Suchergebnisse

Facing structural change, European rural areas still fulfil multiple social, economic and ecological functions. Because of scale interplays and sustainability trade-offs, their future dynamics are yet particularly difficult to ascertain. PRIMA aims to develop methods for scaling down the assessment of policy impacts on multifunctional land-use and economic activities. The project focuses on agriculture, forestry, tourism, and ecosystem services, with special attention to the structural effects of the policies. An analysis of the strategic and planning documents in the case study areas highlights that many measures are targeted to several pillars of sustainable development, even though multifunctionality (MF) concept is often unaddressed. Because of the bottom-up governance of the European cohesion policy, a large variety of priorities and measures has been observed, so we oriented the first stakeholders interviews towards their major objectives and the specific measures they activate from the cohesion policy to reach their own objectives. Two groups of stakeholders were identified: those who can assist in scenario and model development and in model validation (drawn from the institutions which implement policy), and the actors who may be affected by the policy and whose behaviour will be captured in the AB model. Two rounds of interviews have been performed, the first one to gain contextual information about the wider case study information. From cluster analysis and this information, sets of municipalities were selected, then a second round of interviews was conducted to identify relevant policy issues and appropriate policy measures. These interviews provide the main events which have occurred during the last 20 years, policy outcomes, the EU funding streams, proposals for new measures. A conceptual model has been developed from extensive literature review and information collected during the surveys. This model focuses on the population dynamics in rural municipalities and on the decision making behaviours observed in such areas, including indicators requirements to match with IA methods. A general method for generating households from different available data at municipality level has been designed: at this level, only average data are available and the method enables to generate relevant individual data to be included in the models. The model has been adapted to the case studies: at this stage, downscaling occurs to input data for the models. We developed a working regional economic model that interacts between global changes (GTAP-IMAGE interactions) and multi-agent based tool at local level. It covers activities agriculture, forestry, services and nature. A start has been made with a program for downscaling. We are working on a procedure to generate the basic regional data for the input. We have to start data generation and theoretical and empirical work to improve on the allocation procedures of national developments to regions. Considering backbone scenarios, first modelling at European level started, with the identification of key economic and demographic factors that drive land use patterns at regional and local levels. External drivers and policies have been distinguished. GTAP and IMAGES have been linked to provide a working modelling framework. Last, we progressed towards enhancing the scope of IA methods, with a review of literature and extensive work between all workpackages. ; Le rapport présente le déroulement et les avancées du projet PRIMA à mi parcours de réalisation. Sont présentés les développements en termes d'analyse des politiques et des scénarios, d'implication des parties prenantes dans les processus de modélisation, de conceptualisation des modèles et d'apports pour les procédures d'évaluation des impacts.

This dissertation identifies the impact of various political institutions on public finance decisions in the United States. The particular institutions covered are the local voter initiative process, mayoral term limits, and political party allegiances; I utilize various econometric techniques to identify how each of these institutions influences the fiscal decisions at the state or municipal levels.Chapters 2 and 3 provide two different approaches to identifying the effects of the local initiative. The initiative process influences policy directly as citizens are able to implement their desired policies; however, the threat of initiative also has the potential to influence the policies that elected officials will pass. In Chapter 2, I explain the history and utilization of the local initiative in California. In particular, I identify the factors that are associated with citizen initiatives, and thus a stronger threat of citizen action. Using data from local elections and initiaitives in California, I find that a strong political majority increases the probability of bringing a citizen initiative to the ballot; the presence of a majority increases the probability of success. Racial diversity leads to an increase in governance initiatives; these areas have more diverse preferences and are thus more likely to be dissatisfied with governance, on average. These cities cannot agree on the specific policies they prefer (they propose no more tax, land use, or initiatives of other categories), but they can agree to limit the powers of government. I also find that the use of the local initiative does not lead to significantly altered fiscal outcomes. The exception to this is that governance initiatives are associated with higher levels of outstanding debt and interest obligations, even when controlling for racial diversity and income.Chapter 3 provides a direct test of whether the availability of the local voter initiative and recall processes and term limits influences municipal fiscal decisions in the United States. Using an adaptation of the Campbell-Mankiw (1990) model of forward-looking decision making, I find that the threats of voter initiative and recall do not significantly influence local fiscal policies. This suggests that voter preferences and local fiscal policy are aligned in the absence of these institutions. Term limits lead to increased short-sighted decision making, by removing officials' accountability to voters. This effect is roughly equivalent to removing almost all access to municipal borrowing. The analysis improves upon previous studies of US municipal fiscal policy by utilizing a panel of annual observations of government fiscal choices between 1970 and 2004 for more than 500 local jurisdictions. In doing so, the research design identifies the extent to which cities act according to a rational tax-smoothing model or are short-sighted in their fiscal decision making over time. In addition to term limits, large and diverse populations are associated with short-sighted fiscal policies.Chapter 4 applies the probabilistic voting model to construct a measure of party allegiance for jurisdictions in the United States. This political score isolates underlying voter preferences from characteristics that uniquely influence each election and is used to test the core and swing voter hypotheses of intergovernmental transfers. I find that party ties are important determinants of state-to-local transfers in the North- eastern United States and in California. In particular, when Democrats gain seats in state legislatures, they tend to reward their core constituencies. In California, Democrats also reward swing constituencies. When Republicans gain seats in state legislatures, they reward swing constituencies.

12 pages, 5 figures, 3 tables.-- et al. ; [Background]: Ticks (Acari: Ixodidae) are vectors of pathogens worldwide that cause diseases in humans and animals. Ticks and pathogens have co-evolved molecular mechanisms that contribute to their mutual development and survival. Subolesin was discovered as a tick protective antigen and was subsequently shown to be similar in structure and function to akirins, an evolutionarily conserved group of proteins in insects and vertebrates that controls NF-kB-dependent and independent expression of innate immune response genes. The objective of this study was to investigate subolesin expression in several tick species infected with a variety of pathogens and to determine the effect of subolesin gene knockdown on pathogen infection. In the first experiment, subolesin expression was characterized in ticks experimentally infected with the cattle pathogen, Anaplasma marginale. Subolesin expression was then characterized in questing or feeding adult ticks confirmed to be infected with Anaplasma, Ehrlichia, Rickettsia, Babesia or Theileria spp. Finally, the effect of subolesin knockdown by RNA interference (RNAi) on tick infection was analyzed in Dermacentor variabilis males exposed to various pathogens by capillary feeding (CF). ; [Results]: Subolesin expression increased with pathogen infection in the salivary glands but not in the guts of tick vector species infected with A. marginale. When analyzed in whole ticks, subolesin expression varied between tick species and in response to different pathogens. As reported previously, subolesin knockdown in D. variabilis infected with A. marginale and other tick-borne pathogens resulted in lower infection levels, while infection with Francisella tularensis increased in ticks after RNAi. When non-tick-borne pathogens were fed to ticks by CF, subolesin RNAi did not affect or resulted in lower infection levels in ticks. However, subolesin expression was upregulated in D. variabilis exposed to Escherichia coli, suggesting that although this pathogen may induce subolesin expression in ticks, silencing of this molecule reduced bacterial multiplication by a presently unknown mechanism. ; [Conclusions]: Subolesin expression in infected ticks suggested that subolesin may be functionally important for tick innate immunity to pathogens, as has been reported for the akirins. However, subolesin expression and consequently subolesin-mediated innate immunity varied with the pathogen and tick tissue. Subolesin may plays a role in tick innate immunity in the salivary glands by limiting pathogen infection levels, but activates innate immunity only for some pathogen in the guts and other tissues. In addition, these results provided additional support for the role of subolesin in other molecular pathways including those required for tissue development and function and for pathogen infection and multiplication in ticks. Consequently, RNAi experiments demonstrated that subolesin knockdown in ticks may affect pathogen infection directly by reducing tick innate immunity that results in higher infection levels and indirectly by affecting tissue structure and function and the expression of genes that interfere with pathogen infection and multiplication. The impact of the direct or indirect effects of subolesin knockdown on pathogen infection may depend on several factors including specific tick-pathogen molecular interactions, pathogen life cycle in the tick and unknown mechanisms affected by subolesin function in the control of global gene expression in ticks. ; This research was supported by the Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, Spain (project BFU2008-01244/BMC), the INIA, Spain (project FAU2008-00014- 00-00), the Ministry of Health, Italy (project IZS SI 10-06), the CSIC intramural projects 200830I249 and PA1002025 to JF, the Oklahoma Agricultural Experiment Station (project 1669), the Walter R. Sitlington Endowed Chair for Food Animal Research (K. M. Kocan, Oklahoma State University) and facilitated by ICTTD-3, financed by the International Cooperation Program of the European Union, coordination action project No. 510561. M. Villar was funded by the JAE-DOC program (CSIC-FSE), Spain. ; Peer reviewed

Civilization is, according to Elias, a very precarious equilibrium which is constantly threatened by an upsurge of barbarity. But fortunately the story of the civilizing process, as Elias tells it, results nevertheless in a progress, or even in the Progress of Civilization – as Elias does not spend many words on the plurality of cultures. This Great Story of Civilization is carried by the struggle for power, by the competition of individuals and groups striving to get or to preserve a dominant position – either real or symbolic. I will not actually focus here on the seemingly Nietzschean origin of this way of thinking (although I consider it all the more plausible since power is for Elias, as for Nietzsche, something relative) but rather on two other weighty implications. On the one hand, the paradigm of power leads to the primacy of political history and to a lack of interest for the economic factors. No wonder that Elias has been re-discovered after the retreat of Marxism on the intellectual scene. But the primacy of political history also inscribes Elias in a German tradition of thinking which has its origin in the historicism of the 19th century. This may explain why Elias subscribes to the "Sonderweg" thesis as a valid explanation for the genesis of National Socialism. On the other hand, the idea that the state of war of all against all engenders civilization as far as it is controlled by the state refers explicitly to Hobbes (who is quoted in the Studien über die Deutschen, p. 149) and is typical of the specific kind of "liberalism" which characterizes especially the German emigrants in the Anglo-Saxon world (as for instance Leo Strauss) and which is part of the ideology of the American neocons. ; Certes la civilisation est un équilibre fragile, toujours menacé de basculer dans la barbarie, mais le « procès de la civilisation » tel que le narre Elias se solde globalement par un progrès – peut-être même par « le » Progrès de « la » Civilisation, car Elias est peu loquace sur la pluralité des civilisations. Le grand récit de la Civilisation est porté par la lutte pour le pouvoir, par la concurrence des individus et des groupes dans la recherche et la conservation d'une position dominante, qu'elle soit réelle ou symbolique. Je m'intéresse moins ici à la possible origine nietzschéenne de cette vision du monde (tout en la tenant pour d'autant plus plausible que, comme pour Nietzsche, le pouvoir, ou la puissance – Macht –, est une valeur relative) qu'à deux autres implications lourdes de conséquences. D'une part, le paradigme du pouvoir se traduit par la primauté accordée à l'histoire politique et par un déficit certain en ce qui concerne la prise en compte des facteurs économiques. Ce n'est pas un hasard si la redécouverte d'Elias a coïncidé avec le recul du marxisme sur la scène intellectuelle. Or, cette primauté inscrit Elias dans une lignée de la pensée allemande qui prend son origine dans l'historisme du 19e siècle. Une des conséquences est qu'Elias souscrit à « l'explication » du national-socialisme par le Sonderweg. D'autre part, l'idée que la guerre de tous contre tous produit la civilisation dès lors qu'elle est régulée par l'État renvoie expressément à Hobbes (cf. entre autres Studien üÜber die Deutschen, p. 149) et caractérise une variante spécifique de « libéralisme » commun aux Allemands émigrés en milieu anglo-saxon (voir Leo Strauss) et qu'on retrouve chez les néo-conservateurs américains.

Civilization is, according to Elias, a very precarious equilibrium which is constantly threatened by an upsurge of barbarity. But fortunately the story of the civilizing process, as Elias tells it, results nevertheless in a progress, or even in the Progress of Civilization – as Elias does not spend many words on the plurality of cultures. This Great Story of Civilization is carried by the struggle for power, by the competition of individuals and groups striving to get or to preserve a dominant position – either real or symbolic. I will not actually focus here on the seemingly Nietzschean origin of this way of thinking (although I consider it all the more plausible since power is for Elias, as for Nietzsche, something relative) but rather on two other weighty implications. On the one hand, the paradigm of power leads to the primacy of political history and to a lack of interest for the economic factors. No wonder that Elias has been re-discovered after the retreat of Marxism on the intellectual scene. But the primacy of political history also inscribes Elias in a German tradition of thinking which has its origin in the historicism of the 19th century. This may explain why Elias subscribes to the "Sonderweg" thesis as a valid explanation for the genesis of National Socialism. On the other hand, the idea that the state of war of all against all engenders civilization as far as it is controlled by the state refers explicitly to Hobbes (who is quoted in the Studien über die Deutschen, p. 149) and is typical of the specific kind of "liberalism" which characterizes especially the German emigrants in the Anglo-Saxon world (as for instance Leo Strauss) and which is part of the ideology of the American neocons. ; Certes la civilisation est un équilibre fragile, toujours menacé de basculer dans la barbarie, mais le « procès de la civilisation » tel que le narre Elias se solde globalement par un progrès – peut-être même par « le » Progrès de « la » Civilisation, car Elias est peu loquace sur la pluralité des civilisations. Le grand récit de la Civilisation est porté par la lutte pour le pouvoir, par la concurrence des individus et des groupes dans la recherche et la conservation d'une position dominante, qu'elle soit réelle ou symbolique. Je m'intéresse moins ici à la possible origine nietzschéenne de cette vision du monde (tout en la tenant pour d'autant plus plausible que, comme pour Nietzsche, le pouvoir, ou la puissance – Macht –, est une valeur relative) qu'à deux autres implications lourdes de conséquences. D'une part, le paradigme du pouvoir se traduit par la primauté accordée à l'histoire politique et par un déficit certain en ce qui concerne la prise en compte des facteurs économiques. Ce n'est pas un hasard si la redécouverte d'Elias a coïncidé avec le recul du marxisme sur la scène intellectuelle. Or, cette primauté inscrit Elias dans une lignée de la pensée allemande qui prend son origine dans l'historisme du 19e siècle. Une des conséquences est qu'Elias souscrit à « l'explication » du national-socialisme par le Sonderweg. D'autre part, l'idée que la guerre de tous contre tous produit la civilisation dès lors qu'elle est régulée par l'État renvoie expressément à Hobbes (cf. entre autres Studien üÜber die Deutschen, p. 149) et caractérise une variante spécifique de « libéralisme » commun aux Allemands émigrés en milieu anglo-saxon (voir Leo Strauss) et qu'on retrouve chez les néo-conservateurs américains.

The importance of the nation's image today has extremely increased. A lot of states make efforts to construct their positive image. It is a long process, and the most effective way to construct a nation's image is to convey the characteristics and traits that you would like to present to a wider public. The author scrutinizes the conduct of a nation and the national brand and its interaction with self-identity. He discusses the specific features of the nation's image and the nation's brand in the context of the nation's identity and to points the importance of a region's self-identity and its impact on the nation's image. The purpose of the article is, in the context of self-identity, to discuss the nation's image of Estonia and Lithuania, to emphasize the different Estonian and Lithuanian ways of constructing the nation's image. The article indicates the reasons why Estonia has managed to construct a successful state image, while Lithuania still cannot find the right path to constructing a suitable state image. T he nation's brand notion covers such commercial and material grounds as investments or incoming tourism. The article disputes that such a way is not the best way construct nation's image. The notion of the nation's image is broader than the notion of the nation's brand. Despite commercial ground, the nation's image also encompasses such factors as state prominence, the surrounding opinion or the foreigners' associations and thoughts about the country. Therefore, the image of a nation is more suitable than the nation's brand. During the construction of the nation's image it is highly recommended to refer to the nation's identity. The nation's image should always grow from its identity. Both expressions are deeply indoctrinated in the collective sense. Today, the conduct of the nation's image should also reflect a wider context. The nation's image should overstep the nation's notion and refer to a lager regional context. Constructing the nation's image, Estonia is doing exactly so, it attaches the post-soviet state to Nordic countries, the most developed region in the world Tallinn presents itself as another Nordic country, and because of the different historical circumstances, Estonia poses itself as "Nordic with twist". Lithuania faces the crisis of self-identity, that's why it shifts form one nation's image to another. Because Lithuania disputes on self-identity, the nation's image cannot reflect or refer to the nation's identity. This causes the construction of the nation's image on such slogans as "Lithuania is a brave country". Unfortunately, such construct does not refer to the broader region extent and Lithuania cannot attach itself to an already promoted and well communicated message. Besides, the braveness of Lithuanians should be proven, and it does not refer to such important issues as, for example, the investment possibilities in the state. National brand is a construct influenced by economic and political preferences. A state can deliberately choose what to emphasize to foreign public. Estonia paid attention to its Nordic identity, and Lithuania could also do the same thing. In this case, the communication message would be modern and adaptable, although it has no solid historical roots, but the national brand does not need them. National brand, differently from national image, is oriented to future and not to the past. The present situation and future willingness are more important for creating national brand than the historical background. The Nordic always was the alternative for Lithuania. Self-identity and nation's image are constructs and can me modified or reconstructed. It is highly possible that in future Lithuania will construct its image on the Nordic ground. The possibility to present Lithuania with the slogan "Lithuania feels the Nordic heat" is still open.

BACKGROUND: Although a number of antenatal and intrapartum interventions have shown some evidence of impact on stillbirth incidence, much confusion surrounds ideal strategies for delivering these interventions within health systems, particularly in low-/middle-income countries where 98% of the world's stillbirths occur. Improving the uptake of quality antenatal and intrapartum care is critical for evidence-based interventions to generate an impact at the population level. This concluding paper of a series of papers reviewing the evidence for stillbirth interventions examines the evidence for community and health systems approaches to improve uptake and quality of antenatal and intrapartum care, and synthesises programme and policy recommendations for how best to deliver evidence-based interventions at community and facility levels, across the continuum of care, to reduce stillbirths. METHODS: We systematically searched PubMed and the Cochrane Library for abstracts pertaining to community-based and health-systems strategies to increase uptake and quality of antenatal and intrapartum care services. We also sought abstracts which reported impact on stillbirths or perinatal mortality. Searches used multiple combinations of broad and specific search terms and prioritised rigorous randomised controlled trials and meta-analyses where available. Wherever eligible randomised controlled trials were identified after a Cochrane review had been published, we conducted new meta-analyses based on the original Cochrane criteria. RESULTS: In low-resource settings, cost, distance and the time needed to access care are major barriers for effective uptake of antenatal and particularly intrapartum services. A number of innovative strategies to surmount cost, distance, and time barriers to accessing care were identified and evaluated; of these, community financial incentives, loan/insurance schemes, and maternity waiting homes seem promising, but few studies have reported or evaluated the impact of the wide-scale implementation of these strategies on stillbirth rates. Strategies to improve quality of care by upgrading the skills of community cadres have shown demonstrable impact on perinatal mortality, particularly in conjunction with health systems strengthening and facilitation of referrals. Neonatal resuscitation training for physicians and other health workers shows potential to prevent many neonatal deaths currently misclassified as stillbirths. Perinatal audit systems, which aim to improve quality of care by identifying deficiencies in care, are a quality improvement measure that shows some evidence of benefit for changes in clinical practice that prevent stillbirths, and are strongly recommended wherever practical, whether as hospital case review or as confidential enquiry at district or national level. CONCLUSION: Delivering interventions to reduce the global burden of stillbirths requires action at all levels of the health system. Packages of interventions should be tailored to local conditions, including local levels and causes of stillbirth, accessibility of care and health system resources and provider skill. Antenatal care can potentially serve as a platform to deliver interventions to improve maternal nutrition, promote behaviour change to reduce harmful exposures and risk of infections, screen for and treat risk factors, and encourage skilled attendance at birth. Following the example of high-income countries, improving intrapartum monitoring for fetal distress and access to Caesarean section in low-/middle-income countries appears to be key to reducing intrapartum stillbirth. In remote or low-resource settings, families and communities can be galvanised to demand and seek quality care through financial incentives and health promotion efforts of local cadres of health workers, though these interventions often require simultaneous health systems strengthening. Perinatal audit can aid in the development of better standards of care, improving quality in health systems. Effective strategies to prevent stillbirth are known; gaps remain in the data, the evidence and perhaps most significantly, the political will to implement these strategies at scale.

The importance of the nation's image today has extremely increased. A lot of states make efforts to construct their positive image. It is a long process, and the most effective way to construct a nation's image is to convey the characteristics and traits that you would like to present to a wider public. The author scrutinizes the conduct of a nation and the national brand and its interaction with self-identity. He discusses the specific features of the nation's image and the nation's brand in the context of the nation's identity and to points the importance of a region's self-identity and its impact on the nation's image. The purpose of the article is, in the context of self-identity, to discuss the nation's image of Estonia and Lithuania, to emphasize the different Estonian and Lithuanian ways of constructing the nation's image. The article indicates the reasons why Estonia has managed to construct a successful state image, while Lithuania still cannot find the right path to constructing a suitable state image. T he nation's brand notion covers such commercial and material grounds as investments or incoming tourism. The article disputes that such a way is not the best way construct nation's image. The notion of the nation's image is broader than the notion of the nation's brand. Despite commercial ground, the nation's image also encompasses such factors as state prominence, the surrounding opinion or the foreigners' associations and thoughts about the country. Therefore, the image of a nation is more suitable than the nation's brand. During the construction of the nation's image it is highly recommended to refer to the nation's identity. The nation's image should always grow from its identity. Both expressions are deeply indoctrinated in the collective sense. Today, the conduct of the nation's image should also reflect a wider context. The nation's image should overstep the nation's notion and refer to a lager regional context. Constructing the nation's image, Estonia is doing exactly so, it attaches the post-soviet state to Nordic countries, the most developed region in the world Tallinn presents itself as another Nordic country, and because of the different historical circumstances, Estonia poses itself as "Nordic with twist". Lithuania faces the crisis of self-identity, that's why it shifts form one nation's image to another. Because Lithuania disputes on self-identity, the nation's image cannot reflect or refer to the nation's identity. This causes the construction of the nation's image on such slogans as "Lithuania is a brave country". Unfortunately, such construct does not refer to the broader region extent and Lithuania cannot attach itself to an already promoted and well communicated message. Besides, the braveness of Lithuanians should be proven, and it does not refer to such important issues as, for example, the investment possibilities in the state. National brand is a construct influenced by economic and political preferences. A state can deliberately choose what to emphasize to foreign public. Estonia paid attention to its Nordic identity, and Lithuania could also do the same thing. In this case, the communication message would be modern and adaptable, although it has no solid historical roots, but the national brand does not need them. National brand, differently from national image, is oriented to future and not to the past. The present situation and future willingness are more important for creating national brand than the historical background. The Nordic always was the alternative for Lithuania. Self-identity and nation's image are constructs and can me modified or reconstructed. It is highly possible that in future Lithuania will construct its image on the Nordic ground. The possibility to present Lithuania with the slogan "Lithuania feels the Nordic heat" is still open.

The importance of the nation's image today has extremely increased. A lot of states make efforts to construct their positive image. It is a long process, and the most effective way to construct a nation's image is to convey the characteristics and traits that you would like to present to a wider public. The author scrutinizes the conduct of a nation and the national brand and its interaction with self-identity. He discusses the specific features of the nation's image and the nation's brand in the context of the nation's identity and to points the importance of a region's self-identity and its impact on the nation's image. The purpose of the article is, in the context of self-identity, to discuss the nation's image of Estonia and Lithuania, to emphasize the different Estonian and Lithuanian ways of constructing the nation's image. The article indicates the reasons why Estonia has managed to construct a successful state image, while Lithuania still cannot find the right path to constructing a suitable state image. T he nation's brand notion covers such commercial and material grounds as investments or incoming tourism. The article disputes that such a way is not the best way construct nation's image. The notion of the nation's image is broader than the notion of the nation's brand. Despite commercial ground, the nation's image also encompasses such factors as state prominence, the surrounding opinion or the foreigners' associations and thoughts about the country. Therefore, the image of a nation is more suitable than the nation's brand. During the construction of the nation's image it is highly recommended to refer to the nation's identity. The nation's image should always grow from its identity. Both expressions are deeply indoctrinated in the collective sense. Today, the conduct of the nation's image should also reflect a wider context. The nation's image should overstep the nation's notion and refer to a lager regional context. Constructing the nation's image, Estonia is doing exactly so, it attaches the post-soviet state to Nordic countries, the most developed region in the world Tallinn presents itself as another Nordic country, and because of the different historical circumstances, Estonia poses itself as "Nordic with twist". Lithuania faces the crisis of self-identity, that's why it shifts form one nation's image to another. Because Lithuania disputes on self-identity, the nation's image cannot reflect or refer to the nation's identity. This causes the construction of the nation's image on such slogans as "Lithuania is a brave country". Unfortunately, such construct does not refer to the broader region extent and Lithuania cannot attach itself to an already promoted and well communicated message. Besides, the braveness of Lithuanians should be proven, and it does not refer to such important issues as, for example, the investment possibilities in the state. National brand is a construct influenced by economic and political preferences. A state can deliberately choose what to emphasize to foreign public. Estonia paid attention to its Nordic identity, and Lithuania could also do the same thing. In this case, the communication message would be modern and adaptable, although it has no solid historical roots, but the national brand does not need them. National brand, differently from national image, is oriented to future and not to the past. The present situation and future willingness are more important for creating national brand than the historical background. The Nordic always was the alternative for Lithuania. Self-identity and nation's image are constructs and can me modified or reconstructed. It is highly possible that in future Lithuania will construct its image on the Nordic ground. The possibility to present Lithuania with the slogan "Lithuania feels the Nordic heat" is still open.

The importance of the nation's image today has extremely increased. A lot of states make efforts to construct their positive image. It is a long process, and the most effective way to construct a nation's image is to convey the characteristics and traits that you would like to present to a wider public. The author scrutinizes the conduct of a nation and the national brand and its interaction with self-identity. He discusses the specific features of the nation's image and the nation's brand in the context of the nation's identity and to points the importance of a region's self-identity and its impact on the nation's image. The purpose of the article is, in the context of self-identity, to discuss the nation's image of Estonia and Lithuania, to emphasize the different Estonian and Lithuanian ways of constructing the nation's image. The article indicates the reasons why Estonia has managed to construct a successful state image, while Lithuania still cannot find the right path to constructing a suitable state image. T he nation's brand notion covers such commercial and material grounds as investments or incoming tourism. The article disputes that such a way is not the best way construct nation's image. The notion of the nation's image is broader than the notion of the nation's brand. Despite commercial ground, the nation's image also encompasses such factors as state prominence, the surrounding opinion or the foreigners' associations and thoughts about the country. Therefore, the image of a nation is more suitable than the nation's brand. During the construction of the nation's image it is highly recommended to refer to the nation's identity. The nation's image should always grow from its identity. Both expressions are deeply indoctrinated in the collective sense. Today, the conduct of the nation's image should also reflect a wider context. The nation's image should overstep the nation's notion and refer to a lager regional context. Constructing the nation's image, Estonia is doing exactly so, it attaches the post-soviet state to Nordic countries, the most developed region in the world Tallinn presents itself as another Nordic country, and because of the different historical circumstances, Estonia poses itself as "Nordic with twist". Lithuania faces the crisis of self-identity, that's why it shifts form one nation's image to another. Because Lithuania disputes on self-identity, the nation's image cannot reflect or refer to the nation's identity. This causes the construction of the nation's image on such slogans as "Lithuania is a brave country". Unfortunately, such construct does not refer to the broader region extent and Lithuania cannot attach itself to an already promoted and well communicated message. Besides, the braveness of Lithuanians should be proven, and it does not refer to such important issues as, for example, the investment possibilities in the state. National brand is a construct influenced by economic and political preferences. A state can deliberately choose what to emphasize to foreign public. Estonia paid attention to its Nordic identity, and Lithuania could also do the same thing. In this case, the communication message would be modern and adaptable, although it has no solid historical roots, but the national brand does not need them. National brand, differently from national image, is oriented to future and not to the past. The present situation and future willingness are more important for creating national brand than the historical background. The Nordic always was the alternative for Lithuania. Self-identity and nation's image are constructs and can me modified or reconstructed. It is highly possible that in future Lithuania will construct its image on the Nordic ground. The possibility to present Lithuania with the slogan "Lithuania feels the Nordic heat" is still open.

Civilization is, according to Elias, a very precarious equilibrium which is constantly threatened by an upsurge of barbarity. But fortunately the story of the civilizing process, as Elias tells it, results nevertheless in a progress, or even in the Progress of Civilization – as Elias does not spend many words on the plurality of cultures. This Great Story of Civilization is carried by the struggle for power, by the competition of individuals and groups striving to get or to preserve a dominant position – either real or symbolic. I will not actually focus here on the seemingly Nietzschean origin of this way of thinking (although I consider it all the more plausible since power is for Elias, as for Nietzsche, something relative) but rather on two other weighty implications. On the one hand, the paradigm of power leads to the primacy of political history and to a lack of interest for the economic factors. No wonder that Elias has been re-discovered after the retreat of Marxism on the intellectual scene. But the primacy of political history also inscribes Elias in a German tradition of thinking which has its origin in the historicism of the 19th century. This may explain why Elias subscribes to the "Sonderweg" thesis as a valid explanation for the genesis of National Socialism. On the other hand, the idea that the state of war of all against all engenders civilization as far as it is controlled by the state refers explicitly to Hobbes (who is quoted in the Studien über die Deutschen, p. 149) and is typical of the specific kind of "liberalism" which characterizes especially the German emigrants in the Anglo-Saxon world (as for instance Leo Strauss) and which is part of the ideology of the American neocons. ; Certes la civilisation est un équilibre fragile, toujours menacé de basculer dans la barbarie, mais le « procès de la civilisation » tel que le narre Elias se solde globalement par un progrès – peut-être même par « le » Progrès de « la » Civilisation, car Elias est peu loquace sur la pluralité des civilisations. Le grand récit de la Civilisation est porté par la lutte pour le pouvoir, par la concurrence des individus et des groupes dans la recherche et la conservation d'une position dominante, qu'elle soit réelle ou symbolique. Je m'intéresse moins ici à la possible origine nietzschéenne de cette vision du monde (tout en la tenant pour d'autant plus plausible que, comme pour Nietzsche, le pouvoir, ou la puissance – Macht –, est une valeur relative) qu'à deux autres implications lourdes de conséquences. D'une part, le paradigme du pouvoir se traduit par la primauté accordée à l'histoire politique et par un déficit certain en ce qui concerne la prise en compte des facteurs économiques. Ce n'est pas un hasard si la redécouverte d'Elias a coïncidé avec le recul du marxisme sur la scène intellectuelle. Or, cette primauté inscrit Elias dans une lignée de la pensée allemande qui prend son origine dans l'historisme du 19e siècle. Une des conséquences est qu'Elias souscrit à « l'explication » du national-socialisme par le Sonderweg. D'autre part, l'idée que la guerre de tous contre tous produit la civilisation dès lors qu'elle est régulée par l'État renvoie expressément à Hobbes (cf. entre autres Studien üÜber die Deutschen, p. 149) et caractérise une variante spécifique de « libéralisme » commun aux Allemands émigrés en milieu anglo-saxon (voir Leo Strauss) et qu'on retrouve chez les néo-conservateurs américains.

International audience ; Knowledge was a major issue in science and philosophy in the twentieth century. Its first irruption was in the heated controversy concerning the foundations of mathematics. To justify his rejection of the use of the actual infinite in mathematical reasoning, Brouwer has made the construction of mathematical objects dependent on the knowing subject. This approach was rejected by the mainstream of analytical philosophers who feared a fall into pyschologism. Several years later, the question of the progress of scientific knowledge was put forward in the thirties by the post-positivist philosophers to fill the vacuum in the philosophy of science following the demise of the logical positivism programme. The answers given to these questions have deepened the already existing gap between philosophy and the history and practice of science. While the positivists argued for a spontaneous, steady and continuous growth of scientific knowledge the post-positivists make a strong case for a fundamental discontinuity in the development of science which can only be explained by extrascientific factors. The political, social and cultural environment, the argument goes on, determine both the questions and the terms in which they should be answered. Accordingly, the sociological and historical interpretation involves in fact two kinds of discontinuity which are closely related: the discontinuity of science as such and the discontinuity of the more inclusive political and social context of its development. More precisely it explains the discontinuity of the former by the discontinuity of the latter subordinating in effect the history of science to the wider political and social history. The underlying idea is that each historical and social context generates scientific and philosophical questions of its own. From this point of view the question surrounding the nature of knowledge and its development are entirely new topics typical of the twentieth century social context reflecting both the level and the scale of the development of science. To the surprise of modern historians of science and philosophy, the same kind of questions, which would allegedly be new topics specific to the twentieth century concerning the nature of knowledge and its progress, were already raised more than eleven centuries earlier in the context of the Arabic tradition which, as we discuss further on, developed a trans-cultural and trans-national concept of the unity of science (see the contributions of Deborah Black and Jon McGinnis which tackle the issue of the nature of knowledge). The neglect of the Arabic tradition in philosophy of science is a major a gap not only in the development of science but a fundamental flaw in the writing of its history and philosophy caused by the total reduction of epistemology to political and social history of science. How has this period of the history of science and philosophy come to be ignored? In what circumstances were the questions akin to the nature of knowledge raised in the first place? What is the relation between on the one hand the questions of knowledge and its growth and on the other hand the unity of science in the Arabic tradition? The answers to some of these questions are the aim of the present volume, the first of the series Logic, Epistemology and the Unity of Science to be devoted to a so-called non-western tradition. Let us first highlight in a kind of overview some landmarks concerning the timing of the emergence of the Arabic tradition and its significance for the history of science.

Quality teaching and learning is a priority in higher education, and Universities worldwide emphasize the maintenance and ongoing development of quality. To pursue this aim, teaching and learning must meet learners' needs, be innovative, make appropriate use of the state-of-the-art technologies, employ proper resources to support good practice, and evaluate teaching and learning outcomes. At tertiary level the linguistic competence of language learners depends upon the quality of learning and teaching. The important features of qualitative language instruction include the following factors: formal evaluation of learning outcomes, learner self-assessment of success or failure, monitoring learners' accomplishments, and teacher / learner feedback. Moreover, teacher's ongoing professional development and ability to evaluate critically pros and cons in one's own teaching are important elements in seeking better quality of teaching. This paper addresses research into the idea of continuity of quality integration in teaching and learning through learner self-assessment of language skills and language knowledge, formal evaluation of learner performance in English for Specific Purposes, and evaluation of teaching by learners. The implications of the findings for learner and teacher development are discussed. ; Mokymo(si) kokybės gerinimas priklauso nuo žmogaus gebėjimo įvertinti savo pažangą, laimėjimus ir realius rezultatus. Aukštųjų mokyklų įsipareigojimai siekti aukštos mokymo(si) kokybės yra svarbus mokymosi visą gyvenimą nuostatos padarinys. Mokymas turi atitikti studentų lūkesčius, būti inovatyvus, taikyti šiuolaikines technologijas, naudotis mokymosi patirtimi ir ištekliais, palaikyti geros praktikos tradicijas, kūrybingai vertinti mokymosi rezultatus ir siekti jo kokybės. Mokant(is) užsienio kalbų formuojama studentų lingvistinė kompetencija, kuri priklauso nuo mokymo( si) kokybės. Dėstymui tobulinti reikalingi veiksniai yra dėstytojų mokymo analizė, jų kritinis požiūris į savo mokymą bei kaip dėstymą vertina studentai. Tyrimų tikslas buvo ištirti mokymo(-si) kokybės integracijos tęstinumą aukštojoje mokykloje. Tuo tikslu buvo nagrinėjami kokybę lemiantys veiksniai, taip pat ankstesnių metų rezultatai lyginami su dabartinių tyrimų duomenimis. Informacija buvo renkama taikant įvairius studentų apklausos ir anketavimo metodus. Buvo surinkta informacija apie respondentų užsienio kalbos žinių bei įgūdžių vertinimą. Šie rezultatai buvo palyginti su studentų formalaus testavimo duomenimis. Toks lyginimas leidžia spręsti, ar studentai realiai vertina savo mokymosi pažangą. Kiti tyrimo aspektai, tai kalbos dėstytojos atlikta dėstymo savianalizė, ir kaip dėstytojos mokymą vertina studentai. Tokia tyrimų apimtis leidžia išsiaiškinti kokia mokymo( si) kokybė. Straipsnyje pateikiami dabartinių studentų kalbos įgūdžių ir žinių savianalizės rezultatai, kurie yra lyginami su formaliojo testavimo rezultatais bei su kokybės tyrimo rezultatais, atliktais prieš keletą metų su kitomis studentų grupėmis. Darbe aprašomi dėstytojos darbo savianalizės duomenys, ir tai, kaip dėstymą vertina studentai, nes visi minėtieji veiksniai lemia mokymo(si) kokybę. Dabartiniai, t.y. 2008 m. kokybės tyrimų rezultatai, palyginami su 2004 m. atliktais rezultatais. Taip palyginant buvo galima sugretinti tarpinius, t. y. gautus per akademinius metus rezultatus, ir galutinius duomenis (t.y. kursui pasibaigus), ir tuo remiantis padaryti teigiamas išvadas dėl mokymo(si) kokybės integracijos tęstinumo. Tyrimo rezultatai įtikinamai rodo, kad studentai sugeba realiai vertinti savo specialybės kalbos žinias ir įgūdžius. Tačiau siekiant gerinti mokymosi kokybę būtina periodiškai atlikti studentų pažangos patikrinimą, kuris padeda besimokantiems suvokti savo sėkmės ar nesėkmės priežastis ir tobulinti lingvistinius užsienio kalbos įgūdžius. Naudojant Linkerto skalės 5 balų sistemos statistiką nustatyta, kad vidurkių vertės yra labai didelės, sklaidos koeficiento vertės yra artimos paklaidų ribose, ir reikšmingumo lygmuo visais atvejais yra apie 0,001. Kaip dėstytojos mokymą anonimiškai vertina studentai mažai priklauso nuo to, ar atliekamas tarpinis vertinimas mokslo metų viduryje, ar kursui pasibaigus. Tai rodo, jog mokymo kokybei gerinti tikslinga atlikti tokius tyrimus mokymo proceso metu, t. y. dar nepasibaigus kursui, kad būtų galimybė atlikti reikiamus pakitimus mokant konkrečius studentus, į kurių pageidavimus galima atsižvelgti tuojau pat tebevykstant mokymo procesui. Atliktų tyrimų reikšmingumas – atkreipti pedagogų dėmesį į savianalizės ir vertinimo įtaką mokymo( si) kokybei gerinti.

Раздел "Международное право" - рубрика "Международное частное право" ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению вопроса о том, какие обстоятельства определяют международный характер договора факторинга. На основании изучения белорусского законодательства, международных правовых актов, трудов отечественных и зарубежных ученых автор приходит к следующим выводам. В мировой практике не сложился единый подход к определению того, какие критерии наделяют договор факторинга международным характером. Как правило, выделяют исчерпывающий перечень таких критериев (Банковский кодекс Республики Беларусь, Конвенция УНИДРУА о международном факторинге 1988 г., Конвенция Организации Объединенных Наций об уступке дебиторской задолженности в международной торговле 2001 г.). По мнению автора статьи, существующие подходы к определению критериев международного характера договора факторинга нельзя признать оптимальными. Ввиду того, что договор факторинга всегда затрагивает интересы, как минимум, трех субъектов (кредитора, фактора и должника), которые могут иметь различную национальную принадлежность, а также принимая во внимание вариативность международных хозяйственных отношений и их постоянную эволюцию, при выделении критериев, определяющих международных характер гражданско-правового договора, в том числе и договора факторинга, нельзя сводить их к конкретно заданному исчерпывающему перечню. В этой связи автор признает целесообразность подхода, закрепленного в Межамериканской конвенции о праве, применимом к международным контрактам (1994 г.), где под международным контрактом контракт, стороны которого имеют обычное место жительства или коммерческие предприятия в различных договаривающихся государствах, или контракт, имеющий объективную связь более чем с одним договаривающимся государством. По мнению автора статьи, этот подход вполне соответствует отечественной доктрине о предмете международного частного права. В заключение сделана попытка сформулировать собственное определение договора международного факторинга, которое, по мнению автора, охватывает все возможные случаи проявления международного характера рассматриваемого договора. = The article deals with the issue of the circumstances which determine the international nature of a treaty on factoring. After the study of Belarusian legislation, international legal instruments and the research of national and foreign academics the author came to the conclusions that follow below. No single approach has emerged in the practice across the world as to the criteria which provide a treaty with international character. As a rule, comprehensive lists of these factors are compliled, such as the Banking Code of the Republic of Belarus, the 1988 UNIDROIT Convention on International Factoring, the UN Convention on the Assignment of Receivables in International Trade. According to the author the existing approaches to determining the criteria of the international nature of a treaty on factoring can hardly be considered efficient. In view of the fact that a treaty on factoring always involves the interests of at least three subjects (the creditor, the factor and the debtor) who can have different national allegiance and also considering the variability of the international economic relations and their constant evolution it is not advised to limit the criteria which define the international character of a civil law treaty including treaties on factoring to some specific comprehensive list. In this respect the author recognizes the expediency of the approach fixed in the 1994 Inter-American Convention on the Law Applicable to the International Contracts (1994) where an international contract is regarded to be a contract the parties of which have permanent residence or commercial enterprises in different states which agree on the contract, or a contract which is objectively connected with more than one state-parties to the agreement. In the author's opinion, this approach corresponds to the national doctrine on the subject of international private law. In conclusion the author makes an attempt to formulate her own definition of a treaty on international factoring which covers all possible cases of manifestation of the international nature in question.

[ES] El mundo está cambiando más deprisa que nunca. Emergen enfermedades cada año, antiguas enfermedades reemergen como amenazas potenciales y desastres naturales o generados por el hombre afectan crecientemente a la salud. El Reglamento Sanitario Internacional (2005) plasma la adaptación de la respuesta sanitaria a esta situación. La vigilancia de enfermedades específicas y las respuestas predeterminadas cambian por la vigilancia de eventos de salud pública de interés internacional y medidas de control adaptadas a cada situación. Los eventos de interés se determinan por su gravedad, previsibilidad, potencial de diseminación e impacto en el movimiento de personas y mercancías. El desarrollo del sistema europeo de alerta y respuesta precoz desde 1998 y la creación del ECDC en 2005 muestran el compromiso político en la Unión Europea con la detección precoz, evaluación y respuesta ante amenazas para la salud pública. Sin embargo, para una evaluación de riesgos y una respuesta oportunas a escala nacional se debe iniciar el proceso de informatización y accesibilidad a los datos, la automatización de la notificación, el análisis y la distribución de información, la combinación de información de diferentes fuentes y la adecuación de servicios de salud pública. En España, las comunidades autónomas han iniciado el proceso, pero la interoperabilidad entre los sistemas desarrollados y la elaboración de guías de actuación y coordinación debería impulsarse desde el Consejo Interterritorial y coordinarse desde el Ministerio de Sanidad y Consumo. Los sistemas de alerta y respuesta eficaces ante amenazas para la salud, mejorando la oportunidad de las acciones y reduciendo la incertidumbre de la información, minimizarían el riesgo de crisis sanitarias. Las amenazas sanitarias tienen un perfil inespecífico. Su detección requiere un acceso a información multidisciplinario y una correcta evaluación de riesgo. El apoyo al desarrollo metodológico y la investigación en salud pública son fundamentales para mejorar la respuesta ante amenazas sanitarias. [EN] The world is changing more and faster than ever before. New diseases are coming to light each year, controlled diseases are reemerging as potential threats, and natural or man-made disasters are increasingly affecting human health. The "International Health Regulations (2005)" reflect the changes in the response of public health to this new situation. Surveillance of specific diseases and predefined control measures have been replaced by surveillance of public health events of international concern and control measures adapted to each situation. The public health events of international interest are characterized by their seriousness, predictability, the risk of international spread and potential for travel or trade restrictions. The development of the European Early Warning and Response System in 1998 and the creation of the European Center for Disease Prevention and Control in 2005 demonstrate political commitment in Europe, with early detection of and response to public health threats. However, timely risk evaluation and response at a national level requires improved data digitalization and accessibility, automatic notification processes, data analysis and dissemination of information, the combination of information from multiple sources and adaptation of public health services. The autonomous regions in Spain are initiating this adaptation process, but interoperability between systems and the development of guidelines for a coordinated response should be steered by the National Interregional Health Council and coordinated by the Ministry of Health. Efficient early warning systems of health threats that allow for a timely response and reduce uncertainty about information would help to minimize the risk of public health crises. The profile of public health threats is nonspecific. Early detection of threats requires access to information from multiple sources and efficient risk assessment. Key factors for improving the response to public health threats are the development of surveillance methods and operational research in public health. ; Sí