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AbstractThis article compares the concepts, scopes of application and procedural regimes of war crimes and grave breaches, while considering what role remains for the latter in international criminal law. In addition to their original conception as international obligations to enact and enforce domestic crimes, grave breaches have taken on a new meaning as international crimes, similar to war crimes. Only in few regards does the scope of application of these new grave breaches surpass that of war crimes. The procedural regime of grave breaches differs in theory significantly from that of war crimes, though less so in practice. Although it is too early to discount grave breaches, they are likely to become confined to history.

Public attention is being focused worldwide on the 125th anniversary of the International Red Cross, a milestone in the evolution of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement.When celebrating an anniversary, it is customary to look back into the past for a clearer understanding and appraisal of the present, and to gain insight into the future. This is particularly important as regards the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, which is one of the most significant manifestations of humanism, symbolizing the recognition that society must uphold human dignity as the supreme universal value, and the desire to avert or relieve human suffering and safeguard human life and health.

The XIIIth Quadrennial Congress of the International Council of Nurses which was held from June 16 to 24 at Frankfurt-am-Main voted, unanimously and by acclamation, the following text to be included in the "International Code of Nursing Ethics": "It is important that all nurses be aware of the principles of the Red Cross and the privileges as well as the obligations of nurses under the terms of the Geneva Conventions of 1949". Miss Anny Pfirter, head of the medical personnel section, representing the International Committee of the Red Cross, guardian of the Red Cross principles and promoter of the Geneva Conventions, was given an ovation on that occasion by the participants.

The XIIIth Quadrennial Congress of the International Council of Nurses which was held from June 16 to 24 at Frankfurt-am-Main voted, unanimously and by acclamation, the following text to be included in the "International Code of Nursing Ethics": "It is important that all nurses be aware of the principles of the Red Cross and the privileges as well as the obligations of nurses under the terms of the Geneva Conventions of 1949". Miss Anny Pfirter, head of the medical personnel section, representing the International Committee of the Red Cross, guardian of the Red Cross principles and promoter of the Geneva Conventions, was given an ovation on that occasion by the participants.

How does rhetoric work in the pursuit of political projects in international relations? This article analyzes how rhetoric-wielding political actors engage in reasoning to bolster their position by drawing upon norms that underwrite interactions, and audiences as scorekeepers evaluate the reasoning by making a series of inferences. I call this mechanism rhetorical reasoning. Building on the existing classification of norms in constructivist international relations (IR) and utilizing three distinct norm types – instrumental, institutional, and moral – I show the different processes through which political actors deploy rhetoric to legitimize and justify political projects and the distinct logics through which scorekeepers make inferences and evaluate the project. This article contributes to IR theories of argumentation by providing a sharp conceptualization of political rhetoric and actor–audience relationships in the game. I illustrate the mechanism of rhetorical reasoning using Brazil's UN peace enforcement operation in Haiti in 2004 to give empirical evidence for the role of institutional norm type in patterns of rhetorical reasoning and contestations in international politics. Paying attention to political rhetoric in the actor–scorekeepers' relationships in this way clarifies important issues regarding the varieties of political projects and the different role of normativity in the game.

The Asian Yearbook of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law aims to publish peer-reviewed scholarly articles and reviews as well as significant developments in human rights and humanitarian law. It examines international human rights and humanitarian law with a global reach, though its particular focus is on the Asian region. Volume 7 of the Yearbook covers a wide range of topics, which have been organized along four central themes: Human Rights Protection and Erosion during the (Post-) COVID-19 Pandemic; Economic, Social and Environmental Rights Contestation and Evolution; Human Rights Protection of Vulnerable Persons; and Human Rights and Democratic Values under Threat

Chapter 1: Far-right extremism: The United States and the world -- Chapter 2: Race, International Relations, white supremacy, and methodology -- Chapter 3: Whiteness, white supremacy, and far-right extremism in the United States -- Chapter 4: American Renaissance and far-right extremists' use of numbers and pseudoscience for legitimation of violence -- Chapter 5: Meme-ing the far-right: Pepe and the deplorables -- Chapter 6: Red pills, white genocide and "the great replacement": Re-writing history, and constructing white victimhood in/through far-right extremist manifestos and texts -- Chapter 7: Far-right extremism and strategies of legitimation and resistance in US politics.

Since the fundamental shift in focus in the West's security concerns that followed the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 -- giving priority to the threat posed by international terrorism -- mainstream security analysis has remained essentially unchanged. The US-led invasion and subsequent counter-insurgency campaign in Iraq seems to have created long-term vulnerability for the international community. It is becoming clear that the cause of counterterrorism will be best served by keeping its major strands separate from the issues at stake in Iraq. Although transatlantic relations improved during 2006, the two main Euro-Atlantic security institutions -- the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) -- are still in a transitional phase, seeking ways to prove their relevance in the context of new challenges. The EU's foreign and security policies are handicapped by the organization's constitutional crisis and, perhaps even more seriously, by 'enlargement fatigue' -- and they are likely to remain so for some time to come. NATO's long-heralded transformation process has made little further progress. Neither institution has reached a consensual 'grand vision' of global and European security, which also hinders closer EU-NATO cooperation. Efforts to establish lasting state structures in the Western Balkans continued to advance slowly in 2006 with the separation of Serbia and Montenegro and the prospect of self-government for Kosovo. Kosovo also stands as a reminder that ethnic composition and population trends can still influence international security. In the shorter term, the focus of attention will shift to Serbia's ability to adjust, both internally and externally, to the emerging realities. Russia has altered the paradigm of international security by turning the security of oil and gas supplies into a major strategic issue. In response, European states have agreed in principle to coordinate their positions on this matter. Other aspects of Russia's current propensity for antagonistic behaviour towards much of the Euro-Atlantic community may similarly push West European states into closer cooperation. Russia has used its energy wealth to revive national pride, to restore its influence in its 'near abroad' and to maximize its geopolitical power. In doing so, it has shown a disregard for other states' goodwill that may work against it in the longer term. One consequence of Russia's current course is the emergence of a -- still not geographically precise -- 'soft' division between the new, expanded West and the under-reformed, less-integrated parts of Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.