Suchergebnisse

In June 2001, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While the immediate focus of the organization was to combat the so-called 'three evils'-ethnic separatism, religious extremism, and international terrorism-the SCO's long-term viability and effectiveness in promoting regional stability and economic development depend on how member states build up common identity and cooperate on issues of mutual concern. This article looks at China's role in initiating the Shanghai-5/SCO structure within the broader framework of Beijing's foreign and security policy interests and priorities in Central Asia and seeks to examine both the prospects for and the potential obstacles to its efforts in achieving key objectives for this new regional organization: management of ethnic and religious unrest, including the fight against terrorism and separatism; maintenance of stable borders; development of energy resources; and promotion of economic prosperity. In addition, the article will also examine the extent to which Beijing has used the opportunity to exercise leadership and whether or not China can extend its influence to Central Asia using the SCO as a vehicle. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Over the past decade, the US-Japan alliance has been strengthened and subtly but substantively transformed. In response to a range of domestic changes and new international challenges, a relationship that was becoming frayed in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War has been rejuvenated and re-tooled with significant consequences for East Asia's strategic setting. This article provides a critical analysis of this process with two ends in mind. First, it provides a systematic overview of the changes, their sources and what they mean for the alliance partners and their security interests. It argues that the US-Japan alliance now has two distinct functions, one relating to regional stability and the other focusing on shared global strategic aims. The alliance is in good health, but its continued vitality will require careful management. Second, it assesses the regional consequences of this change and argues that while alliance enhancement has been intended to promote mutual and regional security there is reason to doubt whether the latter goal has been served through the enhancement process. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

AbstractThis paper advances and defends the overlapping consensus view of human rights (OCV) as a political conception of human rights most consistent with John Rawls's normative account of a realistic utopia at the international level. Although some clues exist inThe Law of Peoplesto support this view, an innovative reconstruction is called for to complete the picture. This paper aims to offer such a reconstruction, which is predicated on two premises: first, the parties to the international original positions, which include decent nonliberal peoples (DNPs), are reasonable and worthy of liberal toleration; and, second, the protection of human rights proper is a module that can fit into all acceptable comprehensive doctrines at the international level, including societal comprehensive doctrines in DNPs. The first premise has been subjected to vehement liberal critiques and left for dead, and the second premise has not been taken seriously and relatively neglected. This paper defends these premises in turn to justify the OCV as constitutive of Rawls's normative account of a realistic utopia at the international level.

AbstractTransitional Justice (TJ) focuses on the processes of dealing with the legacy of large-scale past abuses (in the aftermath of traumatic experiences such as war or authoritarianism) with the aim of fostering domestic justice and creating the basis for a sustainable peace. TJ however also entails the problem of how a torn society may be able to become a self-determining member of a just international order. This paper presents a minimal conception of TJ, which departs from Rawls' conception of normative stability of the international order, which suggests disentangling the two goals of fostering democracy within torn societies and TJ itself. The scope of TJ is therefore limited to enabling these societies to create minimal internal conditions for joining a just international order on equal footing. This paper makes an original contribution to two different debates, namely normative research on TJ, and post-Rawlsian literature in general. First, it provides a new direction for normative theorizing about TJ which takes both its domestic and international dimensions seriously into consideration. Second, it extends Rawls' political liberal outlook to an area where it is not usually understood to apply.

Limited capability and political will have caused the great powers to fail to demonstrate their global leadership in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, which has created greater room to manoeuvre for other countries to influence international affairs. Preliminary achievements in the fight against the COVID-19 crisis have buttressed the rising global status of small and medium-sized states, including Vietnam. Although Vietnam has recently been recognised as an emerging middle power, scepticism looms regarding whether this higher international status is beyond its capacity. We argue that the pandemic may act as a catalyst for Vietnam to further elevate its strategic role as a middle power on the international stage in the medium and long term. (JCSA/GIGA)

International fragmentation of production and economic integration change the structure of international trade. Novel datasets reveal how production processes are unbundled across borders and connected internationally through Global Value Chains (GVCs). Yet, the impact of Economic Integration Agreements (EIAs) on GVCs is still poorly understood. This paper investigates how the accession of 10 Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) to the European Union (EU) affected trade in value added in Europe. Using a gravity model of international trade for a sample of 40 countries over the period 1995-2009, we find that EU accession mainly fostered Eastern entrants' integration in other CEECs' value chains. Smaller integration benefits arise for East-West trade in services stemming from low-skill value adding activities.

The end of the Cold War had positive benefits for European security, but in the developing world, threats to security have increased since 1990 & the types of war, conflict, & insecurity have changed. Since 1990, large-scale conventional conflict is less likely, but internal wars are likely to have longer durations & more lethality. Because of the linkage between internal wars & regional stability, international or multinational intervention in civil conflicts is likely, as in the Balkans; international intervention raises issues of regime sovereignty. Terrorism, in particular, thrives on institutional weakness & state collapse. Environmental issues & population changes also pose threats to regional security & stability in the developing world. International organizations & developed states besides the US should play a larger role in peacekeeping & conflict resolution. M. Pflum

The paper analyzes the relationship between trade policy and environmental protection. National and global environmental issues are distinguished. In principle, there is no conflict between an institutional order for international trade and national environmental policy. Protectionism against environmental policy, eco-imperialism and environmental policy as a trade strategy are not justified. Uncertainty in international trade arising from environmental policy should be reduced by the principles of first-best solution, of the appropriateness of means, of non-discrimination, of necessity, of the limits of territorial sovereignty, and of country-of-origin. With respect to global issues, international agreements, trade sanctions, side payments and trade liberalization are discussed. Finally, the paper looks at rule consistency between environmental and trade agreements.

"Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland muß sich nach dem Umbruch in Europa und nach ihrer Vereinigung veränderten internationalen Herausforderungen stellen. Die deutsche Außenpolitik hat dadurch zusätzliche Aufgaben erhalten. Ihre Aktionen bleiben jedoch eingebunden in die Gemeinschaftspolitiken der Europäischen Union und der Nordatlantischen Allianz. Neuerdings gehören auch erweiterte Einsätze der Bundeswehr dazu, um internationale Friedenssicherungen militärisch zu stützen. Die Bundesrepublik muß ihre außenpoltischen Aktionen ausrichten an den Folgen der jüngsten deutschen Geschichte, den europäischen Verantwortungen und den nationalen Zielen in den gewandelten globalen Verhältnissen. Trotz der Verschiebung der sicherheitspolitischen Aspekte durch die Dominanz der außenwirtschaftlichen Beziehungen gehören auch und gerade wegen der Konflikte und Kriege in Europa militärische Maßnahmen zu den multinationalen Aufgaben. Die Bundesrepublik muß auch hierbei aus Solidarität und Verpflichtung ihre Beiträge leisten und Verbände der Bundeswehr für Krisengebiete abstellen. Die Schlußfolgerung, es könne hierbei zu einer Militarisierung der deutschen Außenpolitik kommen, ist unzutreffend. Vor allem, weil sich militärische Aufgaben immer mehr zu polizeilichen Funktionen im internationalen Maßstab wandeln müssen. Da diese Aufgaben zunehmend nationale Fähigkeiten und Kräfte übersteigen, gehört die Westbindung der Bundesrepublik zur Voraussetzung für die deutschen Integrationsbeiträge und für die Anerkennung als selbstverständlicher Partner in der EU und in der NATO." (Autorenreferat)

Governments have failed to stem global emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases causing climate change. Indeed, climate-changing pollution is increasing globally, and will do so for decades to come without far more aggressive action. What explains this failure to effectively tackle one of the world's most serious problems? And what can we do about it? To answer these questions, Paul G. Harris looks at climate politics as a doctor might look at a very sick patient. He performs urgent diagnoses and prescribes vital treatments to revive our ailing planet before it's too late. The book begins by diagnosing what's most wrong with climate politics, including the anachronistic international system, which encourages nations to fight for their narrowly perceived interests and makes major cuts in greenhouse pollution extraordinarily difficult; the deadlock between the United States and China, which together produce over one-third of global greenhouse gas pollution but do little more than demand that the other act first; and affluent lifestyles and overconsumption, which are spreading rapidly from industrialized nations to the developing world. The book then prescribes several "remedies" for the failed politics of climate change, including a new kind of climate diplomacy with people at its center, national policies that put the common but differentiated responsibilities of individuals alongside those of nations, and a campaign for simultaneously enhancing human wellbeing and environmental sustainability. While these treatments are aspirational, they are not intended to be utopian. As Harris shows, they are genuine, workable solutions to what ails the politics of climate change today

A major value of any international meeting lies in the opportunity it provides for interchange of views and experience among delegates from all parts of the world. At the Eleventh International Congress of Schools of Social Work, special emphasis was placed on discussion in small groups of the major theme of the Congress. The following reports summarize the major subject areas covered by three English-speaking groups, one French- speaking group, and four groups in which Spanish and Portuguese were the languages of communication. The summary reports which were presented at a general session on August 17, 1962 were based on accounts prepared by the chairmen and recorders of each of the groups. The IASSW takes this opportunity to express its great appreciation to the general rapporteurs, the chairmen and the recorders for their immensely valuable contribution to the success of the Congress.