Suchergebnisse

This is the story of the cannon as a tool to delimit maritime space in the history of the law of the sea. It is a story that spans from the 17th to the 20th century – it is a story about a state practice that became legal theory, technological progress and Western dominance in international law.

Protection is one of the components of the new UN led cluster approach in emergency environments.1 Can the protection cluster mobilise the international community to protect civilians in areas where states are either unwilling or unable to do so? A pilot project in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC ) may offer guidance. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses the processes of East Asian community-building, by incorporating competing interpretations on how to organise international relations in East Asia. It also examines the complicated diplomatic instruments adopted as a means of responding to the increasing uncertainties and anxieties caused by dramatic changes in the broader geopolitical and geoeconomic environment. Adapted from the source document.

Stateless persons do not register on the international community's radar screen. Recent research suggests that 11 million people lack citizenship or effective nationality. This is a gross violation of Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which holds that every person "has a right to a nationality.". Adapted from the source document.

This photograph looks toward the New City district of Jerusalem. In contrast to the historical and religiously significant architecture of the old city, the New City's skyline is ripe with modernist architecture and skyscrapers in the international style. New City Jerusalem is also the location of the Israeli parliament and many educational institutions. ; https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/smolski_images/1718/thumbnail.jpg

The European Union, the United Nations, and the United States frequently use economic sanctions. This article introduces the EUSANCT Dataset—which amends, merges, and updates some of the most widely used sanctions databases—to trace the evolution of sanctions after the Cold War. The dataset contains case-level and dyadic information on 326 threatened and imposed sanctions by the EU, the UN, and the US. We show that the usage and overall success of sanctions have not grown from 1989 to 2015 and that while the US is the most active sanctioner, the EU and the UN appear more successful.

Pushing postcolonial studies and constructivist International Relations towards an uneasy dialogue, this book looks at Russia as a subaltern empire. It demonstrates how the dialectic of the subaltern and the imperial has produced a radically anti-Western regime, which nevertheless remains locked in a Eurocentric outlook.

Despite preventive and diagnostic instruments and mechanisms put in place by the international community, genocide - systematic destruction of social groups - persists as a major regional and global problem. Genocidal processes are multifaceted and involve multiple factors at all levels of analysis interacting to produce genocide. This study examines the most significant socio-historical factors in producing the genocidal war in Bosnia that started in the spring of 1992, carried out generally uninterrupted until late 1995, with some forms of violence continuing years after the official end of the war. The main goals of the research were to contextualize the genocide and explain why it occurred and continued for so long despite the United Nations' involvement in the conflict. To collect relevant evidence necessary to answer the research questions, I systematically generated, analyzed, and synthesized knowledge from scholarly publications as a source of data. I found that a protracted economic crisis, state-building processes following a regime change, and restructuring have created an opportunity to consolidate power and territory at the hand of extreme nationalist elites in Serbia and Croatia and those within Bosnia who shared their nationalist aspirations. Espousal of ethnic nationalism as legitimating ideology and the political agenda of atrocity as means of achieving the elite and public's goal realized through military consolidation, and mobilization and arming of the masses. The handling of the conflict by the global bystander elite, spearheaded by the United Nations, was crucial for the realization of the Serbian major nationalist project. The UN's failure primarily lies in its unwillingness to distinguish between the perpetrators and their targets and in the organization's inability to effectively enact appropriate policies in the face of extreme human suffering and rampant violations of international laws.

Debates over the implications of China's rise for global governance have reached an impasse, since evidence exists to support both 'revisionist' and 'status-quo' intentions. This means that neither is strictly falsifiable and hence the debate, as currently structured, is irresolvable. However, contradictions are explicable if we recognise that China is not a unitary state. Since the beginning of the reform era, its international engagements have been shaped by the uneven transformation – fragmentation, decentralisation and internationalisation – of state apparatuses. Contradictory international actions thus may reflect not top-down strategic direction, but conflicts, disagreements and coordination problems within China's transformed party-state. Our state transformation approach directs us away from evaluating China's approach to global governance in toto – whether it is overall a revisionist or status quo power – towards a detailed analysis of particular policy domains. This is because in each issue-area we find different constellations of actors and interests, and varying degrees of party-state transformation. We demonstrate the centrality of state transformation analysis for explaining the co-existence of revisionist and status quo behaviours through the apparently hard test case of nuclear technologies. Even in this 'high politics' domain, state transformation dynamics help explain China's inconsistent international behaviours. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

Anticipatory military activities, both preemptive and preventive, are at the centre of American strategic doctrine. Rachel Bzostek puts forward a full understanding of why states have or have not undertaken such activities in the past in order to comprehend why states have rarely used this method.

Revisits Gordon Brown's decade as the New Labour Chancellor and his crucial but neglected attempts to eliminate global povertyFrom DFID to Brown's own faith and social philosophy, Webber explores, problematises and critiques Brown's policies on overseas aid, Third-World debt and addressing HIV/AIDS.Drawing on nearly two decades' worth of primary research, including an exhaustive survey of speeches and policy statements made by Gordon Brown both before and during his time in government, David Webber provides a body of evidence currently absent from the New Labour/UK politics literature.Discover the level of influence that Brown was able to wield in international financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF; Ed Balls' influence on Brown from the early 1990s; and the revelatory finding that Brown's famous 'surprise' decision to hand over monetary policy to the Bank of England was, in fact, made at least four years before New Labour even came to power.Key FeaturesUniquely focuses on how Brown sought to carve out his own personal place upon the world stageReveals that the newly created Department for International Development (DFID) was effectively subsumed into the Treasury rather than the Foreign Office – so that Brown could control their policy design and outputShows how demands for social justice made by civil society groups were 'matched' by Brown's own faith and social philosophy, becoming co-opted and recycled into his international development policiesProblematises the 'missionary zeal' of Brown; his post-colonial mindset and 'white saviour' complex, and his tendency to offer top-down universal solutions to the global SouthCritiques the failure of the Chancellor to take account of, let alone address, the systemic inequalities created by the neoliberal development that Brown himself sought to implement

The paper analyzes the international context in which negotiations between the European Union and United States on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership have been launched in July 2013. This context includes both the repeated failures of the Doha Round negotiations as well as the previous attempts and achievements of the European Union and United States to create a transatlantic partnership. The author considers that the current circumstances are more favourable for the successful finalization of the transatlantic partnership but, at the same time, stresses the sensitive issues that may delay or divert the negotiations. The paper concludes that there are many possible immediate positive consequences on economic growth and creation of jobs of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership as well as a high potential to expand its implementation in North America through NAFTA and in some other countries that have free trade agreements with either the European Union or the United States. Keywords: Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, free trade area, European Union, United States, TAFTA, NAFTA, economic integration, post-Doha Round negotiations, globalization. (Romanian Journal of European Affairs / SWP)