Suchergebnisse

The high heterogeneity of the Tunisian cityscape raises important questions about the context of its emergence. A historical analysis of the country's last decades seems to be necessary towards understanding its origins. Since the State independence in 1956, several political, economical, and especially cultural evolutions have occurred. These have seemingly a great impact on the language of the contemporary architectural production.The present research focuses on the evolution of the references behind the Tunisian architecture from the independence until 2011. It mainly explores how an architecture was produced during the independent State establishment, and to what extent this architecture reflects the State's cultural policy.The main explored hypothesis concerns the impact of the interaction between the constructions initiated by the State and the architectural design on the current country's cityscape. Most of the project initiated by the independent State were built in the capital. Thus, Tunis is studied from a historical standpoint and buildings are analyzed in the triple process of architectural order, design, and communication, in order to understand the emergence circumstances of the current referential heterogeneity. A cross-reading of architecture publications highlights the different speeches that shape several imaginaries so to define contemporary Tunisian specificities, between modernity and tradition.Answering such a question implies a deep knowledge of the main State's projects during this period, but also the profiles of the different architects behind these projects design. A diverse corpus including graphical representations of the considered projects, general and specialized press publications, bank notes, stamps, and postcards, were selected for analysis. Besides its historical dimension, such a corpus enables observing the Architecture as a mean of communication from a cultural perspective.The cross-reading of this corpus brings out three types of speeches: a speech by, of, and on Architecture. The former, is observable on the official press, on the architectural representations of bank notes, on stamps and some postcards. Its analysis helped to determine the image that the State gives about its architectural realizations. The second type of speeches reflects the perception of the architect, as a designer of the Tunisian architecture. Research on graphical representations in public archives show the evolution of the architectural language. Moreover, the analysis of the diverse background of the architects, practicing during the period under study, shows the great impact of their architectural culture on the Tunisian cityscape. Finally, the last type of speech observed in specialized architectural magazines and private press, enables to extract receptions about the realized projects.References behind architectural realizations in Tunis seems to evolve together with the State evolution and the different definition of what is «Tunisian» at each moment. The study of the identified speeches led to three different imaginaries. The first is a progress imaginary, which characterizes the first decades of the independent State. It operates through an esthetic allusion following architectural inclination of great occidental metropolis. The second is a historical imaginary that emerges later and which mainly refers to a legacy architecture transformed into a protected heritage. Hence, the worship of the « medinal » architecture and recently the french protectorat legacy provide to some artefacts a status of reference for upcoming constructions. Finally, the third imaginary is syncretic and fluctuates between modernizing tradition and traditionalizing modernity towards a perfect fusion that eventually defines contemporary Tunisian architecture. ; Le paysage urbain contemporain de la ville de Tunis, caractérisé par une forte hétérogénéité référentielle, interroge quant aux facteurs de son émergence. L'histoire récente du pays, marquée par l'indépendance en 1956, suggère l'existence d'un rapport étroit entre ce moment de prise d'autonomie politique, économique, mais surtout culturelle, et la portée qu'il a eu sur la détermination du langage des architectures à édifier.Cette recherche soulève donc la problématique de l'évolution des références de la production architecturale savante en Tunisie indépendante entre 1956 et 2011. Il s'agit d'explorer comment, dans le cadre de la construction de l'État indépendant, une architecture est fabriquée, et dans quelles mesures elle traduit sa stratégie culturelle pour en devenir l'image même.En partant de l'hypothèse que l'interaction entre la commande officielle et la conception architecturale a induit la pluralité référentielle du paysage urbain actuel, Tunis est ainsi exploré dans une perspective historique interrogeant l'architecture édifiée dans le processus commande-conception-communication. L'hétérogénéité des architectures de la ville découlerait surtout de la disparité des postures officielles, mais aussi savantes, dans la définition d'une tunisianité contemporaine culturelle, et donc architecturale, cloisonnée dans le clivage modernité-tradition.un détour par les différents supports de communication de l'architecture entre 1956 et 2011, a été nécessaire pour mener à bien cette recherche. Un corpus diversifié a ainsi été sélectionné et analysé.La lecture croisée de ce corpus fait ressortir trois types de discours véhiculés: un discours par, de et sur l'architecture. Le premier est perceptible aussi bien dans la revue de presse officielle que dans les représentations architecturales sur les billets de banque, les timbres et quelques cartes postales depuis l'indépendance. Son exploration a permis de dégager les images que l'État fabrique d'une architecture "emblématique" comme réalisation officielle. Le discours de l'architecture reflète, quant à lui, la représentation que le concepteur propose pour définir l'architecture tunisienne. La recherche dans les fonds d'archives des documents graphiques rend compte de l'évolution du langage architectural proposé. L'analyse des profils des architectes relève l'importance de leur culture architecturale dans le modelage du paysage urbain actuel. Enfin, le discours sur l'architecture, matérialisé par l'examen des articles des périodiques d'architecture et de la revue de presse indépendante, dépeint la réception des œuvres. Il permet de voir la production architecturale au delà du discours officiel du maître d'ouvrage et de celui du maître d'oeuvre. Les représentations caricaturales d'un paysage urbain hétéroclite, ainsi que d'une architecture "moderniste" rhabillée par une enveloppe ornementale "historiciste" caractérisent essentiellement ce dernier discours.La référence architecturale des édifices paraît évoluer à l'image de la fondation de l'État et de la définition de ce qui est désormais "tunisien". L'analyse des discours relevés dans l'étude du corpus nous a permis de dégager trois imaginaires différents. Un imaginaire de développement caractérise les premières décennies de l'État indépendant. Il opère par une esthétique allusive qui s'aligne sur les tendances architecturales des grandes métropoles occidentales. Un imaginaire historique émerge par la suite. Il se construit, entre autres, à travers un héritage dont on cultive l'image et qu'on promeut au rang de patrimoine. Ainsi, la vénération du modèle "médinal" et plus récemment la revendication de l'héritage "protectorial", procurent à certains édifices un statut référentiel quant aux conceptions à venir. Enfin, un imaginaire syncrétique, oscille entre la modernisation du traditionnel et la traditionalisation du moderne en vue d'un idéal de fusion d'influences qui définirait l'architecture tunisienne contemporaine.

The political dimension in the discourse of communication directors on the corporate scene is a part of the research the discourse of the corporate communicator; and it is the result of an interpretation work of the data administered by the communicators of the twelve organizations that constitute the sample. Likewise, the title suggests a rectification which turns out to be indispensable and which has to do with the limits and reaches of the research, since the actors are, in their great majority, directors in the area of communication.This essay aims at delving into the thesis proposed through the text: "The constitution of the Individual in the Discourse of the Corporate Communicator", in which the political feature is sustained in the constitution of his identity as a strategist, as well as in the action he unfolds with the publics (internal and external) for the achievement of the organization's purposes.Now then, if in the aforementioned thesis, the emphasis was made on the building of the identity; in this case, the analysis is centered into the linguistic statements with which actions, purposes and strategic functions are expressed, which in turn acquire a political feature, as long as the strategist's position responds to the function of an ally which the organization confers to him. In his condition of an ally, the Communicator will have to harmonize the exercising of a power which is only exercised by those who really boast of it; and hence, he will put his know-how to the service of the institution, a fact which, in the sphere of communication management, is translated into the ability for the symbolic control of the publics with whom the organization is related.The aforementioned allows us to. argue that, although the communicator's political aspiration is the positioning of the communication area in the domain of the organization's high spheres which, in turn represents the acquisition of a prestige for him, the power that he reaches lies within his ability for: congregating wills, orientating the individuals actions, and positioning the organization in the business sphere; That is why it may be affirmed that the strategist communicator's political action fulfills the role of an absorber or an "earth pole" of the power effects exercised by those who boast of it; and thus, his political purpose is to diminish such effects and to achieve the adhesion of the social actors (publics) to the interests of the institution. Nonetheless, such an action, far from being plain, acquires attention modalities in variances related to the administration's style, as well as to that of the communicator. For the effects of sustaining the political dimension of the corporate communicator's discourse y, subsequently, the modalities his action adopts, the text presents the following structure: firstly, it is about contextualizing and delimiting the notion of politics, as well as its relation to power. Secondly, it analyzes, from the discourse perspective, a corpus of enunciations emitted by the communicators throughout the interview, having in mind the categories of: the action front, political reference, strategic function, and political purposes. Thirdly, an approximations is to the modalities of the communicator's political action, parting from the identification of common constants or features. Finally, the contingent feature of the political action is approached, under the supposition that such contingency is determined essentially by three variances: nature of the organization, managerial style, and the communicator's modality of administration. ; La dimensión política en el discurso del director de Comunicaciones en del escenario corporativo hace parte de investigación el discurso del comunicador corporativo y es el resultado de un trabajo de interpretación de los datos suministrados por los comunicadores de las doce organizaciones que constituyen la muestra. Así mismo, el título sugiere una rectificación que resulta imprescindible y tiene que ver con los límites y alcances de la investigación en razón de que los actores son, en su inmensa mayoría, directores del área de comunicación.Este ensayo se propone profundizar la tesis propuesta en el texto: "La constitución del sujeto en el discurso del comunicador corporativo"1 en la que se sostiene el carácter político, tanto en la constitución de su identidad como estratega, como en la acción que despliega con los públicos (interno y externo) para el logro de los propósitos de la organización.Ahora bien, si en la citada tesis el énfasis se hacía en la construcción de la identidad, en este caso, el análisis se centra en los enunciados lingüísticos con los que se expresan acciones, propósitos y funciones estratégicas que adquieren un carácter político en la medida en que la posición de estratega responde a la función de aliado que le confiere la organización. En su condición de aliado, el comunicador deberá matizar el ejercicio de un poder que ejercen quienes realmente lo ostentaren tal sentido pondrá al servicio de las institución su saber hacer que, en el ámbito de la gestión de la comunicación, se traduce en la capacidad para el control simbólico de los públicos con los que se relaciona la organización. Lo anterior permite argüir que, si bien la aspiración política del comunicador es el posicionamiento de área de comunicaciones en el dominio de las altas esferas de la organización que. a su vez representa la adquisición de un prestigio para él, el poder que alcanza reposa en la capacidad que demuestre para congregar voluntades, orientar la acción de los sujetos y posicionar a la organización en el ámbito del negocio. Es por ello que se puede afirmar que la acción política del comunicador estratega cumple las veces de amortiguador o "polo a tierra" de los efectos del poder que ejercen quienes lo ostentan en la organización, y en tal sentido, su propósito político es menguar dichos efectos y lograr la adhesión de los actores sociales (públicos) a los intereses de la institución. Sin embargo, dicha acción lejos de ser uniforme, adquiere modalidades en atención a variantes relacionadas con la naturaleza de la organización, el estilo de la administración y las modalidades de gestión del comunicador.Para efectos de sustentar la dimensión política del discurso del comunicador corpo­rativo y por ende las modalidades que adopta su acción, el texto presenta la siguiente estructura: en un primer momento se trata de contextuar y delimitar la noción de política, así como su relación con el poder. En un segundo momento, se analiza, desde la perspectiva del discurso, un corpus de enunciados emitidos por los comunicadores en la entrevista, teniendo, en cuenta las categorías de: frente de acción, referente político, función estratégica y propósitos políticos. En un tercer momento, se hace una aproximación a las modalidades de la acción política del comunicador a partir de la identificación de las constantes o rasgos en común. Finalmente, se aborda el carácter contingente de la acción política, bajo el supuesto de que dicha contingencia está determinada en lo esencial por tres variantes: naturaleza de la organización, estilo gerencial y modalidad de gestión del comunicador.

Increased environmental concern and favorable government policies in the recent years have resulted in rapid growth of Renewable Energy Sources (RESs), such as Solar Photovoltaics (PVs) and Wind Turbine Generators. Despite creating several benefits, the high integration of the RESs in an electrical network imposes potential problems. In particular, limited dispatchability of the RESs on top of intermittent generation is creating key scientific challenges to the research community. On the other hand, increased trends of electrifying heating, transportation and gas sectors have resulted in new electrical loads, such as Electric Vehicles (EVs), Heat Pumps (HPs), and Electric Water Heaters (EWH), in the distribution network. In addition to the increase in power demand, those loads create high, rapid and random fluctuations in the demand, thereby impacting the power balancing scenario negatively. Conventional solutions to address the aforementioned issues include building excess generation or grid scale storage to compensate the power imbalances resulting from intermittent generations and fluctuating demands. Even though those approaches perform technically well, they are capital intensive to be implemented with the existing technology. One of the potential alternatives is to intelligently control the electrical loads to make them follow the intermittent generation. This not only enables the end consumers to get reliable and cheap electricity but also enables the utility to prevent huge investment in counterpart. Therefore, the theoretical foundation of this research work is based on a paradigm shift in 'generation following demand' to 'demand following generation' scenario. The primary aim of this research work is to develop intelligent control architecture, control strategies, and an adaptive protection methodology to ensure efficient control and operation of the future distribution networks. The major scientific challenge is thus to develop control models and strategies to coordinate responses from widely distributed controllable loads and local generations. Detailed models of key Smart Grid (SG) elements particularly distribution network, controllable loads, namely EV, HP, and EWH, and local generation, namely PV, are developed. The outcome of the projects is demonstrated mostly by simulations and partly by laboratory setups. The research outcome will not only serve as a reference for ongoing research in this direction but also benefit distribution system operators in the planning and development of the distribution network. The major contributions of this work are described in the following four stages: In the first stage, an intelligent Demand Response (DR) control architecture is developed for coordinating the key SG actors, namely consumers, network operators, aggregators, and electricity market entities. A key intent of the architecture is to facilitate market participation of residential consumers and prosumers. A Hierarchical Control Architecture (HCA) having primary, secondary, and tertiary control loops is developed to establish coordinated control of widely distributed loads and generations. Moreover, a heterogeneous communication network is integrated to the HCA for enabling control and communication within each control loop of the HCA. In particular, each control loop of the HCA is designed with specific control latency and time coordinated with the other loops to establish coordination among each other. The outcome of a power and communication co-simulation demonstrated that the proposed architecture effectively integrate responses from widely distributed loads and generations. Detailed models of the controllable loads, local generation, and distribution network are done in the second stage. Transportation loads, namely EV, and heating loads, namely HP and EWH, are modeled as controllable loads, whereas the solar PV is modeled as local generation. Control strategies are developed to realize various DR techniques, namely autonomous, voltage controlled, incentive based, and price based. The performance of the developed models and control strategies are demonstrated in a low voltage distribution network by utilizing the intelligent architecture developed in the first stage. Even though the developed models and control strategies are tested in a particular low voltage network, they are generic to apply to any network. The outcome from this part of the study enables to exploit demand flexibility from the consumers/prosumers for technically supporting the grid as well as for enabling to trade the flexibility in electricity markets. In the third stage, a scaled down SG testbed is developed and implemented for practical demonstration of developed DR models and control strategies. A LV test case network is scaled down to a 1 kVA testbed and is built in a laboratory. An optical fiber and TCP/IP based communication is integrated on the testbed to enable data communication and control. Moreover, a centralized and decentralized control approach is implemented for optimized EV charging coordination in the testbed. As practical demonstration of the SG is significantly lagging, the developed scaled down testbed based approach provides not only a novel approach for practical demonstration of the SG control but also a new research perspective in the SG field. More importantly, the proposed method provides an economic and riskless approach compared to the existing pilot project based SG developments. In the final stage, an adaptive overcurrent protection is developed for the future distribution system having high share of RESs and Active Network Management (ANM) activities. In the future grid, the protection is affected not only by bidirectional power flow due to RESs but also due to the ANM activities such as demand response, network reconfigurations etc. Therefore, unlike the conventional protection methodology where the protective settings are made static, an approach to adapt relay settings based on dynamic network topologies and power infeed is developed. In particular, the developed methodology integrates the protection and ANM such that the protection is ensured for every change in network operation mode and topologies. A two-stage protection strategy, whereby an offline proactive stage combined with online adaptive stage is designed to realize the intended protection approach. The proactive stage determines settings of the relays for every mode of operation using offline short circuit analysis and dispatches the settings to the respective relays. The adaptive stage in turn identifies the operating status of distributed energy resources and operating modes (grid-connected, islanded, network reconfiguration etc.) in real time to adapt/activate proper settings. The performance of the developed method is demonstrated in a medium voltage distribution network using real time digital simulator. The simulation results demonstrated that the proposed adaptive protection approach reliably discriminate the faults and establishes protection coordination in dynamic network topologies. Overall, the research outcomes provide an innovative approach to exploit demand flexibility from controllable loads and establish the integrated ANM and protection to ensure effective control and protection of the future distribution grids. This not only enables the end consumers to get reliable and cheap electricity but also enables the utility to prevent huge investment in counterpart. Moreover, distribution system operators can implement the findings of the projects in their operational stages to avoid grid bottlenecks and in the planning stages to avoid or delay the grid reinforcements.

Mention très honorable ; Since 1980 the municipalities are at the center of the decentralization policy in Côte d'Ivoire. Contrary to what one might think, communalization is not an innovation in Côte d'Ivoire. During the colonial period, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced three types of municipalities: Mixed communes, average performance of municipalities and self-governing communes. From 1980 to 2011, the number of full-function communes has increased from 37 to 197; then to 1295 in 2011. Thirty three years later, local actors are still looking for an appropriate strategy to satisfy the needs expressed by the population in the municipalities. The main question is to know, that the decentralization policy initiated in 1980 improved the conditions and living environment of the populations in a context of financial crisis and socio-political and military instability? This is to analyze the effects of a policy promoted by the state under the pressure of donors. The objective is to draw up a report of the decentralization policy in local development process from the examples of communal management to Alépé, to Taabo, and to Yopougon.The investigation method was essentially qualitative, but it called at times to quantitative data and an inventory of municipal investments to facilitate understanding. This choice was guided by the need to identify the existing order to facilitate a contributory approach in improving the living and environment conditions of the population. For good visibility in the work, we formed work teams to carry out the survey research in the field. The survey covered 810 household heads (RGPH-98), selected on the basis of the criteria of number of years of residence in the municipality (minimum 5 years); age of household head (at least 30 years); the exercise of a profession permanently in the municipal area.The results obtained were recorded in tables, and then transcribed as maps and graphs. The resulting tables outline the investments in areas of intervention of the actors of community development and propose a classification of such investments in priority order. The Analysis of the results made it possible to highlight the needs expressed by the populations in order of priority.After thirty three years of implementation of the decentralization policy, mayors and their partners have created a range of facilities and infrastructure in the municipalities of Alépé, Taabo and Yopougon. The areas that have been the subject of municipal investments are education, health, the various networks and roads, electrification, water supply, sports and leisure, security, urban planning, the human and socio-economic field. However, people believe that these achievements do not adequately address their concerns. This explains their disappointment. The challenges are enormous and concern also the institutional and legal dysfunction, ineffectiveness of the accompanying measures, training of local actors, the lack of communication between elected officials and citizens, the failure of household waste management systems, endless conflict of urban land, the dwindling financial resources and above all too stifling guardianship; etc. We can finally say that the results of the decentralization policy are mitigated.However the effectiveness of this policy means building the institutional capacity of the municipalities, the consistency of local initiatives, the effectiveness of the transfer of skills, the emergence of the local economy, the adaptation of methods of intervention donors and promotion of decentralized cooperation, etc. ; Depuis 1980 les communes sont au centre de la politique de décentralisation en Côte d'Ivoire. Contrairement à ce que l'on pourrait croire, la communalisation n'est pas une innovation en Côte d'Ivoire. Pendant la période coloniale, la Côte d'Ivoire a connu trois types de communes : Les communes mixtes, les communes de moyen exercice et les communes de plein exercice. De 1980 à 2011, le nombre des communes de plein exercice est passé de 37 à 197 ; puis à 1295 en 2011.Trente trois ans après, les acteurs locaux sont encore à la recherche d'une stratégie adéquate pour satisfaire les besoins exprimés par les populations dans les communes. La question principale est de savoir si la politique de décentralisation engagée en 1980 a-t-elle permis d'améliorer les conditions et le cadre de vie des populations dans un contexte de crise de financière et d'instabilité socio-politique et militaire ? Il s'agit d'analyser les effets d'une politique impulsée par l'Etat sous la pression des bailleurs de fonds. L'objectif est de dresser le bilan de la politique de décentralisation dans le processus de développement local à partir des exemples de gestion communale d'Alépé, de Taabo et de Yopougon. La méthode d'investigation a été essentiellement qualitative mais, elle a fait appel par moments à des données quantitatives et à l'inventaire des investissements communaux pour faciliter la compréhension. Ce choix a été guidé par le souci de cerner l'existant afin de faciliter une approche contributive dans l'amélioration des conditions et du cadre de vie des populations. Pour une bonne visibilité dans le travail, nous avons constitué des équipes de travail pour réaliser l'enquête d'opinion sur le terrain. L'enquête a porté sur 810 chefs de ménage (RGPH-98), choisis sur la base des critères du nombre d'année de résidence dans la commune (au minimum 5ans) ; l'âge du chef de ménage (30 ans au moins) ; l'exercice d'une profession de manière permanente sur le périmètre communal.Les résultats obtenus ont été consignés dans des tableaux, puis transcrits sous forme de cartes et de graphiques. Les tableaux obtenus donnent un aperçu des investissements dans les domaines d'interventions des acteurs du développement communal et proposent une classification desdits investissements par ordre de priorité. L'analyse des résultats a permis de mettre en évidence les besoins exprimés par les populations par ordre de priorité. Après trente trois ans de mise en œuvre de la politique de décentralisation, les maires et leurs partenaires ont créé de nombreux équipements et des infrastructures dans les communes d'Alépé, de Taabo et de Yopougon. Les domaines qui ont fait l'objet d'investissements communaux sont l'éducation, la santé, les réseaux divers et la voirie, l'électrification, l'adduction d'eau, les sports et loisirs, la sécurité, l'urbanisme, la promotion humaine, et le domaine socio-économique. Toutefois, les populations estiment que ces réalisations ne prennent pas suffisamment en compte leurs préoccupations. Ce qui explique leur déception. Les défis à relever sont énormes et concernent tout aussi bien le dysfonctionnement institutionnel et juridique, l'ineffectivité des mesures d'accompagnement, la formation des acteurs locaux, le déficit de communication entre élus et administrés, la défaillance des systèmes de gestion des ordures ménagères, les interminables confits de foncier urbain, l'amenuisement des ressources financières et surtout une tutelle trop étouffante ; etc. On peut finalement affirmer que le bilan de la politique de décentralisation est mitigé. Toutefois l'efficacité de cette politique passe par le renforcement de la capacité institutionnelle des communes, la cohérence des initiatives locales, l'effectivité du transfert des compétences, l'émergence de l'économie locale, l'adaptation des modes d'intervention des bailleurs de fonds et la promotion de la coopération décentralisée, etc.

The origins of East Timor Defence Force (ETDF) can be traced to a number of sources. Firstly, the ETDF is a product of East Timor's war of resistance against Indonesian invasion. After the Indonesians withdrew from East Timor in 1999 and the UN arrived to build the state of East Timor, resistance leaders demanded that a defence force be created, and that their resistance fighters be incorporated into it. Secondly, the ETDF is a product of the atrocities committed by pro-Jakarta militias, after the 1999 referendum in East Timor demonstrated an overwhelming level of support for independence. The violence unleashed by the militias convinced even those East Timorese leaders who had originally been opposed to the idea, that an East Timorese defence force should be raised to ensure that such atrocities would never happen again. finally, the ETDF is also a product of a study, commissioned by the UN and undertaken by the King's College of London, which was tasked with, firstly, addressing the future of the former resistance fighters in East Timor, and secondly, with formulating a workable structure for a future East Timorese defence force - the ETDF was formed based on the recommendations of that study. The 2000 King's college study did not, however, question whether the country actually needed a defence force to protect it from external threats - that was simply assumed. External threats to East Timor' s security are divided into conventional and nonconventional threats for clarity of analysis. The conventional threats to East Timor' s security are assessed as low to negligible, with East Timor' s status as a sovereign state and as a product of UN state-building, acting as a deterrent to foreign aggression. Given the geostrategic significance that Australia and Indonesia have historically placed on East Timor - during the Pacific war in Australia's case and during the Cold War in Indonesia's - it is also likely that Australia and/or Indonesia would defend East Timor if a conventional threat were to emerge from the broader region or beyond. In the unlikely event that a conventional threat did emerge, the ETDF could do little to counter it. East Timor has only two neighbours, Indonesia and Australia, and both are far larger than East Timor in economic, geographic and demographic terms. East Timor simply lacks the resources as a society to build a defence force capable of defeating, or even significantly delaying, either of those neighbours through conventional warfare. While a guerrilla strategy may appear an attractive option for the ETDF, a guerrilla campaign would do little to counter any conventional threat to East Timorese statehood - the East Timorese waged a guerrilla campaign against their Indonesian occupiers for 24 years without prompting a withdrawal. The Indonesian withdrawal was only secured with formidable international backing. The only means available to East Timor to defend itself from external threats are its diplomatic efforts - an area of the East Timorese budget which is, at present, receives little funding. · Non-conventional threats are far more likely to affect East Timor's security. Smuggling, illegal fishing, piracy and, to a far lesser extent, maritime terrorism, all present credible threats to East Timor's economic interests. However, securing East Timor from these threats is not a role for the ETDF. Aside from being more expensive to employ in a border security capacity than police, there is also a question of whether the ETDF is the appropriate organisation for protecting East Timor's borders. As a conventional military trained in the use of lethal force in accordance with the laws of armed conflict, the ETDF is not the appropriate organisation to conduct border policing tasks - something that is essentially a policing role which requires the use of minimum force consistent with the rule of law. There is also a possibility that replacing border police with ETDF troops may incite tensions in the border region - firstly between the ETDF and the Indonesian military, who control the Indonesian side of the border, and secondly, between the ETDF and local East Timorese who, given the regionally based conflicts which have taken place in East Timor in recent years, may feel a sense of animosity toward the troops. Evidence suggests that the ETDF does little to protect East Timor from external threats. Thus, the East Timor Defence Ministry's proposed response to the (unlikely) conventional and non-conventional threat - an exponential increase in the size, budget and capabilities of the ETDF and the militarisation of East Timor' s borders - would be an unnecessary expense which would do little to improve East Timor' s security and may in fact incite tensions in some parts of East Timor. The second major argument for an East Timorese defence force - namely, the need to deal with the demands of the veterans of East Timor' s war of resistance - is equally flawed. When the ETDF was formed, only around one-third of the country's resistance fighters were incorporated into it. The remainder, around 1,300 fighters, were left without work in a country of soaring unemployment where they received little assistance from the UN or the government of East Timor. Nonetheless, East Timor's greatest security problems in the years since independence have not been caused by those unemployed resistance fighters. They have been caused by deserting and serving members of the ETDF. The first incident occurred in the 2006 when a protest, held by a group of ETDF troops who had deserted their barracks, instigated violence in the streets of Dili, a political crisis and a second international peacekeeping intervention into East Timor. The second incident occurred in 2008 when a group of former ETDF personnel, who had deserted, attempted to assassinate the president and prime minister of East Timor. Thus, neither the justification that East Timor requires a defence force to defend it from external threats, nor the explanation that the ETDF is essential in appeasing and placating the country's former resistance fighters, provides sufficient grounds for an East Timorese defence force. Nonetheless, any plans to reduce or demobilise the ETDF would need to be well considered - disgruntled former ETDF personnel have already caused sufficient turmoil in East Timor; adding their numbers could prove disastrous for East Timor's security. Recommendations to the government of East Timor 1. Halt any plans to implement Defence Ministry recommendations that the ETDF be upsized, its equipment upgraded and its role expanded. 2. Freeze ETDF recruitment and consider consolidating the ETDF into a single battalion. 4, Ease the. minimum criteria for the veterans' pension (and lower the rate of payment if necessary) and formulate a comprehensive long-term reintegration program to assist veterans of the resistance, and other ETDF members, in finding civilian employment. 5. Recognise East Timor's diplomatic efforts as its most powerful means of defending itself from conventional threats and, in future budgets, allocate funding accordingly.

Violence against women is a universal epidemic. It does not discriminate between age, income, ethnicity or religion. One in three women worldwide will experience violence in their lifetime. Despite the monolithic universality of the problem at the global level, the lived experience of being violently abused in the workplace, public spaces or the home is intensely personal. This tension between the particularity of local manifestations of violence against women and the overwhelming prevalence of the issue worldwide confounds traditional aid interventions. Navigating between the local and the global provokes questions about management and governance in aid. Should development be 'top-down' or 'bottom-up'? How can local custom and tradition be reconciled with a 'universal' human rights approach to aid? How do we target an individual's specific encounter with violence, while developing models of aid and assistance that can be replicated on a wider scale? This report seeks to determine how comprehensive the nascent UN Women Safe Cities for Women and Girls Global Programme (2008-2015) will be in addressing key factors contributing to gender-based violence in urban settlements. The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative (as an intervention representative of the Global Programme) is examined through the conceptual lens of governance, focusing on those aspects pertinent to the Global Safe Cities Programme: human security, spatial governmentality, active citizenship and multi-stakeholder aid interventions. The Safe Cities Global Programme is a promising initiative born from successful, smaller 'Safe City' interventions in Latin America and the Caribbean. Its approach to reducing violence against women and girls in urban areas is holistic and recognizes how gender intersects with all areas of human development; ending violence against women and girls is viewed in relation to women's increased access to decision-making, economic opportunity and basic social services such as education, health and sanitation. The Global Programme will be piloted in five cities: Port Moresby (Papua New Guinea), Kigali (Rwanda), Quito (Ecuador), New Delhi (India) and Cairo (Egypt). The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative is a timely intervention into the situation of women in Papua New Guinea. Violence, poor governance and corruption have plagued the country since its Independence from an Australian-administered UN Trusteeship in 1975. Although rich in natural resources, Papua New Guinea has experienced little economic growth and its citizens suffer from the poverty of opportunities the country offers. Yet Papua New Guinea is at the cusp of a period of potentially radical change. The threat of the raskol gangs, which terrorized Port Moresby in the 1980s, has diminished and the current government includes leaders committed to promoting gender equality and bringing about social reform. Given the extent to which genderbased violence is often embedded in a culture or society, any intervention seeking to target the issue requires significant backing from the relevant government. 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' hopes to capitalize on this period of trustworthy leadership in the government. Additionally, Port Moresby will benefit from the discovery of significant deposits of Liquid Natural Gas in the region and the construction of the Exxon Mobil pipeline to Australia, with increased infrastructure already being built, greater employment opportunities available and substantial foreign financial investment in the country. 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' seeks to capitalize on this opportunity for social and economic change. The programme uses two marketplaces as entry-points for reducing violence against women in the city and promoting women's active citizenship through their empowerment in the markets. Still, there are gaps in the initiative. Understanding 'women's rights' as 'human rights' requires that 'women's insecurity' also be viewed as a broader concern of 'human insecurity'. Although the Global Programme is a holistic model, acknowledging how gender issues intersect with all areas of human development, it needs to expand its definition of violence in order to recognize the diversity of violence experienced by women. The Impact Evaluation module proposed for the 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' programme does not sufficiently account for women's experiences of structural and psychological violence, which are enacted over long periods of time and resist quantitative analysis. Inadequate infrastructure such as poor lighting, roads, buildings and a lack of cheap overnight accommodation and storage near marketplaces contribute to a hostile urban environment for citizens and women in particular. While 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' aims to improve market infrastructure, it fails to address the needs of rural women participating in the urban informal economy and the risks they face in order to do so. The marketplace does not exist in isolation. It is necessary to acknowledge the relationship between urban and rural environments and how the poverty of rural women forces their participation in the urban informal economy. Additionally, the Global Programme focuses on the prevention of violence rather than the provision of support for victims. Yet this focus is at odds with the initiative's framework of women's active citizenship. In line with the Global Programme's holistic approach to reducing violence against women, the establishment of safe houses for victims should be included as a key component of the model, with the aim of providing support to women disempowered by their experiences of violence. A major component of the Global Programme is its high level of engagement with civil society. The need to engage civil society organizations for effective aid and development work is widely acknowledged. Multistakeholder interventions allow for a variety of actors to collaborate on a shared issue, fostering local to global networks, knowledge-sharing and a comprehensive approach to aid and development. Given the numerous actors involved in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women', it is crucial that the programme develop a long-term strategy for maintaining strong and sustainable working relationships between stakeholders throughoutanticipated transitional periods, such as local elections in 2012. The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative is an exciting opportunity for increased Australian participation in the struggle to end violence against women and girls in Melanesia. Already the primary donor to Papua New Guinea, Australia is committed to being involved in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women', although to what extent is unclear. The Port Moresby programme is lacking reliable and long-term core funding and would benefit from direct financial investment from AusAID. However, Australian involvement in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' requires that AusAID improve on current work practice in relation to civil society. Despite a long history of using Papua New Guinean churches, in particular, and other civil society organizations as service providers, AusAID is yet to articulate a clear strategy for engaging with civil society. Participation in a multi-stakeholder intervention of this sort demands that AusAID's policy on working with civil society organizations be transparent and formally established. Given AusAID's intention to make ending violence against women and girls a strategic priority in their aid and development work and their lack of any significant action on this objective to date, it is recommended that AusAID adopt the Safe Cities Free of Violence for Women and Girls Global Programme as a framework for aid interventions targeting violence against women and girls in the Pacific region. Despite gaps in the initiative, the nascent Global Programme is a promising venture that should lead to a significant reduction in violence against women and girls in urban areas within a short timeframe.

Gender equality has become a key development objective over recent decades, and in Burma the discussion around gender equality is quickly developing. Burma is one of the poorest countries in the world, suffering from decades of military rule, ethnic conflict and economic stagnation. Women in Burma are in a particularly difficult situation, where they are often the poorest of the poor, but where they don't have the leadership and decision-making opportunities to do anything about it. Indeed gender norms in Burma dictate that women are inferior and that they are unable to participate fully in public life. Whilst the Burmese government is signatory to such international agreements as the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Beijing Platform for Action, and the Millennium Development goals, they are still sidelining issues of gender equality and the military governance structure excludes women from many roles in governance and public life. However the situation in Burma is slowly beginning to change, particularly since the 2010 election, which went some way to separating military and government. There are now a number of women in parliament, including democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi, who was previously imprisoned by the government due to her beliefs. The first female cabinet minister in 60 years has recently been appointed and there are a number of female deputy ministers, however female representation in politics is still appallingly low, falling far below the regional average. The Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement have recently begun to draft a National Strategic Plan for the Advancement of Women, which is indicative of a potential change in attitude towards gender equality by the government. The development sector has long recognised the importance of engaging women in development, with key arguments in the debate focusing around gender equity and women's rights; merit; and need. Merit in particular has had a great impact, with many organisations recognising the untapped potential of women in development. A key strategy for integrating gender equality into development programmes has been gender mainstreaming, which has the benefits of putting women on the agenda of all areas of development thinking, however it also has potential disadvantages of decreasing the strength and breadth of gender equality arguments. Participation is another method for integrating gender equality into development strategies. Once again, it has the positive potential to give voice to women who might not have otherwise had the opportunity to speak, however it also has the potentially negative aspects of being used to legitimise the actions of development actors, while only tokenistically engaging women in participatory processes. Gender equality is mainstreamed into AusAID's own work through the 2011 document, Promoting Opportunities for All- Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment Thematic Strategy, with gender as a cross-cutting theme across the aid program. Gender is often implemented under a results-based framework, which puts a focus on impact rather than input and which might allow for improved recipient participation in development outcomes. Thus far there has been very little integration of gender into AusAID's Burma strategy. However in response to concerns about this, AusAID recently undertook a Gender Stocktake of their Burma Program. The Stocktake found that although there is a well-coordinated civil women's rights movement in Burma, there is also a very low awareness of gender equality issues, a lack of data, and varying levels of skills amongst partners to address gender considerations. There are a number of other key stakeholders engaging with gender in Burma, particularly the Gender Equality Network (GEN), which has been a key driver for gender equality in the country. However GEN might not necessarily be sufficient as an organisation to represent the interests of all Burmese women. Other key players include the Women's League of Burma, a group of Burmese women in exile who have worked over the past two decades to bring the mismanagement of gender by the Myanmar government, into light. There are also many other government departments, NGOs, agencies and UN organisations working in the gender sphere in Burma. Gender Equality in Burma is hindered by a number of obstacles, including gender norms and traditions, religious institutions, a lack of access to education and training, and the difficulty of the Burmese context. There are numerous opportunities for improving gender engagement in Burma, including progression in our understanding about gender in Burma and the collection of gender disaggregated data; the changing of community attitudes to women, potentially utilising the media as an advocacy tool; the creation of a peer group of women leaders in Burma to act as role models to others; the improvement of women's education and training opportunities; the improved use of partnerships to facilitate the exchange of knowledge; advocacy towards the Myanmar government to improve their attitudes and laws relating to women; improved monitoring and evaluation of the AusAID program; and better funding for gender equality initiatives in Burma. The recommendations that came out of this research were: 1. It will be important to monitor the ongoing efforts of AusAID to integrate gender equality into their Burma program. 2. AusAID should be encouraged to improve their Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) systems, particularly by making these mechanisms more transparent and the results more available to observers. 3. AusAID should make a gendered budget breakdown of their Burma program available to the public. 4. AusAID should give greater support to its partners in Burma to assist with their effective engagement with gender equality issues. 5. AusAID should better support its own staff to understand gender equality issues. 6. AusAID should seriously consider core funding to the Gender Equality Network (GEN), beyond that given through the LIFT program. 7. AusAID could consider creating a funding mechanism to support the women's movement in Burma, with a focus on capacity building. 8. AusAID could consider some sort of wider gender program for implementation in Burma, such as their recent Pacific Women Shaping Pacific Development initiative. 9. As suggested in the Gender Stocktake, AusAID should support the prevalence study on Violence Against Women (VAW) set to take place 2012-15. 10. AusAID should support the collection of better gender disaggregated data in Burma, perhaps through GEN. 11. The development sector in Burma could consider how best to use the media to affect attitudes towards women. 12. It will be important to monitor the Myanmar government and their progress with the NSPAW and Women's Protection Law. The government should be congratulated for their actions so far in creating these documents, and encouraged to continue down that road and remain in line with CEDAW. 13. In light of improved relationships between the Myanmar government, the development sector and the international community, the government of Myanmar could be encouraged to increase its education funding. Although women are significantly disadvantaged and underrepresented in Burma now, if all stakeholders work together towards gender equality then the lives of women in Burma and the country's development outcomes could be improved enormously.

This issue of Libellarium features papers based on the presentations from the 2ndPublishing trends and contexts conference which took place in Pula, Croatia, on 8-9 December 2014. All papers were subject to evaluation and classification by two independent reviewers, according to the journal's editorial policy. The conference gathered a group of experts from prominent European universities from England, France, Germany, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland, Scotland, Sweden, Slovenia and Croatia–the details are available on the conference web site: http://epubconf.unizd.hr/hr/index.php. The papers published in this volume concentrate on four main problems: new possibilities for publishers, booksellers and authors caused by the introduction of digital technologies in the publishing processes, models used in the digital environment, teaching publishing at the university level, and finally, the status of publishing studies as an emerging scholarly discipline. The first part features five papers. Tom D. Wilson in E-books: the publishers' dilemma reports on a study of publishers' attitudes towards e-books in three countries: Sweden, Lithuania and Croatia, showing a great contrast between the rise of the e-book in English speaking countries and those of small languages. Elena Maceviciute, Birgitta Wallin and Kersti Nilsson (Book selling and e-books in Sweden) address the issue of the understanding of the book-selling situation in Sweden, by answering three crucial questions: how Swedish booksellers see the impact of e-books on their business, how and why they adopt and develop e-book sales, and what they perceive as barriers to e-book selling. Interestingly, the results have shown that the Swedish booksellers do not feel their business is threatened by e-books. In E-book aggregators: new services in electronic publishing Tomislav Jakopec investigates e-book aggregators as new services in electronic publishing, showing that e-book aggregation exists as a business model and that its further development will show the extent to which it is sustainable. Arūnas Gudinavičius (Is self-publishing a salvation for authors? The case of Lithuanian printed bestseller in the digital environment) deals with the possibilities of self-publishing, taking a case from a small language market (Andrius Tapinas' book Hour of the Wolf) and analyzing the attempts of the author to translate it into English and sell it through the Amazon.com services. Asta Urbanaviciute (Self-publishing of Lithuanian cultural periodicals in Soviet and contemporary times) compares self-publishing in historical and modern contexts, demonstrating that contemporary self-publishing emerged under favourable circumstances, and that modern self-publishers associate this model with digital texts only, which, due to favourable conditions, spread easily through social networks and blogs. A completely different, historical self-publishing could have had serious political consequences, as summarized in the Russian description "I write it myself, censor myself, publish it myself and sit in jail myself". Section two, models used in the digital environment, is comprised of three papers. Maja Krtalić and Damir Hasenay (Long-term accessibility of e-books: challenges, obstacles, responsibilities) ask how specific characteristics of e-books influence their preservation possibilities and who is responsible for the long-term accessibility of e-books? They concentrate on issues concerning the preservation and archiving of published authors' works in the digital environment for the purpose of their long-term accessibility, and give an overview of relevant legal, technical, societal and organisational issues from which challenges, obstacles and responsibilities in ensuring long-term accessibility of e-books arise. Ivona Despot, Ivana Ljevak Lebeda and Nives Tomašević in the paper 'Freemium' business models in publishing. New packaging for the needs of readers in the digital age explore how the emergence of subscription models influences the development of new publishing products which bring together the author and the publisher in a joint effort to reach a larger number of readers; and Ivana Hebrang Grgić (Publishing Croatian scientific journals: to e- or not to e-?) discusses the extent to which Croatian journal publishers adapted to the electronic environment. In section three, dedicated to the teaching of publishing at the university level, Aušra Navickienė (Third Level Publishing Studies: Lithuania, a Case Study), Ewa Jabłońska-Stefanowicz (Three R's in publishing education), and Josipa Selthofer (What comes first? Publishing business or publishing studies?) provide examples of publishing studies programmes in Lithuania (focusing on the Institute of Book Science and Documentation of Vilnius University), Poland (focusing on the LIS Institute of the University of Wroclaw) and Croatia, in comparison with relevant programmes in Europe and the United States. Finally, section four presents three papers which petition for the status of publishing studies as an emerging scientific discipline. Sophie Noël in Publishing studies: the search for an elusive academic object questions the validity of publishing studies as an academic discipline, while trying to situate them within the field of social sciences. She argues that a more appropriate frame could be adopted to describe what people studying the transformations of book publishing do – or should do – both at a theoretical and methodological levels. Christoph Bläsi (Publishing studies: being part of a cultural practice plus x?) relates the question of an advanced self-conception of publishing studies to the question what criteria have to be fulfilled to call a field (such as publishing studies) a scholarly discipline. He presents the first results of an ongoing project in which he conducts extensive expert interviews with representatives of UK Publishing Studies study programmes and research institutions and, based on the interviews, defines the core questions related to publishing studies as a discipline. To finish, Bertrand Legendre (Publishing studies: what else?) tries to reposition publishing studies in the long process that starts with the beginning of book history and goes all the way to the current research on cultural industries. Overall, all the papers are concerned with new developments at the publishing scene, regarding its practical components, its educational scope, and its academic foundations. They reflect the general state of affairs in the comparably still very young scholarly discipline, which, since the late 1980ies, has been getting more and more attention both as research and teaching. In the last decade a number of significant monographs and scholarly papers have appeared, a few international conferences have addressed this topic, and more universities have included publishing courses. Yet, we still cannot say that today's publishing studies are theoretically and methodologically mature enough to contextualize and analyse all the phenomena and developments in modern publishing, neither have we answered the questions such as what publishing studies are and what is their focus. Papers published in this volume of Libellarium could be taken as a contribution in building a general theoretical framework and methodological approaches that would fit publishing studies research best, and as attempts to answer the simple questions about the nature of the discipline and the background of scholars involved with it.

The article deals with the evolution of ukrainian sovereign bureaucracy in the context of a political and legal framework. Determined that Ukraine is inherent in the combination of «Eastern» and «Western» model of bureaucracy. In particular, the «Western» model prevailed during the existence of Ukraine as an independent state, while the «eastern» model dominated the loss of its periods of its independent status. Selected stages of ukrainian sovereign bureaucracy. In the initial stages of bureaucratization of public administration is transformed ukrainian bureaucracy of the Soviet bureaucracy in sovereign bureaucracy (the 1990s). ukrainian officials became independent force, which is characterized by a high degree non­personified character. The ideal profile ukrainian officials – a technocrat, not related ideological commitments and that in making decisions using criteria of economic and social efficiency. At a time when the old authoritarian mechanisms of political leadership destroyed, and the new, democratic or not yet started, or have low efficiency, bureaucracy becomes a powerful interest group, as opposed to the political class and civil society, the purpose of which is to use the assigned job positions to expand the social and political impact and maximize benefits from administrative rent. State building in independent Ukraine has meant that the bureaucracy is gradually becoming an effective instrument of implementing government policy in an independent socio­political relations, a set of institutional interest groups that privatizing some structure and function of public administration. It is shown that for ukrainian bureaucracy, especially the higher levels, a high state of politicization. In its activities, subject to the needs of the bureaucracy struggle for political power, it is involved in the political opposition, resulting in inadequate functions and purpose of expanding bureaucracy limits of authority, competence, responsibilities and thereby violated functional and role status and principles of bureaucratic organization. Proved that the current stage of bureaucracy management structure tour in Ukraine related to the events of late 2004 – early 2005, during which brought to power a new political team that actualized the adaptation bureaucratic structures to European standards. This process is complicated by the intense politicization bureaucratic machine manifestations of social and psychological fatigue from endless changes. This concern fatigue, apathy, aggression in the population. Being long standby time change for the better, people lost faith in the good intentions of the government and resist any changes that are even justified. In fact, at the present stage of state is chance to overcome the effects fusion authoritarian bureaucracy that leads to cultivation among officials slavish obedience, dogmatic thinking, conservatism, social apathy, a decrease in confidence in the political and ruling elite in society. ; У статті простежується еволюція української суверенної бюрократії в контексті формування її політико-правових засад. Визначено, що для України притаманнє поєднання «східної» та «західної» моделі бюрократії. Зокрема, «західна» модель переважала в періоди існування України як незалежної держави, тоді як «східна» модель домінувала в періоди втрати нею свого незалежного статусу. Виділено етапи розвитку української суверенної бюрократії. На початкових етапах бюрократизації державного управління відбувається трансформація української бюрократії з радянського чиновництва в суверенну бюрократію (1990-ті роки). Українське чиновництво стало самостійною силою, яке характеризується високим ступенем знеособленості. Ідеальний профіль українського чиновника – це технократ, не пов'язаний ідеологічними зобов'язаннями і який при прийнятті рішень використовує критерії економічної й соціальної ефективності. В умовах, коли старі авторитарні механізми політичного керівництва зруйновані, а нові, демократичні або ще не створені, або мають низьку ефективність, чиновництво перетворюється на потужну групу інтересів, що протистоїть як політичному класу, так і громадянському суспільству, метою якої є використання привласнених посадових позицій для розширення соціально-політичного впливу й максимізації зисків від адміністративної ренти. Державне будівництво у незалежній Україні призвело до того, що бюрократія поступово перетворюється з дієвого інструмента реалізації урядової політики в самостійний суб'єкт соціально-політичних відносин, сукупність інституціональних груп інтересів, які приватизують окремі структури й функції системи державного управління. Показово, що для української бюрократії, особливо її вищих щаблів, притаманний високий рівень політизованості. У своїй діяльності бюрократія підпорядковується потребам боротьби за політичну владу, вона втягується у політичне протистояння, в результаті чого відбувається неадекватне функціям та призначенню бюрократії розширення її меж повноважень, компетенції, сфери відповідальності і тим самим порушуються функціонально-рольові та статусні засади бюрократичної організації. Обґрунтовано, що сучасний етап бюрократизації управлінських структур в Україні пов'язаний з подіями кінця 2004 – початку 2005 рр., у ході яких до влади прийшла нова політична команда, яка актуалізувала процес адаптації бюрократичних структур до європейських стандартів. Цей процес ускладнюється надзвичайною політизованістю бюрократичного апарату, проявами соціально-психологічної втомленості від нескінченних змін. Ця втомленість викликає стурбованість, апатію, агресивність у населення. Перебуваючи тривалий час у режимі очікування змін на краще, громадяни зневірилися в благих намірах влади і чинять спротив будь-яким змінам, навіть які виправдані. По суті, на сучасному етапі державотворення є шанст на подолання наслідків зрощення авторитаризму з бюрократизмом, що приводить до культивування серед чиновництва рабської покори, догматизму мислення, консерватизму, соціальної апатії, спостерігається зниження довіри до політико-владної еліти в суспільстві. ; У статті простежується еволюція української суверенної бюрократії в контексті формування її політико-правових засад. Визначено, що для України притаманнє поєднання «східної» та «західної» моделі бюрократії. Зокрема, «західна» модель переважала в періоди існування України як незалежної держави, тоді як «східна» модель домінувала в періоди втрати нею свого незалежного статусу. Виділено етапи розвитку української суверенної бюрократії. На початкових етапах бюрократизації державного управління відбувається трансформація української бюрократії з радянського чиновництва в суверенну бюрократію (1990-ті роки). Українське чиновництво стало самостійною силою, яке характеризується високим ступенем знеособленості. Ідеальний профіль українського чиновника – це технократ, не пов'язаний ідеологічними зобов'язаннями і який при прийнятті рішень використовує критерії економічної й соціальної ефективності. В умовах, коли старі авторитарні механізми політичного керівництва зруйновані, а нові, демократичні або ще не створені, або мають низьку ефективність, чиновництво перетворюється на потужну групу інтересів, що протистоїть як політичному класу, так і громадянському суспільству, метою якої є використання привласнених посадових позицій для розширення соціально-політичного впливу й максимізації зисків від адміністративної ренти. Державне будівництво у незалежній Україні призвело до того, що бюрократія поступово перетворюється з дієвого інструмента реалізації урядової політики в самостійний суб'єкт соціально-політичних відносин, сукупність інституціональних груп інтересів, які приватизують окремі структури й функції системи державного управління. Показово, що для української бюрократії, особливо її вищих щаблів, притаманний високий рівень політизованості. У своїй діяльності бюрократія підпорядковується потребам боротьби за політичну владу, вона втягується у політичне протистояння, в результаті чого відбувається неадекватне функціям та призначенню бюрократії розширення її меж повноважень, компетенції, сфери відповідальності і тим самим порушуються функціонально-рольові та статусні засади бюрократичної організації. Обґрунтовано, що сучасний етап бюрократизації управлінських структур в Україні пов'язаний з подіями кінця 2004 – початку 2005 рр., у ході яких до влади прийшла нова політична команда, яка актуалізувала процес адаптації бюрократичних структур до європейських стандартів. Цей процес ускладнюється надзвичайною політизованістю бюрократичного апарату, проявами соціально-психологічної втомленості від нескінченних змін. Ця втомленість викликає стурбованість, апатію, агресивність у населення. Перебуваючи тривалий час у режимі очікування змін на краще, громадяни зневірилися в благих намірах влади і чинять спротив будь-яким змінам, навіть які виправдані. По суті, на сучасному етапі державотворення є шанст на подолання наслідків зрощення авторитаризму з бюрократизмом, що приводить до культивування серед чиновництва рабської покори, догматизму мислення, консерватизму, соціальної апатії, спостерігається зниження довіри до політико-владної еліти в суспільстві.

La evolución de Internet y el desarrollo de las tecnologías de la comunicación han posibilitado el surgimiento de nuevas formas de organización y protestas a los ciudadanos. En el Perú,la web 2.0 sirvió como instrumento para convocatoria, organización y desarrollo de la protesta social denominada #NoALaRepartija, la cual presentó durante las jornadas de acción mostraron las características de los denominados movimientos sociales en red. Esta nueva forma de movilización social se generó debido a la indignación y el rechazo de un importante número de peruanos los peruanos a la elección de Pilar Freitas como Defensora del Pueblo, de los magistrados César Galindo Sandoval, José Eguiguren Praeli, Víctor Mayorga Miranda, Rolando Sousa Huananbal, José Luis Sardón y Jorge Blume Fortinicomo miembros del Tribunal Constitucional; y de Eduardo Francisco González García, Drago Kisic Wagner y Gustavo Adolfo Yamada Fukusaki como integrantesdel Banco Central de Reserva realizada en el Congreso de la República. En las protestas realizadas se observó la participación de ciudadanos de diversas posiciones políticas y estratos sociales reunidos bajo un mismo objetivo: La anulación de la elección realizada el 17 de julio de 2013 en el Congreso de la República del Perú. Las protestas sociales desarrolladas durante el movimiento #NoALaRepartija tienen como origen el sentimiento de indignación y de rechazo a la clase política, pues los ciudadanos no se sienten representados por los congresistas. Por ello, el movimiento no tuvo dirigentes vinculados a la clase política sino que fue convocado por líderes de opinión, por instituciones como la Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos, y por los ciudadanos en general a través del Twitter. Por ello, el objetivo del presente trabajo es describir como se construyó el movimiento social #NoALaRepartija, en la web 2.0, en los medios tradicionales y en la calle. La investigación permitirá comprender como la interacción desarrollada a través de las redes sociales y de los foros de los diarios digitales contribuyen a la constitución de un movimiento social en red. Además, presenta información cuantitativa sobre las notas periodísticas y opiniones vertidas en la web 2.0 (diarios digitalescomo elcomercio.pe, larepublica.pe, peru21.pe; el microblog Twitter y el portar YouTube) y la cobertura desplegada por los medios tradicionales (El comercio, La República y el programa dominical Cuarto Poder) durante el periodo comprendido entre el 05/07/13 y el 26/07/13. Para establecer las convergencias y divergencias del movimiento se hizo uso del análisis del discurso digital y de la triangulación entre las herramientas predominantemente cualitativas en relación a estadísticas que surgieron de bases de datos y el marco teórico. Del análisis se obtuvo que en la web 2.0, la fasedenominada problema de una red de opinión pública se expresa, sobre todo, en los foros de los diarios digitales. De manera específica, se encontró mayor actividad en los foros propuestos por el portal electrónico del diario El Comercio. Los motivos para generar contenido fueron diversos: desde el apoyo a las marchas, el rechazo a los representantes políticos y a las elecciones realizadas en el Congreso hasta las críticas realizadas contra las protestas y los "rostros de la calle", estos calificados como "impresentables". Las fases denominadas como problema y como propuesta se desarrollaron en mayor medida- en el Twitter. A través de los tuits, los prosumidores expresaban su indignación criticando la falta de moral de los políticos y convocaban a participar de la protesta a través de los hashtag #17J, #22J, #tomalacalle, #Todosalcongreso y #NoALaRepartija. La fase denominada como programación se dio tanto en las redes sociales como en las columnas de opinión. Sin embargo, la fase de valoración se desarrolló en las columnas del diario LaRepública. Sobre la cobertura de la protesta realizada por los medios tradicionales de comunicación, se observó que estos hacen rebote de los tuits de los políticos, de los líderes de opinión y de los dirigentes políticos. Así, los tuitsse usan para informar sobre la corriente de opinión pública que se expresa en la red. En ese sentido, el diario La Repúblicadestacó la importancia de las redes en la construcción del movimiento social #NoALaRepartija. Palabras Claves: Sociedad red, movimientos sociales, opinión pública, análisis del discurso. ; --- The evolution of the Internet and the development of communication technologies have provided new ways of organizing protests and citizens. In Peru, made use of the Web 2.0 platform to convene, organize and develop social protest called #NoALaRepartija, which during the days of action showed the features present in so-called social movements network. This new form of social mobilization generated by outrage and rejection of Peruvians choosing Pilar Freitas as Ombudsman, magistrates Cesar Galindo Sandoval, José Eguiguren Praeli, Victor Mayorga Miranda, Rolando Sousa Huananbal, José Luis Sardon and Jorge Blume Fortini for the Constitutional Court; Eduardo and Francisco González García, Drago Kisic Wagner and Gustavo Adolfo Yamada Fukusaki for the Central Bank Booked in Congress. The annulment of the election on July 17 at the Congress of the Republic of Peru: In the protests involving citizens of different political views and social strata gathered under one objective was observed. Social protests #NoALaRepartija they arise from the sense of outrage and rejection of the political class as citizens do not feel represented by Congress. Therefore, the movement had no leaders but was summoned by opinion leaders, by institutions such as the National Coordinator for Human Rights, and citizens through Twitter. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to describe how the social movement #NoALaRepartija and public opinion about it, what was its impact on traditional media and on the street was built. This research will understand how the interaction in social networks and forums online newspapers leads to the constitution a social movement networks. It presents quantitative information on news stories and opinions expressed on Web 2.0 (online newspapers (elcomercio.pe, larepublica.pe, peru21.pe, Twitter and YouTube) and coverage of traditional media (Trade, The Republic and Fourth Sunday program) for the period 07/05/13 to 26/07/13. To set the convergences and divergences made use of digital speech analysis and triangulation between the predominantly qualitative tool in conjunction with statistics that emerged from databases. From the analysis it was found that in Web 2.0, the problem of a network of public phase is expressed mainly through forums online newspapers, specifically greater activity was found in the forums of the electronic portal of the newspaper El Comercio. The reasons for generating content were diverse: from support to the stains, rejection of political representatives and congressional elections to criticism and protests "faces the street," who was described as "unpresentable". The problem and the proposed phases are developed further in the Twitter. Through tweets, prosumers expressed outrage criticizing the lack of political and moral summoned to protest the hashtag # 17J, # 22J, #tomalacalle, #Todosalcongreso and #NoALaRepartija. The programming phase occurs in both social networks and opinion columns. However, the assessment phase took place in the columns of the newspaper La República. On the rebound in traditional media noted that traditional media do rebound in Tweets of politicians, opinion leaders and political leaders. Tweet Toman information to report on the current public opinion expressed in the network. The daily La República noted the importance of networks in building social movement #NoALaRepartija. Keywords: Network Society, social movements, public opinion, analysis of discourse. ; Tesis

La evolución de Internet y el desarrollo de las tecnologías de la comunicación han posibilitado el surgimiento de nuevas formas de organización y protestas a los ciudadanos. En el Perú,la web 2.0 sirvió como instrumento para convocatoria, organización y desarrollo de la protesta social denominada #NoALaRepartija, la cual presentó durante las jornadas de acción mostraron las características de los denominados movimientos sociales en red. Esta nueva forma de movilización social se generó debido a la indignación y el rechazo de un importante número de peruanos los peruanos a la elección de Pilar Freitas como Defensora del Pueblo, de los magistrados César Galindo Sandoval, José Eguiguren Praeli, Víctor Mayorga Miranda, Rolando Sousa Huananbal, José Luis Sardón y Jorge Blume Fortinicomo miembros del Tribunal Constitucional; y de Eduardo Francisco González García, Drago Kisic Wagner y Gustavo Adolfo Yamada Fukusaki como integrantesdel Banco Central de Reserva realizada en el Congreso de la República. En las protestas realizadas se observó la participación de ciudadanos de diversas posiciones políticas y estratos sociales reunidos bajo un mismo objetivo: La anulación de la elección realizada el 17 de julio de 2013 en el Congreso de la República del Perú. Las protestas sociales desarrolladas durante el movimiento #NoALaRepartija tienen como origen el sentimiento de indignación y de rechazo a la clase política, pues los ciudadanos no se sienten representados por los congresistas. Por ello, el movimiento no tuvo dirigentes vinculados a la clase política sino que fue convocado por líderes de opinión, por instituciones como la Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos, y por los ciudadanos en general a través del Twitter. Por ello, el objetivo del presente trabajo es describir como se construyó el movimiento social #NoALaRepartija, en la web 2.0, en los medios tradicionales y en la calle. La investigación permitirá comprender como la interacción desarrollada a través de las redes sociales y de los foros de los diarios digitales contribuyen a la constitución de un movimiento social en red. Además, presenta información cuantitativa sobre las notas periodísticas y opiniones vertidas en la web 2.0 (diarios digitalescomo elcomercio.pe, larepublica.pe, peru21.pe; el microblog Twitter y el portar YouTube) y la cobertura desplegada por los medios tradicionales (El comercio, La República y el programa dominical Cuarto Poder) durante el periodo comprendido entre el 05/07/13 y el 26/07/13. Para establecer las convergencias y divergencias del movimiento se hizo uso del análisis del discurso digital y de la triangulación entre las herramientas predominantemente cualitativas en relación a estadísticas que surgieron de bases de datos y el marco teórico. Del análisis se obtuvo que en la web 2.0, la fasedenominada problema de una red de opinión pública se expresa, sobre todo, en los foros de los diarios digitales. De manera específica, se encontró mayor actividad en los foros propuestos por el portal electrónico del diario El Comercio. Los motivos para generar contenido fueron diversos: desde el apoyo a las marchas, el rechazo a los representantes políticos y a las elecciones realizadas en el Congreso hasta las críticas realizadas contra las protestas y los "rostros de la calle", estos calificados como "impresentables". Las fases denominadas como problema y como propuesta se desarrollaron en mayor medida- en el Twitter. A través de los tuits, los prosumidores expresaban su indignación criticando la falta de moral de los políticos y convocaban a participar de la protesta a través de los hashtag #17J, #22J, #tomalacalle, #Todosalcongreso y #NoALaRepartija. La fase denominada como programación se dio tanto en las redes sociales como en las columnas de opinión. Sin embargo, la fase de valoración se desarrolló en las columnas del diario LaRepública. Sobre la cobertura de la protesta realizada por los medios tradicionales de comunicación, se observó que estos hacen rebote de los tuits de los políticos, de los líderes de opinión y de los dirigentes políticos. Así, los tuitsse usan para informar sobre la corriente de opinión pública que se expresa en la red. En ese sentido, el diario La Repúblicadestacó la importancia de las redes en la construcción del movimiento social #NoALaRepartija. Palabras Claves: Sociedad red, movimientos sociales, opinión pública, análisis del discurso. ; --- The evolution of the Internet and the development of communication technologies have provided new ways of organizing protests and citizens. In Peru, made use of the Web 2.0 platform to convene, organize and develop social protest called #NoALaRepartija, which during the days of action showed the features present in so-called social movements network. This new form of social mobilization generated by outrage and rejection of Peruvians choosing Pilar Freitas as Ombudsman, magistrates Cesar Galindo Sandoval, José Eguiguren Praeli, Victor Mayorga Miranda, Rolando Sousa Huananbal, José Luis Sardon and Jorge Blume Fortini for the Constitutional Court; Eduardo and Francisco González García, Drago Kisic Wagner and Gustavo Adolfo Yamada Fukusaki for the Central Bank Booked in Congress. The annulment of the election on July 17 at the Congress of the Republic of Peru: In the protests involving citizens of different political views and social strata gathered under one objective was observed. Social protests #NoALaRepartija they arise from the sense of outrage and rejection of the political class as citizens do not feel represented by Congress. Therefore, the movement had no leaders but was summoned by opinion leaders, by institutions such as the National Coordinator for Human Rights, and citizens through Twitter. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to describe how the social movement #NoALaRepartija and public opinion about it, what was its impact on traditional media and on the street was built. This research will understand how the interaction in social networks and forums online newspapers leads to the constitution a social movement networks. It presents quantitative information on news stories and opinions expressed on Web 2.0 (online newspapers (elcomercio.pe, larepublica.pe, peru21.pe, Twitter and YouTube) and coverage of traditional media (Trade, The Republic and Fourth Sunday program) for the period 07/05/13 to 26/07/13. To set the convergences and divergences made use of digital speech analysis and triangulation between the predominantly qualitative tool in conjunction with statistics that emerged from databases. From the analysis it was found that in Web 2.0, the problem of a network of public phase is expressed mainly through forums online newspapers, specifically greater activity was found in the forums of the electronic portal of the newspaper El Comercio. The reasons for generating content were diverse: from support to the stains, rejection of political representatives and congressional elections to criticism and protests "faces the street," who was described as "unpresentable". The problem and the proposed phases are developed further in the Twitter. Through tweets, prosumers expressed outrage criticizing the lack of political and moral summoned to protest the hashtag # 17J, # 22J, #tomalacalle, #Todosalcongreso and #NoALaRepartija. The programming phase occurs in both social networks and opinion columns. However, the assessment phase took place in the columns of the newspaper La República. On the rebound in traditional media noted that traditional media do rebound in Tweets of politicians, opinion leaders and political leaders. Tweet Toman information to report on the current public opinion expressed in the network. The daily La República noted the importance of networks in building social movement #NoALaRepartija. Keywords: Network Society, social movements, public opinion, analysis of discourse. ; Tesis

Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist die Entwicklung einer übertragbaren Methodik zur Bestimmung des theoretischen und technischen Grünschnittpotenzials (inkl. Küchenabfall) in einem Modellgebiet. Diese soll bundesweit, im ordnungspolitisch geregelten Raum, applizierbar sein und Handlungsoptionen zur ressourceneffizienten Biomassebereitstellung liefern. In einem zweiten Schritt sollen Strategien zur Umsetzung von formulierten Zielen zur Energiebereitstellung durch Grünschnitt und unter Partizipation von lokalen Akteuren bereitgestellt werden. Hierbei werden der Top-down- und Bottom-up-Ansatz miteinander verknüpft, um zeitnah Umsetzungsprojekte zu initiieren. Ausgangspunkt ist hierbei eine detaillierte Flächenanalyse der Modellregion Havelland-Fläming (Planungsregion-HFL) nach Art der tatsächlichen Nutzung mit dem Fokus auf Siedlungs- und Verkehrsflächen, sowie Wasserflächen. Diese Flächen unterliegen vegetationstechnischen Pflegemaßnahmen und werden mit spezifischen Aufwuchsfaktoren entlang ihrer flächen- bzw. linienförmigen Ausprägung untersetzt, um das theoretische Grünschnittpoten-zial aufzeigen zu können. Gleichzeitig erfolgt die Betrachtung von Trends der Flächeninanspruchnahme in Verbindung mit dem demografischen Wandel, um zukünftige Veränderungen des Grünschnittpotenzials beschreiben zu können. Das Küchenabfallpotenzial wird auf Grundlage eines einwohnerspezifischen Aufkommens bilanziert. Auf Grundlage dieser Berechnungen wurde das Fokusgebiet Mittelbereich Bad Belzig infolge von Interessensbekundungen eruiert. Das theoretische Grünschnittpotenzial für den MB Bad Belzig umfasst eine Menge von 22.202 Mg/ a, welche durch vegetationstechnische Pflegemaßnahmen erzielt werden können. Gebäude- und Freiflächen liefern mit 52 % und ca. 11.600 Mg/ a den größten Anteil am Grünschnittpotenzial. Unter Berücksichtigung der tech-nischen sowie strukturellen und ökologischen Restriktionen umfasst das technisch-verfügbare Potenzial ein Drittel des theoretischen Grünschnittpotenzials. Mit Hilfe der Partizipation lokaler Akteure wurden Dissonanzen erarbeitet, welche Hürden bei der Erschließung des Grünschnittpotenzials darstellen. Hieraus wurden Handlungsoptionen entwickelt, die zu tragfähigen Lösungen im Zuge der "ressourceneffizienten und emissionsarmen Energiebereitstellung" führten. Im Rahmen der Strategieentwicklung wurde der Fokus auf Grünschnitt aus der öffentlichen und privaten Grünflächenpflege gelegt. Hierbei können 4.122 Mg/ a Grasschnitt und 1.375 Mg/ a Holz akquiriert werden. Diese sollen in einer bestehenden Biogasanlage (Gras-schnitt) respektive in Sägewerken (Holz) einer energetischen Nutzung zugeführt werden. Verbleibende Potenziale, welche nicht in die Strategieentwicklung inkludiert sind, könnten durch strukturelle Veränderung zukünftig ebenso anteilig der energetischen Verwertung zugeführt werden.:Inhaltsverzeichnis INHALTSVERZEICHNIS I ABBILDUNGSVERZEICHNIS IV TABELLENVERZEICHNIS VI ABKÜRZUNGSVERZEICHNIS VII 1 EINLEITUNG 1 2 STAND DES WISSENS 4 2.1 Biomasse 4 2.1.1 Definition des Biomasse-Begriffes 4 2.1.2 Anteil der Biomasse am Primärenergieverbrauch 4 2.1.3 Abgrenzung der Biomasse nach Ursprung 6 2.1.4 Abgrenzung der Biomasse nach Nutzung 9 2.2 Biomassepotenzialstudien 9 2.2.1 Potenzialdefinitionen 9 2.2.2 Biomassepotenzial nach Ursprung 11 2.3 Biomassepotenzial urbanen Ursprungs 16 2.3.1 Bioabfall/ Küchenabfall 16 2.3.2 Grünschnitt 18 2.3.3 Status Quo der Verwertung 23 2.4 Bodenflächennutzung und demografischer Wandel 28 2.4.1 Begriffsdefinition 28 2.4.2 Flächennutzungsarten 29 2.4.3 Siedlungs- und Verkehrsflächen 31 2.5 Szenarioverfahren 34 2.5.1 Methodische Charakterisierung 34 2.5.2 Phasen der Szenarienkonstruktion 36 2.5.3 Partizipatives Backcasting 37 3 MOTIVATION UND ZIELSTELLUNG 39 4 METHODISCHER ANSATZ 41 4.1 Empirisch-statistischer Ansatz 41 4.1.1 Berechnung des Grünschnitt- und Küchenabfallpotenzials 41 4.1.2 Berechnung der zukünftigen Flächeninanspruchnahme 44 4.1.3 Prognosen zur kleinräumigen Bevölkerungsentwicklung 45 4.2 Explorativ-normativer Szenarienansatz 46 4.2.1 Ist-Stands-Analyse – 1. Phase 47 4.2.2 Feinanalyse – 2. Phase 47 4.2.3 Strategieentwicklung – Phase 3 49 5 ERGEBNISSE DER IST-STANDS-ANALYSE 50 5.1 Demografischer Wandel 50 5.2 Flächennutzung und –inanspruchnahme 52 5.2.1 Siedlungs- und Verkehrsflächen der Planungsregion-HFL 52 5.2.2 Flächeninanspruchnahme bis zum Jahr 2030 53 5.3 Bioenergieanlagen in der Planungsregion-HFL 56 5.4 Küchenabfallpotenzial 59 5.5 Grünschnittpotenzial 60 5.5.1 Grünschnittpotenzial nach Flächennutzungsart 60 5.5.2 Typisierte Grünschnittpotenziale 63 5.6 Abfallwirtschaftliche Infrastruktur 66 6 ERGEBNISSE DER FEINANALYSE 70 6.1 Abfallstämmige Biomassen im Fokusraum 70 6.1.1 Verortung der Grünschnittpotenziale im MB Bad Belzig 70 6.1.2 Grünschnittpotenziale zur energetischen Verwertung 71 6.1.3 Jahreszeitlich bedingtes Aufkommen 73 6.2 Erarbeitung von Leitlinien 74 6.3 Akteursanalyse und –ansprache 76 6.3.1 Durchführung einer Interviewkampagne 76 6.3.2 Auswertung der Interviewkampagne 77 6.4 Dissonanzen 80 6.4.1 Zieldissonanzen 80 6.4.2 Sachdissonanzen 81 6.4.3 Strategische Dissonanzen 82 6.5 Handlungsoptionen 83 6.5.1 Eingrenzung der Tätigkeitsfelder 83 6.5.2 Installation eines Erfassungssystems 83 6.5.3 Stoffstromtrennung 84 6.5.4 Verwertungssysteme 85 6.6 Zielkonkretisierung 88 6.7 Strategieentwicklung 90 6.8 Energieflussanalyse für Grünschnitte im MB Bad Belzig 91 7 ZUSAMMENFASSUNG UND AUSBLICK 93 7.1 Bewertung der entwickelten Methodik 93 7.2 Implementierung der Ressource Grünschnitt in kommunale Verwertungstrukturen 94 7.3 Partizipation regionaler Akteure 96 8 LITERATURVERZEICHNIS 97 9 ANLAGENVERZEICHNIS 118 ; In the present dissertation the development of a methodology to determine the green waste potential (incl. kitchen waste) is described in a pilot area. The methodology shall be trans-ferable to the municipal sector throughout Germany. In addition options for a resourceefficient supply of biomass shall be provided. In the second part strategies for the energetic utilization of green waste are evolved by participation of local players. In this context the top-down and bottom-up approaches are linked to initiate implementation projects within a narrow time frame. The initial point is a detailed land analysis in the pilot area Havelland – Fläming by types of actual land use. The research focuses on land used for human settlement and traffic area. Green waste originates through landscape maintenance. The arising amount can be calcu-lated with specific growth factors along the linear form or surface profile. Trends in demographic change and additional land use are considered simultaneously to determine further variations in green waste potential. The potential of kitchen waste is calculated by means of specific waste quantities per head. As a result of the calculated green waste potentials and expression of interest in the pilot area the destination area "Mittelbereich Bad Belzig" was chosen. The theoretic green waste potential in this area amounts to 22.202 Mg/ year. Yard and buildings account for 52 % respectively 11.600 Mg/ year. One third of the theoretic green waste potential is technically available considering technical, structural and environmental restrictions. Obstacles in exploitation of the green waste potential were figured out with participation of local players. Following this, courses of action were developed to lead to a resourceefficient and low-emission energy supply by previously unutilized biomass. Within the framework of strategy formation the focus was on green waste from maintenance of private and public green areas. The technically available green waste out of these types of land use amounts 4.122 Mg/ year grass cutting and 1.375 Mg/ year ligneous material. The energetic utilization shall take place in an existing biogas plant (grass cutting) respectively in sawmills. As part of structural changes in the future remaining potentials can be implemented partial in the planned energetic utilization.:Inhaltsverzeichnis INHALTSVERZEICHNIS I ABBILDUNGSVERZEICHNIS IV TABELLENVERZEICHNIS VI ABKÜRZUNGSVERZEICHNIS VII 1 EINLEITUNG 1 2 STAND DES WISSENS 4 2.1 Biomasse 4 2.1.1 Definition des Biomasse-Begriffes 4 2.1.2 Anteil der Biomasse am Primärenergieverbrauch 4 2.1.3 Abgrenzung der Biomasse nach Ursprung 6 2.1.4 Abgrenzung der Biomasse nach Nutzung 9 2.2 Biomassepotenzialstudien 9 2.2.1 Potenzialdefinitionen 9 2.2.2 Biomassepotenzial nach Ursprung 11 2.3 Biomassepotenzial urbanen Ursprungs 16 2.3.1 Bioabfall/ Küchenabfall 16 2.3.2 Grünschnitt 18 2.3.3 Status Quo der Verwertung 23 2.4 Bodenflächennutzung und demografischer Wandel 28 2.4.1 Begriffsdefinition 28 2.4.2 Flächennutzungsarten 29 2.4.3 Siedlungs- und Verkehrsflächen 31 2.5 Szenarioverfahren 34 2.5.1 Methodische Charakterisierung 34 2.5.2 Phasen der Szenarienkonstruktion 36 2.5.3 Partizipatives Backcasting 37 3 MOTIVATION UND ZIELSTELLUNG 39 4 METHODISCHER ANSATZ 41 4.1 Empirisch-statistischer Ansatz 41 4.1.1 Berechnung des Grünschnitt- und Küchenabfallpotenzials 41 4.1.2 Berechnung der zukünftigen Flächeninanspruchnahme 44 4.1.3 Prognosen zur kleinräumigen Bevölkerungsentwicklung 45 4.2 Explorativ-normativer Szenarienansatz 46 4.2.1 Ist-Stands-Analyse – 1. Phase 47 4.2.2 Feinanalyse – 2. Phase 47 4.2.3 Strategieentwicklung – Phase 3 49 5 ERGEBNISSE DER IST-STANDS-ANALYSE 50 5.1 Demografischer Wandel 50 5.2 Flächennutzung und –inanspruchnahme 52 5.2.1 Siedlungs- und Verkehrsflächen der Planungsregion-HFL 52 5.2.2 Flächeninanspruchnahme bis zum Jahr 2030 53 5.3 Bioenergieanlagen in der Planungsregion-HFL 56 5.4 Küchenabfallpotenzial 59 5.5 Grünschnittpotenzial 60 5.5.1 Grünschnittpotenzial nach Flächennutzungsart 60 5.5.2 Typisierte Grünschnittpotenziale 63 5.6 Abfallwirtschaftliche Infrastruktur 66 6 ERGEBNISSE DER FEINANALYSE 70 6.1 Abfallstämmige Biomassen im Fokusraum 70 6.1.1 Verortung der Grünschnittpotenziale im MB Bad Belzig 70 6.1.2 Grünschnittpotenziale zur energetischen Verwertung 71 6.1.3 Jahreszeitlich bedingtes Aufkommen 73 6.2 Erarbeitung von Leitlinien 74 6.3 Akteursanalyse und –ansprache 76 6.3.1 Durchführung einer Interviewkampagne 76 6.3.2 Auswertung der Interviewkampagne 77 6.4 Dissonanzen 80 6.4.1 Zieldissonanzen 80 6.4.2 Sachdissonanzen 81 6.4.3 Strategische Dissonanzen 82 6.5 Handlungsoptionen 83 6.5.1 Eingrenzung der Tätigkeitsfelder 83 6.5.2 Installation eines Erfassungssystems 83 6.5.3 Stoffstromtrennung 84 6.5.4 Verwertungssysteme 85 6.6 Zielkonkretisierung 88 6.7 Strategieentwicklung 90 6.8 Energieflussanalyse für Grünschnitte im MB Bad Belzig 91 7 ZUSAMMENFASSUNG UND AUSBLICK 93 7.1 Bewertung der entwickelten Methodik 93 7.2 Implementierung der Ressource Grünschnitt in kommunale Verwertungstrukturen 94 7.3 Partizipation regionaler Akteure 96 8 LITERATURVERZEICHNIS 97 9 ANLAGENVERZEICHNIS 118

Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; El objetivo de este trabajo se centra especialmente en el desarrollo de sensores de fibra óptica y técnicas de autoreferencia para la medida de la temperatura en diferentes entornos industriales. El primer objetivo de este trabajo consiste en el diseño y desarrollo de un sensor de fibra óptica de bajo coste para la medida de la temperatura en transformadores de potencia y aplicaciones biomédicas. En estas aplicaciones, el uso de sensores de temperatura tradicionales resulta inadecuado debido a la presencia de fuertes interferencias electromagnéticas que pueden perturbar la lectura de la temperatura. Uno de los requisitos fundamentales para diseñar un sensor de temperatura que pueda usarse en aplicaciones biomédicas es el uso de materiales biocompatibles en su fabricación. En este sentido, una configuración simple que permite cumplir con los requisitos mencionados anteriormente es la modulación por intensidad en fibras poliméricas. Este tipo de sensores basan la lectura de la temperatura en medir las variaciones de potencia óptica en función de los cambios de temperatura que se aplican sobre el sensor. En este contexto, el uso de la tecnología asociada con la fibra óptica de plástico ofrece ventajas competitivas frente a otros materiales, como son: el uso de dispositivos opto-electrónicos de bajo coste, la posibilidad de utilizar conectores de baja precisión, la posibilidad de utilizar multiplexores y demultiplexores de muy bajo coste, entre muchas otras ventajas. A pesar de estas ventajas, los sensores de intensidad necesitan de esquemas de autoreferencia que eviten fluctuaciones de potencia que interfieran en la lectura de la temperatura. Estas fluctuaciones pueden provenir de fluctuaciones de potencia a lo largo del tramo de fibra óptica entre la unidad de control y el sensor, fluctuaciones de la fuente de luz por cambios en la corriente de alimentación, pérdidas de potencia por envejecimiento de la instalación, entre otras causas. El segundo objetivo de este trabajo consiste en promover el estudio y el desarrollo de técnicas de multiplexado y autoreferencia que implementen sensores fabricados en fibra óptica de plástico. Estas topologías deberán de utilizar dispositivos eficientes desde el punto de vista del consumo de potencia para mejorar con ello el balance de potencias del sistema y por tanto, poder utilizar este tipo de esquemas en redes de corto y medio alcance. Para alcanzar este objetivo, en este trabajo se desarrollan técnicas de autoreferencia y multiplexado de bajo coste basadas en multiplexación por longitud de onda vasta (CWDM, Coarse Wavelength Division Multiplexing). Esta técnica se caracteriza por su amplio desarrollo en el campo de telecomunicaciones como estándar para aplicaciones de corto o medio alcance en redes metropolitanas. Los multiplexores y demultiplexores diseñados para esta topología tienen una rejilla de longitudes de onda con una separación entre canales de 20nm. Este espaciado entre canales dificulta la multiplexación de un elevado número de dispositivos o sensores como podría llevarse a cabo si se usaran dispositivos basados en multiplexación por longitud de onda densa (DWDM, Dense Wavelength Division Multiplexing). Pero presentan una clara ventaja competitiva, los esquemas CWDM requieren bajas tolerancias en la fabricación de fuentes de luz, un control menos exhaustivo de la temperatura de la fuente, filtros ópticos de bajo coste y esquemas de diseño menos complejos. Los menores requisitos técnicos de los dispositivos utilizados con esta tecnología hacen que sea una topología interesante para su uso en redes de sensores de bajo coste. El tercer objetivo consiste en desarrollar sensores sin contacto basados en pirometría de dos colores para el sensado de la temperatura en procesos de mecanizado industrial. ; As a general aim, this work specifically focuses on the development of temperature sensors and self-reference techniques for temperature measurement in different industrial sectors. The first objective of this work is the design and development of a low-cost fiber optic sensor for measuring temperature in power transformers and biomedical applications where the presence of EMI prohibits the use of traditional sensors. Compatibility with the human being is a requirement when the temperature sensors are used in medical applications. Following simple fiber optic configurations, intensity sensors modulate the optical power loss as the temperature changes, thus providing the measurement as an optical intensity modulation signal. Polymer Optical Fiber (POF) technology, with very low-cost components, enables temperature sensing using a low precision connectors and lenses as well as simple multiplexing and demultiplexing devices, especially if compared with glass optical fibers. However, intensity sensors need a self-referencing method to minimize the influences of long-term aging of source and receptor characteristics, as well as undesirable random short-term fluctuations of optical power loss in the fiber link connecting the control unit, where the measurements are taken, to the remote sensing point, where the optical sensor is located. The second objective of this work is to promote, study and develop a multiplexing strategy to implement and scale POF sensor networks using low cost off-the-shelf devices, enhancing the power budget and keeping the self-reference of the measurements. This work focuses on low-cost Coarse WDM (CWDM) technology, where a grid of wavelengths with a 20nm channel spacing for target distance of up to tens of kilometres is specified. CWDM technology have lately been promoted in the field of telecommunication as standard for metro applications with shorter distances, lower network capacity and cost than Dense WDM (DWDM). This topology requires simpler, wider tolerance laser manufacturing, less laser accurate temperature control and reduced design complexity and cost of optical filters. These relaxed requirements make the CWDM technology an interesting approach for building low-cost self-referencing sensors networks. The development of this technology, adapted to the use of POF, can be carried out with the development of fiber Bragg gratings (FBG) in POF, providing an effective and compact strategy for exploiting fiber links for both propagating directions of the light with a single fiber lead. The third objective is to develop a non-contact two-colour fiber-optic pyrometer for temperature measures in the aerospace machining industry, enhancing the location measurement area, reducing the surface emissivity effect and keeping the self-reference of the measurement… ; The research work of this dissertation has been supported by the following Spanish projects: TEC2009-14718-C03-03 (DEDOS), and TEC2012-37983-C03-02 (CFOOT-TIC) of the Spanish Interministerial Commission of Science and Technology (CICYT); BES-2010-033348, EEBB-I-12-05434 and EEBB-1-13-07511 of the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness; PRX12/00007 of Spanish Ministry of Education; P2013/MIT-2790, FACTOTEM-2/2010/00068/001 and S2013/MIT-2790 (SINFOTON-CM) of Autonomous Community of Madrid. Additional financial support was obtained from ICT COST Action TD1001: Novel and Reliable Optical Fiber Sensor Systems for Future Security and Safety Applications (OFSESA) of the European Union. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Ingeniería Eléctrica, Electrónica y Automática ; Presidente: Tianxin Yang.- Secretario: Ricardo Vergaz Benito.- Vocal: Kevin Heggarty

The debate on the building of political power during the Perón Era (Argentina, 1946-1955) provides a solid basis for an analysis of the phenomenon in the municipal sphere. In this context, the article analyzes the 'bottom up" politics employed in situations of conflict stemming from communal interventions enforced in 1954 across three regions of the province of Buenos Aires presided over by incumbent intendants (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre and Luján). Using media and government sources, the aim is to study the relationship between the provincial and municipal authorities with an emphasis placed on aspects of the political roles played by the local government. To do so, the article examines the motives and rationale provided for the interventions and focuses on the local governability, both in terms of representation and participation. To what extent did the local conflict and rupture in political alignments contribute to the dynamic the governability acquired in the communes, and ultimately, in the enforcement of the intervention? In light of such tension, how did militants and local leaders pool their allegiances to the Peronist Movement and channel their efforts toward local figures with social capital sustained by bonds woven into the very fabric of the municipality? ; El debate acerca de la construcción del poder político durante la etapa peronista (Argentina, 1946-1955) provee buenas razones para detenerse a analizar el fenómeno en la esfera municipal. En este marco, el artículo analiza la política 'desde abajo" en situaciones conflictivas, en torno a las intervenciones comunales (decretadas en 1954) de tres localidades de la provincia de Buenos Aires presididas por intendentes oficialistas (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre y Luján). Con fuentes periodísticas y gubernamentales, el fin es estudiar la relación entre el poder provincial y el poder municipal con la atención puesta en aspectos inherentes al funcionamiento político del gobierno local. Para ello se examinan los motivos y justificaciones de las intervenciones y se focaliza en la gobernabilidad local, tanto desde el punto de vista de la representación como de la participación. ¿En qué medida el conflicto local y la ruptura de alineamientos políticos incidieron en la dinámica que adquirió la gobernabilidad en las comunas y, en última instancia, en el decreto de intervención? ¿De qué modo en un contexto político tenso militantes y dirigentes locales conjugaron la lealtad hacia la conducción del movimiento peronista y hacia figuras locales con capital social sustentado en vínculos tejidos en el Municipio? ; Le débat autour de la construction du pouvoir politique à l'ère péroniste (Argentine, 1946-1955) offre d'excellentes raisons de se consacrer à l'analyse du phénomène au sein de la sphère municipale. Dans ce contexte, l'article analyse la politique « à partir du bas » dans des situations conflictuelles issues des interventions communales (décrétées en 1954), dans trois localités de la Province de Buenos Aires présidées par des intendants loyalistes (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre et Luján). Sur la base de sources médiatiques et gouvernementales, le but est ici d'étudier la relation entre le pouvoir provincial et le pouvoir municipal, en s'intéressant plus spécifiquement aux aspects inhérents au fonctionnement politique du gouvernement local. À cette fin seront examinés les motifs et autres justifications des interventions et analysée la gouvernabilité locale, tant du point de vue de la représentation que de celui de la participation. Dans quelle mesure le conflit local et la rupture des alignements politiques ont-ils eu une incidence sur les dynamiques de gouvernabilité dans les communes et, en dernière instance, sur le décret d'intervention luimême ? Dans ce contexte tendu, de quelle manière militants et dirigeants ont-ils conjugué la loyauté envers la direction du mouvement péroniste et celle envers des personnalités locales, dont le capital social se fonde sur les liens tissés au sein des communes en question ? ; El debate acerca de la construcción del poder político durante la etapa peronista (Argentina, 1946-1955) provee buenas razones para detenerse a analizar el fenómeno en la esfera municipal. En este marco, el artículo analiza la política 'desde abajo" en situaciones conflictivas, en torno a las intervenciones comunales (decretadas en 1954) de tres localidades de la provincia de Buenos Aires presididas por intendentes oficialistas (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre y Luján). Con fuentes periodísticas y gubernamentales, el fin es estudiar la relación entre el poder provincial y el poder municipal con la atención puesta en aspectos inherentes al funcionamiento político del gobierno local. Para ello se examinan los motivos y justificaciones de las intervenciones y se focaliza en la gobernabilidad local, tanto desde el punto de vista de la representación como de la participación. ¿En qué medida el conflicto local y la ruptura de alineamientos políticos incidieron en la dinámica que adquirió la gobernabilidad en las comunas y, en última instancia, en el decreto de intervención? ¿De qué modo en un contexto político tenso militantes y dirigentes locales conjugaron la lealtad hacia la conducción del movimiento peronista y hacia figuras locales con capital social sustentado en vínculos tejidos en el Municipio? ; å…³äºŽé˜¿æ ¹å»·åº‡éš†æ—¶ä»£(1946-1955) çš"æ"¿æƒå»ºè®¾çš"辩论，本文分æžäº†åœ¨å¸'一级æ"¿æƒé‡æž"过程中çš"一些现象ã€'作者分 æžäº†å¸ƒå®œè¯ºæ–¯è‰¾åˆ©æ–¯çœä¸‰ä¸ªåœ°åŒºï¼ˆ1954 å¹´é¢å¸ƒï¼‰åœ¨å†²çªæ€§æƒ…况下，'自下而上"çš"社区干é¢"，这ç§å¹²é¢"对这三个 区çš"æ²»ç†äº§ç"Ÿäº†å¾ˆå¤§å½±å"（å½"时执æ"¿å®˜åˆ†åˆ«æ˜¯ï¼šå¡æ´›æ–¯Â·å¡è¨é›·æ–¯ï¼Œå·´æ‰˜æ´›æ¢…·迈特å'Œå¢æ±‰ï¼‰ã€'通过分æžå½"æ—¶çš" 报刊å'Œæ"¿åºœæŠ¥å'Šï¼Œæœ¬æ–‡é‡ç'¹ç "究了城å¸'地方æ"¿åºœçš"æ²»ç†è¿ä½œç‰¹ç'¹åŠå…¶å'Œçœæ"¿åºœæƒåŠ›ä¹‹é—´çš"关系ã€'本文分æžäº†åœ¨ 地方治ç†è¿‡ç¨‹ä¸­å‡ºçŽ°ç¤¾åŒºå¹²é¢"çš"åŽŸå› ï¼Œä»£è¡¨æ€§å'Œæ°'ä¼—å'与çš"问题ã€'在多大程度上，å½"地çš"冲çªå'Œæ"¿æ²»è"盟çš"å´© 溃导致了社区干é¢"，并最终产ç"Ÿå¹²é¢"çš"法令？在冲çªå'Œç´§å¼ çš"背景下，庇隆主义è¿åŠ¨çš"积æžåˆ†å­å'Œåœ°æ–¹æœ‰å½±å" 力çš"领导人之间在地方æ"¿æƒé‡æž"过程中å¤"äºŽæ€Žæ ·çš"关系？本文试图回ç­"这些问题ã€'

Mosques are not only a place for worship, but also a spiritual space in which Muslims can seek their creator in solitude and reach an internal peace. From the early days of Islam until the present time, mosques have undergone many changes in terms of appearance, spatial characteristics and organization of space. Since investigation and analysis of all the mosques in world is not possible, the researcher had to limit the research to the Iran capital city (Tehran) for a more precise study. Nine mosques in Tehran were selected as the case study in the present research. Their spatial characteristics were investigated based on the charateristics of Iranian mosques in the modern and contemporary periods (1796- 2015 AD). In the first chapter, the history of different religions in the world is studied. Abrahamic religion has the most followers in the world. Islam is the last Abrahamic religion that exists in the world. The research was conducted using literature survey, field observations and comparison of case studies. Thus, it has employed a qualitative methodology for its purposes. A limitation of this study was to evaluate the spatial characteristics of Iranian mosques and factors affecting their design within the limited time duration of 150 years. Tehran was selected as a case study in this research and nine mosques were randomly surveyed. General theoretical explanations about mosques around the world are presented in the second chapter. Accordingly, different types of religions are firstly studied. Finally, the spatial characteristics of mosques including, elements, spaces and ornaments are explained. In the third chapter, the effective factors on the spatial properties of Iranian mosques including architectural styles, Iran's different historical periods, government, politics and Iranian culture are studied in the first part. In the second part, the spatial changes occurred in the modern and contemporary Iranian mosques including elements, spaces and ornaments are studied. The fourth chapter of this study is related to the analysis of and discussion on existing mosques in each category. In the category of early modern mosques (1879-1963), the architecture of Qajar (1879) and first Pahlavi (1925) periods are analyzed. Also in the category of High modern period (1963- 1998), the architecture of second Pahlavi (1963) and early period of the Islamic Republic (1979) are studied. Finally, in the category of contemporary mosques (1998- 2015), the architecture of mosques in the Islamic Republic are discussed. In each category three mosques are randomly selected and discussed. In the fifth chapter, which is the conclusion section, the analyses conducted in each main category are compared, and at the end, their impacts on the mosque's architecture are expressed. This study showed that there is a great dynamism in the mosque architecture during last 150 years and Iran is divided into three categories: Early Modern era that is from the mid Qajar, by changing the design of traditional mosque plan, construction of mosques at the beginning of first Pahlavi inclined more toward modernization. High Modern era, that in second Pahlavi reign, Islamic architecture in a novel form has emerged in modernism. With the beginning of the Islamic Republic mosques had a tendency toward traditionalism. In Contemporary era, which in Islamic Republic mosques are more updated and tailored to social needs and new functions. This study shows that there is a great dynamism in mosque architecture in last 150 years. Although the main requirments of a mosque is still the same changes in aesthetic understanding, building techniques and materials and same other factors have resulted with brand new mosque appearances in Tehran, Iran. Keywords: Mosque architecture, spatial characteristics, Modern and Contemporary Mosque, Ornamentation and Iranian Mosques. ; ÖZ : Camiler sadece ibadet için bir yer değil aynı zamanda manevi bir boşluk ki orada müslümanların yalnız olarak tanrı ile kalarak iç huzura ulaşırlar.islamın bilinen ilk dönemlerden itibaren bu güne dek camilerin mekansal özellikleri mekan organizasyonları görünümü açısından pek çok değişiklik gerçekleştirmiştir.Dünyadaki bütün camilerin araştırma analizi mümkün değildir. Araştırmacıların iran başkenti Tahran ile sınırlı kalmak koşuluyla yaptığı araştırma daha kesin bir çalışmadır. Tahranda bu arastırmada 9 cami seçilerek durum çalışması yapılan modern cağdaş dönemlerde iran camilerinin manevi özellikleri esas alınarak incelenmiştir.(1796-2015 AD) İlk bölümde dünyadaki dinlerin tarihi incelenmiştir.Dünyadaki her dinin kendi ibadet yerleri vardır.Dünyada en çok ibrahim dininin takipçileri vardır. İslam dini dünyada var olan en son ibrahim dinidir. Cami islam takipçileri tarafından belirli bir binada islam takipçileri tarafından ibadet ve dua için kullanılır. Bu çalışmanın amacı İranda 1796-2015 tarihleri arasında işaa edilen camilerin iç tasarımı ve manevi özellikleri karşılaştırarak analiz etmektir. Bu çalışma iran camilerinin manevi özelliklerine odaklanarak modern ve çağdaş dönemlerdeki dizayn edilen tahrandaki camileri etkileyen diğer faktörler araştırılmıştır.Bu araştırma literatür Çalışması kullanılarak gerçekleşti, aln gözlemi ve olay çalışması karşılaştırıldı. Böylece onun amaçları için niteliksel bir metodoloji üzerinde çalışıldı.Bu çalışmada sınırlı olarak İran camilerinin mekânsal özelliklerinin değerlendirilmesi ve 150 yıllık sınırlı zaman dilimi içerisinde dizaynını etkileyen faktörler ele alındı . Tahran vaka çalışması olarak bu araştırmada seçildi ve 9 cami rastgele seçilerek araştırıldı. Dünyadaki camilerin teorik açıklamaları ise ikinci bölümde mevcuttur. Buna bağlı olarak değişik dinler ilk olarak çalışıldı. 3. Bölümde ise iran camilerindeki mekânsal eşyaları mimari stilleri açısından etkileyen faktörler ele alınarak, iranın değişik tarihsel dönemleri ,yönetimi ,politika ve iran kültürü ise birinci bölümde çalışıldı. Camiler ile bireysel incelendi ve daha sonra he rsınıflandırma sonunda analiz edilip karşılaştırıldılar.Erken modern cami kategorisi(1879-1963) QAJAR Mimarisi(1879) ve Birinci pahlavi(1925) dönemleri analiz edildi.Bununla birlikte yüksek modern dönem kategorisi(1963-1998), 2. Pahlavi mimarisi(1963)ve islam cumhuriyetinin erken dönemi(1979) çalışıldı.Son olarak çağdaş camiler kategorisi(1998-2015) , islam cumhuriyeti cami mimarisi atrtışıldı.Her kategoride 3 tane rastgele cami seçilerek tartışılmıştır.5. bölüm; sonuç bölümü olarak analiz edilen her esas kategori karşılaştırıldı ve son olarak da cami sanatının etkileri ifade edildi.Bu çalışma gösteriyor ki cami sanatına karşı son 150 yılda büyük dinamizim gösterildi ve iran 3 kategoriye ayrıldı.Erken modern çağın ortalarından itibaren Qajar, camilerin dizaynını geleneksel plana göre değiştirilerek, birinci pahlavinin başlamasıyla camilerin inşaasında modernleşmeye doğru eğilim göstermiştir.Yüksek moden çağı ise ikinci pahlavi saltananı yeni bir formda islam mimari modernizmini ortaya çıkardı.İslam cumhuriyet camilerinin başlamasıyla ,gelenekselciliğe doğru bir eğilim başladı. Çağdaş dönemde islam devleti camileri güncellenerek daha da modernize edildi ve sosyal ihtiyaçlar için uygun hale getirilerek yeni fonksiyonlar kazandı.Bu çalışma gösteriyor ki cami sanatına karşı son 150 yılda çok büyük dinamizimler ortaya çıktı.Bununla birlikte camilerde esas gereklilikler hala daha ayni ve estetik anlayış , inşaat teknikleri ve materyalleri, diğer ayni faktörler sonucunda İran-Tahranda yeni cami görünümü oluştu. Anahtar Kelimeler: Cami mimarisi , mekânsal karakteristikler , Modern ve çağdaş cami , süsleme ve iran camiler. ; Master of Science in Interior Architecture. Thesis (M.S.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Architecture, Dept. of Interior Architecture, 2015. Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Asu Tozan.