Suchergebnisse

[...] (and also in ways that parallel efforts at tax reform), those who wish to bring new ideas to the table find it difficult to escape the iron grip of past policy and of the interest groups that those past policies have generated. In between, Zolberg analyzes virtually every critical moment and development in American immigration policy: the first naturalization law in 1790; the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798; the Passenger Acts of the antebellum period (through which states tried to regulate immigration by stipulating passenger/tonnage ratios); the anti-immigrant policy proposals that emerged from the KnowNothing movement in the 1850s; the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882; the Literacy Act of 1917; the Immigration Restriction Act of 1924; debates during the 1930s about whether to open America's gates to Nazism's victims; and the major immigration reform packages of 1952, 1965, 1986, and 1996.

The author traces the evolution of Taiwan Studies in Australia through three stages of historical development. The stage of the "early migrants" is seen as the origin of Taiwan Studies as an academic field of study in Australia. The "early migrant" stage began when immigrants from Taiwan, who were the founders of the field, settled in Australia in the mid-1970s. The stage of "indigenization" began as native-born Australians began to become actively involved in the field in the 1990s. Finally, the author describes the stage of "globalization" of the field of Taiwan studies in Australia. This stage refers to the current state of affairs where international scholars are coming to Australia to pursue the study of Taiwan Affairs and Australians are taking academic positions in the field overseas. In his discussion many specific scholars in Taiwan Studies are mentioned and their work briefly discussed. E. Robinson

AbstractAre the predictors of anti-immigration attitudes consistent across countries with diverse immigration histories and policies? We hypothesize that the key predictors of opposition to immigration are indeed relatively consistent across industrial nations. We test this hypothesis with two surveys using probability samples of German citizens. We then compare our findings with those obtained in recent studies of immigration opinions in Europe generally, and in two of the world's leading immigration-receiving nations: Canada and the United States. Striking similarities emerge in the findings across structural, demographic, contact, economic, political, personality, and threat predictors. Opposition to immigration is routinely found strongest among the older and less-educated segments of the population who live in areas with anti-immigration norms and little contact with immigrants. Anti-immigration attitudes also correlate with political conservatism and alienation, economic deprivation, and especially with authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and perceived collective threat.

This paper focuses on the issue of social security in the EU as a different kind of security. It addresses four topics: the reluctance of the Member States to give up their legislative power to harmonise their social security systems within the European Union; the use of social security as a means of excluding unwanted immigrants; the social security protection of TCNs in EU legislation; and the possibilities of Article 14 European Convention of Human Rights, which prohibits discrimination, securing the entitlement to social security rights of TCNs. It concludes that the state's duty to provide security is no longer an exclusive privilege for own citizens and that the changing legal framework of citizenship in the European Union, the European Convention of Human Rights and the acquisition of EU residence rights by TCNs all challenge the sovereignty argument used by the individual states.

This article assesses the historical trajectory of legal and political campaigns to regulate the flow of newcomers to France. A republican‐nationalist consensus against cultural expressions of ethnicity or difference has progressed in unison with the devastation of the urban and industrial landscape that characterized postwar French society for three decades. The stigmatization of African and Southwest Asian immigrants is often cast in a neocolonial rhetoric of integration or assimilation; the historical defense of France's civilizing mission, and its reified national past, are employed as exclusionary, racialized representations of "barbarians at the gates." It is argued here that the political economy of immigration in recent decades belies the assumptions upon which such views rest. The growing resistance of youths in the banlieues (working‐class suburbs) and sans‐papiers (undocumented foreigners) illustrates that nativism, xenophobia, and their underlying economic rationalizations, while hegemonic, have not gone unchallenged.

L'article examine des cas de mariages d'adolescentes aux États-Unis, les uns consentis, les autres contraints, et montre comment la perception de la « mauvaise conduite » dépend de l'identité de l'agent. Un comportement dérangeant sera le plus souvent attribué à une déviance individuelle lorsque les agents sont des Américain·e·s blanc·he·s, tandis que dans le cas d'immigrant·e·s de couleur, leur comportement sera compris comme caractéristique de la culture d'origine tout entière. L'autrice considère qu'il en résulte une perception exagérée de la différence ethnique, qui assimile cette différence à une différence morale du côté des immigrant·e·s, ce qui a conduit au débat entre féminisme et multiculturalisme. Extraterritorialiser un comportement problématique en le projetant au-delà des frontières des valeurs américaines a pour effet à la fois d'identifier les cultures immigrantes racialisées à la subordination de sexe, et de dénier la réalité d'une telle subordination dans l'Amérique blanche, où pourtant elle règne largement.

Comment une société vieillissante peut-elle supporter financièrement un accroissement important du nombre de ses citoyens âgés ? L'OCDE a souligné l'importance de la diversité des sources de revenu à la retraite. Or on connaît mal l'évolution récente des sources de revenu des retraités au Canada. Cette étude, basée sur deux enquêtes de Statistique Canada, porte sur l'évolution de la composition du revenu des personnes âgées au Canada pendant la période 1980-2002. Plus précisément, l'auteur vérifie s'il existe une tendance à la diversification et à la privatisation des sources de revenu à la retraite. Il observe l'ensemble de la population âgée, puis prête une attention spéciale aux femmes âgées vivant seules et aux immigrants âgés. Des mesures de diversification et de privatisation des sources de revenu sont proposées. L'étude met en lumière l'évolution « tranquille » mais considérable de la société canadienne relativement à la composition du revenu des aînés au cours des deux dernières décennies.

At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.

Objectives. This study was designed to adapt and validate a Spanish translation of the Posttraumatic Growth Inventory (PTGI) for the assessment of positive life changes following the stressful experiences of immigration. Method. A cross-cultural equivalence model was used to pursue semantic, content, conceptual, and technical equivalence. Translation teams and back translations were employed for semantic and content equivalence. Conceptual and technical equivalence were assessed through field-testing the reliability and factor structure of the translated PTGI in a sample of 100 Latina immigrants. Results. The translated version was highly reliable. Factor analysis failed to replicate the original five factors but the three factors identified were consistent with the conceptual underpinnings of the PTGI and another translated version. Conclusions. Semantic, content, conceptual, and technical equivalence of the Spanish version of the PTGI were supported and thus its valid use for research and practice with the study population.

Across Europe, urban education systems are struggling with the process of integration of immigrants in schools. The process of inclusion and exclusion in European cities shows many similarities with earlier experiences in U.S. cities. This article explores the most important aspects of this new urban phenomenon and its impact on urban school systems. It clearly shows that ethnic segregation in elementary and secondary schools is widespread in Dutch cities. This ethnic segregation is caused by a combination of residential segregation and parental choice. The article also deals with recent Dutch studies on the effects of segregation. Finally, it treats the question of how schools and authorities, in a long-standing tradition of parental choice, are dealing with this segregation. Given the debate of choice in the United States, the Dutch case offers an ideal opportunity for empirically testing some assumptions in the discussion concerning the relationship between choice and segregation.

In late 2005 the Commission of the European Communities has presented a policy plan on legal migration including admission procedures capable of responding promptly to fluctuating demands for migrant labour. The EU migration policy plan stresses the importance of having a coherent agreement on common EU migration rules and actions among the member states. The following paper gives some guidelines for a labour market relevant European Migration Policy (EMP). According to the view of the EU commission it looks at both sides the internal migration and the inflow of foreigners to the EU. Furthermore, it is not limited to the issue of admission of immigrants. It also addresses questions of stay and work and the aspects of illegal migration. The objective of the paper is to formulate a coherent conceptual EMP in order to ensure an efficient management of migration flows both toward and inside Europe.

At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future. (Prokla / FUB)

The article is part of a wider discussion on & the assessment of the global terrorism threat since 2001. Terrorism considered the most dangerous & urgent security threat of today. The text focuses on the three major terrorist attacks in recent history: USA (2001), Madrid (2004) & London (2005). The text examines whether terrorism still remains an indirect strategy in the globalization era. The author analyses the effects of previous terrorist attacks in the assessment of terrorism by politicians, looking at the impact of this assessment on further developments in international relations, both on the regional & global level. The article studies the links between the imminence of a terrorist threat & individual Western countries' approaches to the Islamic world & immigrants coming from this world. The author focuses on global terrorism threat assessment at the theoretical level, introducing the main schools of thought & approaches. Adapted from the source document.