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Abstract
The dramatic period of change surrounding the late 1960s saw the emergence and development of Marxist-informed revolutionary challenges to Arab political thought as well as the region's relationship with the global Cold War. Into such debates stepped a renewed Iraqi exile community then living in Western Europe. Initially identifying themselves as the Iraqi Revolutionary Grouping (IRG) they would challenge past Iraqi Marxist and Communist commitments, the emerging authoritarian state and global imperialism through a renewed commitment to Marxist-informed social action, support for the Palestinian cause and direct opposition to increasing U.S. intervention into Iraq and the wider Arab world. Their position shifted the Iraq communist movement discourse from its long-standing subservience to Soviet designs, broadened connections and solidarity with progressive regional actors in an effort to reach beyond the state system and privileged the Palestinian cause.

Virtual reality (VR) distraction has become increasingly available in health care contexts and is used in acute pain management. However, there has been no systematic exploration of the importance of the content of VR environments. Two studies tested how interacting with nature VR influenced experienced and recollected pain after 1 week. Study 1 ( n = 85) used a laboratory pain task (cold pressor), whereas Study 2 ( n = 70) was a randomized controlled trial with patients undergoing dental treatment. In Study 1, nature (coastal) VR reduced both experienced and recollected pain compared with no VR. In Study 2, nature (coastal) VR reduced experienced and recalled pain in dental patients, compared with urban VR and standard care. Together, these data show that nature can improve experience of health care procedures through the use of VR, and that the content of the VR matters: Coastal nature is better than urban.

The two decades following the Second World War were marked by geopolitical and pedagogical ferment, as researchers and policymakers debated the role of language teaching in a rapidly changing world. As European empires collapsed amid Cold War competition for global influence, limited colonial education systems gave way to new discourses connecting postcolonial educational expansion, international development aid, and language teaching. This article reveals increasing American interest in the connections between development and vehicular English from 1945 to 1965. Drawing on the work of anglophone reformers, American elites promoted English as a development tool, and institutionalized policies designed to spread it abroad. The rise of the idea of global English in the United States, the article shows, was rooted in an instrumental conception of language, which framed English as a politically neutral vehicle for communication, yet this discourse was contradicted by the United States' strategic ambitions.

AbstractThis article chronicles the fifteen-month border conflict between the military regimes of Brazil and Paraguay that occurred between March of 1965 and June of 1966 – a stand-off that paved the way for the Itaipu project that would become the largest dam in the world. In the context of the 1960s Cold War, both governments saw a large-scale dam on the Paraná River as a means to catalyse industrialisation and strengthen the political legitimacy of their respective authoritarian regimes. Yet the border crisis was not a stand-off between equal powers. Brazil was the much stronger force, and, with the backing of the United States, the Brazilian dictatorship brought Paraguay firmly under its sphere of influence while also marginalising neighbouring Argentina. The border question at Guaíra served as a springboard for Brazil's rising power, and subsequently transformed the geopolitical landscape of the Southern Cone.

With the signing of the Moscow Treaty in 1970 between the Soviet Union and West Germany, a new period in Soviet-German relations began. This phenomenon was made possible by two factors: the strengthening of Brezhnev's power and the election of Willy Brandt as Chancellor of West Germany. This article identified the importance of the personal relationship between the two politicians in the transition from a policy of harsh confrontation during the Cold War to a policy of détente and economic cooperation in the form of an energy dialogue from 1970 to 1973. Against the background of current events, the author poses the question of why the two politicians were unable to agree to a policy against the backdrop of the perceived ideological antagonism between the capitalist and socialist systems. This article also considers how the relationship between the two men affected the development of economic cooperation between the two countries.

This article argues, through a case study of the evolving impact of the Xinjiang and Uyghur issue, that the People's Republic of China's (PRC) ethnic minorities have been a significant factor in Beijing's foreign relations throughout its history. Since the end of the Cold War in particular, China's approach to the Xinjiang and Uyghur issue has played an important role in undergirding domestic stability and shaping its relations with Central Asia. More broadly, the case of Xinjiang and the Uyghur suggests that the nature and scale of the challenge posed by any one ethnic minority in the context of the PRC's foreign policy has largely been a function of the interplay of five major factors: the historical relationship between the ethnic group and the Chinese state; the geographic concentration of an ethnic minority; the degree of acculturation to the dominant Han society; external great power support; and mobilised diasporas.

Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

Japan is America's key ally in the Asia-Pacific, with the US–Japan alliance the foundation of America's role as a 'Pacific' power. Indeed, the United States 'has no better friend in the world than Japan'. This important alliance emerged from Japan's defeat in World War II and the subsequent American-led occupation, but especially from America's shifting global strategy in the early Cold War. Increasingly tense relations with the Soviet Union, the communist victory in China and the Korean War pushed the United States to secure Japan within the Western bloc. The resulting strategic bargain between the two countries was for the United States to provide security for Japan, with Japan offering bases for the US military in return. The arrangement established Japan for the United States as a dependent security partner; however, it also allowed Japan to focus on the important postwar task of economic redevelopment.

The question of what constitutes the legitimacy of using force targeting an external adversary, has become especially relevant since the wars that followed the 9/11 events and the post-Cold War's interventions in human crises. However, international relations is the main field in which this issue is discussed while political scientists tend to mix legitimacy with supportive public opinion. This paper is conceptually motivated. It begins by defining the concept of the legitimacy of using force. It then analyzes the two components of this legitimacy: the first represents the constant, socially constructed component, and the second is a dynamic component, on which the paper focuses. It is constituted by several mutually related variables which are critical for increasing or decreasing the constant component of this legitimacy and can be circumstantially and contextually used by leaders to mobilize support.

Deceased donor renal transplantation (DDRT) constitutes less than 5% of all kidney transplantats in India. A retrospective analysis of 173 deceased donor renal transplants performed in a public funded government hospital was done. Mean age of the recipients was 36 years (male:female ratio 2.4:1), and that of the donors was 32.3 years (male:female ratio 6:1). The cold ischemic time was 340 ± 170 minutes. Mean follow-up period was 36 months. Forty one patients died, 75% of them in the first post – transplant year. Sepsis and cardiovascular disease were the most common causes of death. Twenty two percent had acute rejection. There was no significant difference in the incidence in the rate of acute rejection, bacterial, fungal infections and death rate between the cohorts of induction and non induction immunosuppression. The patient and death censored graft survival at 1 year were 80 and 82.6% and at 5 years were 76 and 80% respectively.

"The archetype of 'my enemy's enemy is my friend', India's political and economic presence in Afghanistan is often viewed as a Machiavellian ploy aimed against Pakistan. The first of its kind, this book interrogates that simplistic yet powerful geopolitical narrative and asks what truly drives India's Afghanistan policy. Based on an extensive repertoire of hitherto untapped primary sources including official memoranda, diplomatic correspondence, and a series of interviews with key political actors, My Enemy's Enemy provides a comprehensive analysis of India's strategy debates and foreign policymaking processes vis-à-vis Afghanistan, from the last decade of the Cold War to the 1990s Afghan civil war and the more recent US-led war on terror. It demonstrates that Indian presence in Afghanistan has been guided primarily by an enduring vision for the region that requires a stable balance of power across the Durand Line"--front flap

Japan is America's key ally in the Asia-Pacific, with the US–Japan alliance the foundation of America's role as a 'Pacific' power. Indeed, the United States 'has no better friend in the world than Japan'. This important alliance emerged from Japan's defeat in World War II and the subsequent American-led occupation, but especially from America's shifting global strategy in the early Cold War. Increasingly tense relations with the Soviet Union, the communist victory in China and the Korean War pushed the United States to secure Japan within the Western bloc. The resulting strategic bargain between the two countries was for the United States to provide security for Japan, with Japan offering bases for the US military in return. The arrangement established Japan for the United States as a dependent security partner; however, it also allowed Japan to focus on the important postwar task of economic redevelopment.

Este capítulo es parte de un libro contextualizado en la etapa inicial de la post Guerra Fría y los debates sobre la democratización global y el triunfo de la democracia liberal como modelo político. El texto invita a diversas reflexiones sobre la temporalidad y la espacialidad de la democracia en la teoría política, la eficacia de su aplicabilidad, y la falta de cuestionamiento sobre lo que la "democracia" implica más allá de su "encanto cosmopolita". ; This chapter is part of a book contextualized in the early Post Cold War era, and within the debates regarding global democratization and the triumph of liberal democracy as political model. The text invites to diverse reflections about the temporality and spatiality of democracy in political theory, the efficiency of its applicability, and the lack of questioning regards what "democracy" implies beyond its "cosmopolitan charm".

The author deals with neoclassical realism, the approach which emerged within
the realist school of thought about international relations during the
nineties of the last century. The goal of the paper is to consider the
establishment and development of the approach during this decade and later in
the 21st century, in order to show that it improved the realist school of
thought and thus responded to the challenge that the end of the Cold War
posed to it. This improvement consists of an integration of systemic level of
analysis, on which neorealism insists, with unit level, from which classical
realism and other IR schools of thought start. The author illustrates the
application of neoclassical realism on the research of the topics relevant
for the 21st century through the examples of several significant titles
within the approach, but also citing his own application of the approach.