Developmental social work is receiving increasing international recognition and much may be learnt from its application in different societal contexts. The article draws on empirical data from a South African study and provides valuable insight into how social workers conceptualize and translate developmental social work into practice.
Abstract:This papers adopts as a starting hypothesis the relative degree of influence of international standards in the drafting of the 1978 Spanish Constitution and the absolute need to accommodate to the reality of an integrated State at supranational and international levels. In this sense, a first approach shows that, despite the potential role of constitutional clauses opening to international standards, and after four decades since the entry into force of the Spanish Magna Carta of 1978, constitutional justice and constitutional doctrine have not shown clear nor open behaviour towards international legal requirements, with the exception of its relative enthusiasm towards European parameters.Indeed, in the main part of this paper, the analysis of the past forty yearsof democratic constitutionalism under the 1978 Constitution reveals, first and foremost, an interpretative deficit based on more favourable international solutions, as well as an incorrect and unexplored view of the impact of international treaties within the constitutional system of sources of law.Secondly, the positive impact of international standards is examined in connection with both the «dogmatic part» (constitutional values, principlesand rights) and the «organic part» of the Constitution (separation of powers and territorial organization of the State), without forgetting the weight of international instruments in defending the constitutional order (ordinary —constitutional court— and extraordinary —constitutional amendment— mechanisms). Thirdly, the social responsibility of Universities in their teaching and research (especially in conflicting domestic situations) is submitted to scrutiny, in order to show its key role in transferring advanced knowledge to society without trivializing the importance of both international law and constitutional law in the democratic defense of the constitutional order. Finally, the place that constitutional norms occupy in international treaties, as well as the impact of notions such as (national) margin of appreciation, constitutional identity and others, are proposed so as to complete the analysis.The main conclusion of this paper holds the necessary feedback of internationaland constitutional standards, since these positive synergies (including a global judicial dialogue) will continue to promote the strengthening of a «constitutional feeling» under the 1978 Spanish Magna Carta, which is inserted in an increasingly globalized context. ; Resumen:La presente contribución adopta como hipótesis de partida la relativa influencia de los estándares internacionales en la redacción de la Constitución de 1978 y la absoluta necesidad de adaptación a la realidad del Estado supranacional e internacionalmente integrado. En este sentido, un primer enfoque permite comprobar que, a pesar del juego potencial de las disposiciones constitucionales de apertura internacional, y tras cuatro décadas de vigencia de la Carta Magna Española de 1978, la justicia constitucional y la doctrina constitucionalista no han mostrado una actitud clara y abierta hacia las exigencias jurídicas internacionales, con la excepción de un relativo entusiasmo hacia los parámetros europeos. En efecto, en la parte central del artículo, el análisis de los cuarenta años constitucionalismo democrático bajo la Constitución de 1978 revela, primeramente, un déficit de interpretación basado en soluciones internacionales más favorables, así como una incorrecta e inexplorada concepción del impacto de los tratados internacionales en el sistema constitucional de fuentes.En segundo término, se examina la proyección positiva de los estándares internacionales tanto en la «parte dogmática» (valores, principios y derechos constitucionales) como en la «parte orgánica» de la Constitución (separación de poderes y organización territorial del poder), sin olvidar el peso de los instrumentos internacionales en la defensa del orden constitucional (mecanismos ordinario —tribunal constitucional— y extraordinario —reforma constitucional—). En tercer lugar, se somete a escrutinio la responsabilidad social de la Universidad en sus tareas de enseñanza y de investigación (especialmente en situaciones domésticas conflictivas), con objeto de transferir un conocimiento avanzado a la sociedad sin banalizar o trivializar la importancia del Derecho internacional y del Derecho constitucional en la defensa democrática del orden constitucional. Por último, se completa el análisis propuesto a través de la toma en consideración del lugar que también ocupan las normas constitucionales en los tratados internacionales y el impacto de nociones como margen de apreciación nacional, identidad constitucional y otras.La conclusión principal del trabajo consiste en sostener la necesaria retroalimentación de los estándares internacionales y constitucionales, puesto que esas sinergias positivas (incluido un diálogo judicial global) seguirán propiciando el fortalecimiento del sentimiento constitucional bajo una Carta Magna Española de 1978 inserta en un contexto cada vez más globalizado.Abstract:This papers adopts as a starting hypothesis the relative degree of influence of international standards in the drafting of the 1978 Spanish Constitution and the absolute need to accommodate to the reality of an integrated State at supranational and international levels. In this sense, a first approach shows that, despite the potential role of constitutional clauses opening to international standards, and after four decades since the entry into force of the Spanish Magna Carta of 1978, constitutional justice and constitutional doctrine have not shown clear nor open behaviour towards international legal requirements, with the exception of its relative enthusiasm towards European parameters.Indeed, in the main part of this paper, the analysis of the past forty yearsof democratic constitutionalism under the 1978 Constitution reveals, first and foremost, an interpretative deficit based on more favourable international solutions, as well as an incorrect and unexplored view of the impact of international treaties within the constitutional system of sources of law.Secondly, the positive impact of international standards is examined in connection with both the «dogmatic part» (constitutional values, principlesand rights) and the «organic part» of the Constitution (separation of powers and territorial organization of the State), without forgetting the weight of international instruments in defending the constitutional order (ordinary —constitutional court— and extraordinary —constitutional amendment— mechanisms). Thirdly, the social responsibility of Universities in their teaching and research (especially in conflicting domestic situations) is submitted to scrutiny, in order to show its key role in transferring advanced knowledge to society without trivializing the importance of both international law and constitutional law in the democratic defense of the constitutional order. Finally, the place that constitutional norms occupy in international treaties, as well as the impact of notions such as (national) margin of appreciation, constitutional identity and others, are proposed so as to complete the analysis.The main conclusion of this paper holds the necessary feedback of internationaland constitutional standards, since these positive synergies (including a global judicial dialogue) will continue to promote the strengthening of a «constitutional feeling» under the 1978 Spanish Magna Carta, which is inserted in an increasingly globalized context.Summary:1. Preliminary issues: the influence of international standards in the drafting of the 1978 Constitution and the need for consistency with the reality of an integrated State at supranational and international levels. 2. Subsequent issues: the weight of constitutional jurisdiction confinement in light of international parameters. 3. Further questions: the presence of a self-absorbed constitutionalism with respect to international sources in general and relatively enthusiastic about European sources in particular. 4. Constitutional clauses on the open acceptance of international standards: particular focus on human rights instruments. 5. The constitutional approach international treaties and the so-called control of conventionality. 6. The favourable impact of international standards on the set of constitutional values, principles and rights. 7. The impact of international standards on the organization of powers. 8. The positive role of international instruments in defending the constitutional order: 8.1. Internationalization of the constituent function and the weighting of constitutional amendments. 8.2. International standards and constitutional jurisdiction. 8.3. The inadmissible trivialization of both International and Constitutional Law. 9. International instruments's regard for constitutional norms: the margin of (national) appreciation, the counter-limits and related notions doctrine. 10. Final remarks: the feedback between international andconstitutional standards
Von Algorithmen für die Jagd auf Kriegsverbrecher, Bildern vorgetäuschter Massengräber und Apps für Zeugen von Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit: Wie Deutschland mit dem Einsatz digitaler Technologie bei der Verfolgung internationaler Verbrechen zu einer intelligenten Außenpolitik kommen kann. (IP)
AuszugIm Juni 2012 machte die globale Gemeinschaft einen wichtigen Schritt hin zur festen Verankerung des Sozialschutzes als Teil nationaler und globaler Entwicklungsstrategien. Die Internationale Arbeitskonferenz verabschiedete 2012 einstimmig die Empfehlung über nationalen sozialen Basisschutz (Nr. 202), die dem Menschenrecht auf soziale Sicherheit einen konkreten Inhalt gibt. Dieser Artikel betrachtet die Empfehlung im Licht der historischen und politischen Entwicklung von Standards, beschreibt das Auftauchen des Konzepts eines sozialen Basisschutzes und analysiert den Inhalt der neuen Empfehlung sowie einige ihrer politischen Knackpunkte. Sodann wird untersucht, ob dieses neue Instrument das Potenzial hat, die soziale Realität in den 185 Mitgliedsstaaten der IAO zu verändern. Der Artikel kommt zum Schluss, dass die Verabschiedung der Empfehlung eine noch nie dagewesene Demonstration guten Willens und eines weitreichenden globalen Konsenses im Bereich der Sozialpolitik darstellt. Wenn jedoch Raum für einen Wandel der nationalen Sozialpolitiken geschaffen werden soll, dann muss diese Kampagne für ein Mindestmaß an sozialer Sicherheit für alle fortgeführt werden, und sie muss auf der internationalen Agenda gehalten werden. Am Ende des Artikels werden Strategien aufgezählt, die von der globalen Koalition hinter dieser Kampagne verfolgt werden müssen, wenn die soziale Sicherheit ein unabdingbares Ziel nationaler und internationaler Entwicklungsstrategien bleiben oder werden soll.
The menace of terrorism which is uppermost on the agenda of several governments of the world these days has rightly been characterised as wars that need not require violation of national frontiers. The allusion here of course is to international terrorism. But the border line demarcating "national" and international terrorism is itself so blurred that it would indeed be unrealistic to distinguish one from another. Thanks to the growing complexities of the international system, coupled with an unprecedented technological revolution, the tremour of terroristic activities are often felt thousands of miles away from their epicentres. The concept of a global village seems to be expressing itself with a vengeance.
I critically examine the existing literature on the security dilemma in ethnic conflict, thus laying part of the foundation for constructing a dynamic and integrative theory of ethnic conflict. I show that many attempts to apply the security dilemma to the understanding of ethnic conflict have been based on an imprecise and often mistaken understanding of the concept. I then emphasise that the security dilemma theory and the broader spiral model constitute a dynamic, versatile and powerful theory of strategic interaction that captures some general dynamics leading to the outbreak of war. As such, the security dilemma theory and the broader spiral model, when properly understood, can serve as part of the foundation of a dynamic and integrative theory of ethnic conflict, and such a theory will be able to integrate many diverse understandings of ethnic conflict from different schools of International Relations (IR) theory. I show the feasibility and the utility of such a theory. Adapted from the source document.
In: Ojide, Makuachukwu Gabriel and Ojide Kelechi Charity (2014). Growth Evidence of Imports in Nigeria: A Time Series Analysis. International Researcher, 3(2).
Der Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen ist von Status und Zustand her keine Weltregierung. Zur Frage der Effektivität ist darauf zu verweisen, daß wichtige Beratungen in vertraulichen Sitzungen stattfinden und daß der Interessenausgleich, wenn überhaupt, dort gesucht wird. Andererseits fehlt ein frühzeitiges Krisenmanagement, der Rat sollte bedrohliche Entwicklungen laufend und aktiv beobachten und von sich aus Entscheidungen einleiten. Die ständigen Mitglieder wollen ihren Besitzstand wahren, weshalb die Diskussion über neue Formen der Mitgliedschaft wahrscheinlich fruchtlos bleiben wird. - Frhr. v. Wechmar, Botschafter der Bundesrepublik in London; Vertreter der Bundesrepublik bei den Vereinten Nationen 1974-1981. (SWP-Hld)
