Suchergebnisse

THIS ESSAY DESCRIBES GENERAL EQUILIBRIUM COMPUTATIONAL TECHNIQUES FOR ANALYZING MODELS OF WORLD TRADE IN WHICH BILATERAL QUOTA RESTRICTIONS ARE IMPOSED ON SALES BY SPECIFIED SELLERS TO SPECIFIED BUYERS. THE USE OF THESE TECHNIQUES IS MOTIVATED BY THE NEED TO ANALYZE VOLUNTARY RESTRAINT AND OTHER FACTORS THAT RESTRICT A SIZEABLE FRACTION OF WORLD TRADE. THE BILATERALISM IN SUCH ARRANGEMENTS GENERATES THE ADDED EFFICIENCY COST THAT BUYERS WILL TYPICALLY NOT PURCHASE FROM THEIR LEAST-COST SOURCE OF SUPPLY. FROM A COMPUTATIONAL POINT OF VIEW, THE PRESENCE OF BILATERAL QUOTAS INCREASES THE DIMENSIONALITY OF THE EQUILIBRIUM FIXED-POINT PROBLEM BY A FACTOR EQUAL TO THE NUMBER OF TRADING COUNTRIES AND COMMODITIES FOR WHICH QUOTA RESTRICTIONS APPLY. BILATERAL QUOTAS ARE FIRST ANALYZED IN PURE EXCHANGE ECONOMY FOR WHICH THE GALE-NIKAIDO MAPPING MUST BE MODIFIED FOR EXISTENCE AND COMPUTATION OF EQUILIBRIUM. THIS IS FOLLOWED BY A DISCUSSION OF THE EXTENSIONS NEEDED TO INCORPORATE PRODUCTION. AN APPLICATION OF THE COMPUTATIONAL TECHNIQUES TO THE ANALYSIS OF GLOBAL RESTRICTIONS ON TRADE IN TEXTILES AND APPAREL UNDER THE MULTI FIBER ARRANGEMENT IS PRESENTED.

COMMUNIST IMPLANTATION IN WESTERN EUROPE IS HETEROGENEOUS, BUT THE DIFFERENT CATEGORIES THAT CAN BE DISTINGUISHED HAVE ALL BEEN MARKED BY STAGNATION IN THE PAST DECADE, THUS ILLUSTRATING THE REALITY OF THE CRISIS OF COMMUNISM IN EUROPE. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE STUDY OF UNION MEMBERSHIP AND UNIONIZATION RATES SHOWS DIFFERENT PATTERNS OF DEVELOPMENT AMONG THE COUNTRIES OF THE REGION. IN A MAJORITY OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES THE ECONOMIC RECESSION OF THE PAST 20 YEARS HAS NOT TRULY ENTAILED A CRISIS OF TRADE UNIONISM. LOOKING BEYOND LESS POTENT EXPLANATIONS FOR THIS, SUCH AS STRUCTURE AND THE DEGREE OF POLITICIZATION, THE CRITERION THAT SEEMS MOST USEFUL IN ACCOUNTING FOR BOTH THE VARYING POWER AND THE RESILIENCE OF TRADE UNIONS IS THEIR RANKING ON A SCALE REFLECTING THE REALIZATION OF A MODEL TERMED HERE "INSTITUTIONAL TRADE UNIONISM."

The question of the relationship between the governments of Cuba and Nicaragua and their respective ruling parties has become a highly politicized part of the ongoing debate over the Central American policy of the United States. This article examines the origins of the cooperation between Cuba and the FSLN in the early 1960s, the shifts in their relationship over time, the role of Cuba at the time of the Sandinista triumph in 1979, and the nature of their connections during the nearly 11 years the FSLN held state power in Nicaragua