Suchergebnisse

This article aims to pinpoint the East Arso District's existing economic conditions and identify factors contributing to devising the region as the center of economic growth in the Indonesia–Papua New Guinea (PNG) border. Data were collected through focus group discussion, observation, and a literature review conducted between October and November 2021. By using a qualitative approach, this study found that the East Arso District offers the potential to be developed as the center of economic growth in the Indonesia–PNG border. The region community's commodities are considered including agriculture, forestry, fisheries, and livestock goods. The scope of the study also examines the condition of PNG's neighboring communities in Sandaun Province, road infrastructure, and cross-border and security. This article proposes a model of economic development for the East Arso District: the establishment of Transnational Border Posts (PLBN), border market, road infrastructure, a multi-purpose cooperative society and improvement of access to commodities, education, and health. Additionally, the plans to create the East Arso district the center of economic growth are also expected to strengthen ties and cooperation between Indonesia and PNG, which, in turn, can prevent misunderstanding and conflict in the future.

Aus chinesischer Sicht

Vor dem Hintergrund zunehmender protektionistischer Tendenzen im Welthandel befassen sich die Autoren mit unterschiedlichen Instrumenten tarifärer und nichttarifärer Handelshemmnisse im internationalen Handel. BIOst-Klk)

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Existing research shows that peace after civil wars is more stable with peacekeepers present. Yet, violence persists in many postwar contexts, and although postwar violence is often strategic and closely linked to the faultlines of the preceding war, we know little about the impact of peacekeepers on such violence. What we know, moreover, focuses on the former combatants, while this study shows that the majority of deaths in postwar violence are inflicted by other armed actors. This is a challenge for peacekeepers who – for mandate or capacity reasons – usually focus on the warring parties. I argue that the impact of peacekeepers on postwar violence hinges on the extent to which they fill a public security gap after war, since responsibility for violence not covered by a mission's mandate lies with the often dysfunctional security agencies of the state. To test this I use a novel spatial approach to generate data that captures the manifold manifestations of violence across different postwar contexts. I find that only UN police – with their broader effect on public security – mitigate postwar violence generally. UN troops have some impact on civilian targeting by former combatants but no such effect could be identified for violence by other armed actors. The findings highlight the importance of peacekeeping police at a time when the modus operandi and capacity of UN police have been questioned, but also the importance of accounting for a multitude of violent actors when analysing the impact of international interventions more generally.