняет свою актуальность рассмотрение и анализ внешнеполитической деятельности великих держав в 1870-е гг. Именно в эти годы вырабатывались приоритеты и основные направления их политики, оценка которых постоянно уточняется с учетом все новых фактор и документальных свидетельств. Неизменно актуальной, к сожалению, остается также проблема выхода государств из военных конфликтов и нормализации отношений вчерашних противников. Рассмотрение франко-германских отношений в первые годы после Франкфуртского мира приобретает в этой связи тем большую наглядность, поскольку охватывает этап более широкого отрезка с логическим завершением в 1914 г. С учетом этого финала взаимоотношения Франции и Германии после 1871 г. являют собой яркий пример во многом пример негативный того, какого развития событий следует избегать. Франко-германские отношения после 1871 г. это и отношения двух новых в политическом смысле государств Третьей республики во Франции и Германской Второй империи. Немалую роль в их формировании сыграл внешний фактор: фактор их каждодневного влияния друг на друга в рамках дипломатической практики и более глобального, но менее осязаемого влияния на уровне массового сознания. Эти годы были сопряжены для Франции с осмыслением причин поражения в войне, итоги которой во многом поставили под вопрос не только текущие позиции страны на международной арене, но и дальнейшее существование ее как великой державы. Материальные потери далеко не в полной мере дают представление об этом, равно как и не объясняют всю глубину разлома, который стал восприниматься в «поколенческом» измерении. Пережитый в 1870 г. исторический опыт стал восприниматься значительной частью французского общества как опыт национальной катастрофы. Одним из его следствий стало широкое реформаторское движение, имевшее целью не просто восстановить потери, но и заложить основы подлинной модернизации страны во всех сферах, оздоровления «политического тела» и переустройства нации, воспитание ценностей гражданственности и патриотизма в целой системе преобразований от школы до армии. Итак, в центре нашего внимания в большей степени Франция, «французский взгляд» на становление соседней Германской империи. Свежесть реакции нации на события обусловила взять отрезком первое послевоенное десятилетие: от подписания 10 мая 1871 г. Франкфуртского мирного договора до отставки 30 января 1879 г. маршала МакМагона с поста президента страны. Этот хронологический отрезок в жизни Третьей республики, названный «республикой без республиканцев», ознаменовался постепенной сменой идеологии и переходом власти от прежних элит к новым. Подробный анализ перипетий этих трансформаций дело отдельного исследования. Здесь же они задают общую канву повествования для первой части книги, призванной ввести читателя в круг ключевых проблем, наполнивших содержанием франко-германские отношения в 1870-е годы. В первых четырех главах дается характеристика послевоенного внешнеполитического курса двух стран, выявляются его приоритеты. Рассмотрен германский фактор политики и дипломатии первых двух президентов Третьей республики, Адольфа Тьера и маршала Мак-Магона, равно как и ключевые принципы дипломатии бессменного руководителя германской внешней политики канцлера Отто фон Бисмарка. Наиболее подробно внимание читателя будет остановлено на кульминационной точке развития франко-германских отношений первого мирного десятилетия, так называемой «военной тревоге» 1875 года. Вторая часть работы посвящена всестороннему анализу ряда ключевых проблем, составивших фундамент развития Третьей республики в той его части, что задавалась логикой соперничества с Германией. К таковым как для рассматриваемых лет, так и для последующих десятилетий, безусловно, можно отнести реорганизацию французских вооруженных сил (Глава 5), проблему «германского присутствия» во Франции (Глава 6), феномен французского реваншизма (Глава 7) и, наконец, стереотипы восприятия французами и немцами друг друга в новых условиях, «французский взгляд» на новую Германскую империю (Глава 8). Подобный анализ осуществляется в рамках отечественной историографии франко-германских отношений последней трети XIX в. впервые. Автор стремился также избежать традиционного для отечественной историографии сосредоточения исключительно на конфликтных ситуациях во франко-германских отношениях в рассматриваемую эпоху. Очевидно, что историю взаимоотношений двух стран нельзя сводить исключительно к «истории кризисов». Автору хотелось избежать излишних повторений того, что уже было подробно разработано в прежние годы в частности, темы русско-французского сближения. Работы советских историков отличаются большой основательностью, однако рассматривают дипломатию Франции и Германии исключительно через призму их отношений с Россией. Общей тенденцией этих исследований стало подчеркивание агрессивности внешней политики Германии и уязвимости позиций Франции. Однако трудно признать по-настоящему объективным подход, по которому все шаги французских руководителей на пути к союзу с Россией с самого начала признавались «правильными», а, скажем, меры Парижа, направленные на сглаживание франко-германских противоречий «трусливой политикой угодничества», «раболепством», «заигрыванием» с Берлином. Не умаляя значения фактора России, необходимо вернуть самостоятельную ценность собственно франко-германским отношениям. Работа осуществлена на основе анализа материалов Архива внешней политики Российской империи в Москве, Российского государственного архива военно-морского флота в Санкт-Петербурге и архива Департамента сухопутной армии Исторической службы министерства обороны Франции (Service historique de la defense / Departement de l'Armee de Terre SHD/DAT, бывший S.H.A.T.) в Париже. Привлечен также широкий круг опубликованных документов, многочисленных источников личного происхождения (дневники, мемуары, переписка), прессы, публицистики, художественных произведений и произведений искусства рассматриваемого времени. Ряд материалов изучен автором в рамках научной командировки в Париж по гранту Франко-российского центра гуманитарных и общественных наук в Москве. ; As far as possible a book makes an attempt to reconstruct the versatile picture of relations between France and Germany within the fi rst years after the end of The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. During that period the role of neighbor for both countries' foreign and internal policy, including public consciousness and culture, was incomparably high. An American historian Allan Mitchell wasn`t exaggerating, when he wrote following lines in one of his works: The national history of France ended in the late nineteenth century with the Franco-Prussian War. Thereafter the experience of the French people was o intimately and inseparably related to that of their closest neighbor that a bilateral perspective becomes unavoidable. However, the results of the Franco-Prussian War fi xed in the states of a Frankfurt peace treaty, concerned not only the winner and the defeated side, welding together both countries with an unseen chain. According to the common point of view the treaty opened also the new chapter of the history of international cooperation at the end of the 19th century: the local war in the heart of Europe changed the situation on the diplomatic arena surprisingly fast. Namely in this meaning of the Frankfurt peace treaty as a cardinally changing the European balance keeps its actuality the analysis and observation of relations between the Great Powers during 1870s. Namely these years represent the time, when the basic priorities had been chosen, which estimation is constantly clarifi ed, especially concerning the appearance of new factors and documents. Inevitably important, unfortunately, still seems the problem of existing confl icts and reaching the balance in relations between the yesterday enemies. An observation of Franco-German relations in the fi rst post-war years after the Frankfurt peace treaty becomes in this case its utter clearness, as far as it embraces the wider period with its logical end in 1914. Taking into account this fi nal, Franco-German relations after 1871 represent a vivid and mostly negative example, what kind of situations should be avoided. Franco-German relations after 1871 year are the relations of two politically new countries The Third Republic in France and The German Second Empire. A big role in their formation played the foreign policy, a factor of their everyday intercommunication within the diplomatic practice and within the more global and less tangible infl uence at a scale of the public consciousness. These years in France were associated with reconsideration ofthe main causes of its defeat in the War, which results actually produced the question not only of the future existence of France as a great Power, but also of the present state`s position on the international stage. Material losses cannot provide an adequate picture, as far as do not demonstrate the real deep of a break, which can be only seen in dimension of generations. An experience of 1870 was taken by most part of Frenchmen as a national catastrophe. Among the results of this events was a big wave of reforms with a general aim not only fi lling in the losses, but also constructing a fundament of real modernization in France in all spheres. So, France is in the central focus of attention, French point of view on the revival of its neighbor German Empire. A fresh reaction of a nation on the situation was the basic cause to take into consideration the fi rst decade after the war from the signing of the Frankfurt peace treaty on 10th of May, 1871, till the retirement of Marshall MacMahon in 1879, on 30th of January. This chronological period in the life of the Third Republic, called the Republic without the republicans, meant the gradual change of an ideology and political elite. The detailed observation of those events is an object of another book. Within this work they just introduce the main direction of a narration in the fi rst part of a book, which should provide the basic explanation to the most important problems, which characterized the Franco-German relations in 1870s. The fi rst 4 chapters give a wide characteristic of a postwar international policy direction of the both countries, point the basic priorities. This part of a book also emphasizes the German factor in the policy and diplomacy of the fi rst two presidents of the Third Republic in France Adolphe Thiers and MacMahon as well as the basic principles of the continuous chancellor of the German Empire Otto von Bismarck. Under the more scrupulous view is the culmination of the development of Franco-German relations during the fi rst decade after war the so called war scare of 1875. The second part of this work is devoted to the versatile analysis of several key problems, which constructed the basis of the Third Republic`s development, supported by the logic of the rivalry with the German Empire. Among such problems during the fi rst decade after the war, as well as for the other periods, can be pointed the reorganization of French army (Chapter 5), the aspect of German presence on the territory of France (Chapter 6), a phenomenon of the French revanchism (Chapter 7), and, at last, stereotypes of mutual perception by both French and German people of each other in the new conditions, a French view on the new German Empire (Chapter 8). Such an analysis was lead for the fi rst time within the limits of the historiography of Russia of the Franco-German relation in the last decades of the 19th century. The author aimed to avoid the traditional for Russian historiography focus on the confl icts between France and Germany in the given period. But it is absolutely clear, that the history of both countries could not be described as only the history of confl icts. The other aim was also to keep off the needles recapitulation of facts, which were examined in the previous works, especially the subject of Russian-French cooperation. Not limiting the Russia factor`s importance, there is a need in examination of the French-German relations as an independent factor. The examination of the fi rst decade since the Sedan catastrophe appears as the utterly serious question. Namely these years were the period of the formation of the political structure of the Third Republic, which will last for 70 years till the next attack from Germany the catastrophe of 1940. Namely during these years the German infl uence on the international and internal policy, cultural and public consciousness of France was especially serious. Germany was the ideal to be adored, to be competed with and to be longed for. Berlin understood the power of its position and did not hide its aspiration to show the direction of international evolution for France, which was comfortable for Germany, if the French people wanted to escape the new confrontation. The origin of the given and future confl icts between France and Germany took its source in the states of the Frankfurt peace treaty, which Bismarck surely understood. He considered, that the hostility of France after the war was inevitable, and this point of view shared many representatives of German intellectual and political elite. The constant tendency of French revanchism was immediately taken by German people as an axiom. The main principle of Bismarck`s policy after the war was very simple: the hostility of France obliges us to make her weak. He did not changed his point of view till the end of his chancellorship. So, the strong fi rm seemed the position of France, the more intensive was Bismarck`s confrontation against it. However, we could not state, that the Franco-German in 1870s were at the edge of breaking out in an opened war. In spite of all provocative demarches of Bismarck, the basic political priority of the German chancellor remained the realization of all states of the Frankfurt peace treaty. First of all, Bismarck was a great manipulator, who reached his goals with the help of diplomacy and provocative campaigns in press. Of course, when he faced the possibility of a new war with France, he was not worried. But he scarcely forgot an experience of the last war, when his power was partly grabbed by military generals and he lost control over some aspects of the internal policy. He clearly felt the balance, when the international threat could burst out in an opened confrontation. That is why he concentrated on fi xing the seized borders. In the spring of 1875 Bismarck started his favorite war of nerves. Its main goal was to slow the postwar military revival of France, to draw the attention of European elites to the French revanchism and to gain on this base some new guarantees of safety in addition to the Frankfurt peace treaty. Not occasionally Berlin rose a question concerning the updating of the French forces as a war preparations, and proposed to limit those actions. Taking into an account the fact, that Marshall Moltke noted, that German army could hardly hope to receive such a gift from European Powers, but if there followed just a moral condemnation in the form of advises to be more careful and patient it could become a big signifi cance in the international relations of the period. During all these years Bismarck constantly predicted that a new war between France and Germany seemed inevitable. Those predictions of the chancellor were a moral and public fundament to justify a discussion about the preventive intrusion. But this opinion zip directed in both ways to German people and to the European countries in order to fi nd a general decision of the salvation of Franco-German confl ict, which had all chances to become a start of a Europe's wide confl ict. One of alternatives could be proposed was the condemnation of the French strivings for returning the lost territories. But it was in spring of 1875, when Bismarck probably for the fi rst time did not cope with a situation and passed a carte-blanche to the Duc Decazes, the minister of foreign affairs of France, who made his best to turn the common Visit of Alexander II in a form of an intrusion in new Franco-German confl ict, and Bismarck faced the situation, when he was bringing humiliating apologizes. To turn the crisis in its turn, the French administration decided to undertake a deliberate exaggeration of an immediate threat of war in Europe. Fixing this fact, one can understand the justifi cation of the Quai d`Orsay`s policy. The Ministry just used the political situation, like Bismarck did, many times before. The Duc Decazes not only surpassed Bismarck in cooperation with European cabinets, but also turned against Bismarck his beloved weapon the press. At that the end of the war scare of 1875 didn't become a real bifurcation point in Franco-German relations. It did not actually produced dramatical changes, not in Bismarck political principles concerning France, nor in relations between both countries. An idea of an immediate war was widely spread in France, and in Germany as well, both governments took this threat into account while their dialogue started improve slowly. However, Bismarck was sincere enough in his search for a possible alternative to war with France. This position was fi rmly occupied by the German diplomacy after the crisis of 1875. On the other hand the same was with France, which unclear assurances to reach the compromise with Germany still were not offi cially confi rmed till the end of 1870s. Although France did not refused its thesis concerning unfairness of the states of the Frankfurt peace treaty, despite this fact had the strongest interest in rapprochement with its enemy. Right since the fi rst years after the war French government proposed some symbolic actions, which aim was to soften at a large scale the tension in relations with Germany. For example France took part in construction of monuments in honor of the war heroes, fi nancing the art devoted to the war period, and offi cially condemned attempts on lives of the German Elite. Anyway the main basis of French development was the idea of revanchism, which by the way should be considered at a wider scale, than it is represented in Russian (Soviet) historiography. French revanchism by itself is to a certain extent a powerful historical myth, which takes its sources in both World Wars of the 20th century and which draws Franco-German relations in the most dark colors. But the last decades of the 19th century including the fi rst decade after the Franco-Prussian war surely did not seem for the contemporaries as a period of the sacred hatred towards Germany. Especially clear this fact was for the French ruling elite, which mostly had mixed feelings about Germany: fear, but on the other hand a very strong wish to compete, feeling of respectfulness and even adoration, but not sympathy of course. The generation of 1870s was not ready to forget the results of the war this idea was accompanied by the interpretation of a German success as a natural phenomenon and thus the developmental lag of France in different spheres. That is why the revanchism for French people meant not only preparing before the just war, not only revival of a national prestige, but also competition with a German success, modernization, which was the fi rst and necessary precondition for a future military success. Both French political, culture and war elite, and common masses supposed the revanchism as a deal of future generations. For representatives of the French army Germany become through these years the most wanted and practically the one enemy, which was an orienteer for all war preparations after 1871. Those preparations take form of wide borrowings from the Prussian forces: from the introduction of a compulsory military service and army organizations according to 18 military districts, to regulations, which provided compensations for peasants for their territories, damaged through the military manoeuvres. But all offi cial discussions about the possibilities of bursting out a new war with Germany were a prohibited subject among the political and diplomatic elites. But on the other hand the French government constantly raise a problem of Alsace-Lorraine territories, supporting the hope to solve this problem by peace methods. Especially important fact in this situation was that all Great Powers, including Russia, were from the very beginning on the side of France in this question, emphasizing the correctness and rightness of French position. Observing the policy of the French politicians, it should be noted, that no one of them, despite the German provocations, didn`t considered the close perspective of a revanchist war seriously. More to say, relying on reports of a Russian ambassador in France, N. A. Orlov, forms an impression, that revanchism of A. Thiers was far more deeper, than that of the Marshall McMahon or of another main fi gures of the French international policy Duc de Broglie and DucDecazes. So, all these aspects tell, that during the fi rst decade after the war the French administration was not preparing any offensive war plans against Germany in order to get back Alsace-Lorraine. Even for A. Thiers the most important purpose to follow besides the execution of the states of the peace treaty and avoiding the internal revolutionary threat was a search of a new way of returning the former status of France in its internal affairs, which vividly showed the eager interest to contemporary events in Spain. A. Thiers and his successors actually understood the real French position in a possible future confrontation with Germany and also knew, that there was a strong need in allies. But before leading any negotiations with potential allies France was facing the problem of its forces revival, by the way fi xing the balance in the internal policy and recovering the confi dence, which was a very hard goal. That is why politicians of the Third Republic during the fi rst years after war absolutely excluded the method of provocations on the international arena, what was so characterizing of the previous period. An aspiration to penetrate in the plans of a neighbor, eager measures of the last to avoid any such actions in its turn, mainly constructed a fi rm fundament of Franco-German policies. After Franco-Prussian war changed the understanding of a problem of German presence on the French territory, which expressed itself in the actions of the French war and political reconnaissance and counter-intelligence. Work of the French special services in many respects remained imperfect, and a quality level of the received data was low. But without any doubts the information received from Germany by some private channels, rendered a great infl uence on decisions, undertaken by the French management. The Franco-German border and frontier areas of both states become arena of the hidden antagonism. Frequent change of offi ces, intrigues of monarchic fractions and political crisis didn't exclude steady continuity of a foreign policy and the policy of reorganization of armed forces of France. It could be mainly explained by the especial positions of the fi rst presidents of the Third Republic. Thiers and MacMahon made a considerable impact on country development, rather than it was prescribed for their successors by the Constitution of the 1875, which has fi xed a parliamentary republic in the country. A. Thiers controlled actually all thespheres of internal policy, he entirely defi ned the native foreign policy. Marshal MacMahon, having conceded at a big scale the initiative in political sphere of the nearest advisers, up to the end of 1877 supported a principle of formation of the government, which would enjoy confi dence of the president, instead of the National Аssembly. Both Thiers and MacMahon defi ned key aspects of military reorganization, leaving behind the fi gures of Ministers of War on the second plan. Splash of patriotic feelings of the Frenchmen, shown in various essences, became result of the war. Firstly prevailed what can be called a mournful patriotism, and examples of militant patriotism could be found only in scientifi c polemics, literature and on a theatrical stage. The starting point of the Revenge as a fi nal vengeance should become a reconsideration of war 1870-1871. Without any doubts heroization of France's defeats, appeals to a revenge in science, fi ction and arts already in 1870th years have put those bases, which subsequently this movement has got political expression on. The success of similar aggressive rhetoric within the French public, however, didn't mean determination of Frenchmen to be at war as soon as possible again. The fear concerning a new war prevailed in consciousness of Frenchmen, and Germans, although it didn't made them pacifi sts. Nevertheless, already in the fi rst post-war decade there were those in France, who called for Franco-German reconciliation, who searched for alternatives to war. However even this part of the French intellectual elite wasn't ready to recognize war results fair. With all its paradox, it meant that there were no alternatives to war actions indeed. It should be noted, fi rst and last, that the reaction of the French and German writers, scientists and publicists on fatal events of 1870-1871 differed with its variety and an extreme emotionality. Almost all of them had to endure serious reconsideration of the French status and the world surrounding it. War 1870-1871 did not practically left signifi cant changes in the public consciousness of Frenchmen concerning the national idea of superiority in intellectual sphere. But views on Germany changed a lot. The secret of its success, weaknesses and strengths of a new empire were fundamentally analyzed. Widely spread was a representation about incompleteness, dualities of the German empire, where Prussia was opposed to other Germany. Similar logic conceptions, taking into account all its artifi ciality, promoted softening of inevitable displays of Germanofobia in France. Both in France and in Germany has quickly rooted itself an idea, that information about the neighbor became since that time an essential guarantee of its safety and the very existence. Research was made on the basis of the analysis of materials of Archive of foreign policy of the Russian empire in Moscow, the Russian state archive of Navy in St.-Petersburg and archive of Department of the land forces of the Historical service of the Ministry of Defence of France in Paris. Among the sources was used also a wide spectrum of published documents, numerous sources of a personal origin (diaries, memoirs, correspondence), the press, publicism, fi ction and also works of art of the given period.
Over the past few years, the Government of India (GOI) has been implementing five large national skills development (SD) programs to improve the employment and earnings prospects of urban and rural youth. The critical questions to be addressed are: what have been the employment outcomes of those programs?; what earnings premium do one give to trainees?; do program benefits justify the significant public investments made into them?; what organizational aspects affect delivery and reach?; and finally, based on these findings, what should be the course of action? This paper tries to address these questions, using data from a set of surveys of trainees (past and current), non-trainees (comparison group), employers, and training providers. The quantitative analysis has been complemented by a qualitative study based on interviews and focus group discussions, with focus on business processes, program management, and monitoring and evaluation (M and E). Five states have been taken into consideration for this analysis: Assam, Andhra Pradesh (AP), Madhya Pradesh (MP), Odisha, and Rajasthan. This paper comprises several sections. The first section provides introduction. Section two presents skills development programs; section three presents employment outcomes of SD programs; section four presents wage and earnings effects of SD programs; section five is cost-effectiveness of SD programs; section six is India versus international experience; section seven presents findings from the qualitative study; and section eight gives conclusions and policy recommendations.
