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The study of the origins and early years of the Fourth International acquires a special relevance when considering them as part of the process of construction and criticism of the organizational and political tools of the working class that continues to this day. From its origins, the Fourth International was marked by political disputes within the Communist International, by the first positions as the Left Opposition, by the persecution of Trotskyist sympathizers and by the assassination of Leon Trotsky. Thus, this book is based on the need and the importance of investigating the history of Socialist Internationals in the key of an international history of socialism, insofar as the local and regional expressions of this current can be comprehensively understood through comparative and transnational analysis. Trotskyists under Nazi terror. A history of the Fourth International during World War II, develops a historical analysis of the political perspective carried out by the Fourth International in Europe during World War II through the comparative study of the French, North American, Belgian and British sections. Taking as one of the central axes the resurgence of the discussion on the national question in Europe, it is observed how the crisis of the Fourth International did not begin with the debate on entryism in 1953 but ten years before, due to the difficulties of the organization to adapt to the new European scenario inaugurated in mid-1943 with the deposition of Benito Mussolini and the beginning of the "bourgeois-democratic counterrevolution" from the intervention of the United States during the last years of the war.

The article tackles methodology of higher pedagogical education in Ukraine and its modernization within the European educational space. Attention is drawn to qualitative changes brought forth by a variety of external and internal factors underlying current social and economic reforms and a transition to a democratic society, the main preconditions for accelerating the process of Ukraine's economic and political integration into the EU. By integrating into the European educational space and developing partnerships with other countries Ukraine has confirmed its commitment to fundamental global values, an inherent part of a civil and democratic society, as well as its readiness to fully implement European standards in education, science and technology.The major directions of international cooperation of higher educational institutions are determined as follows: participation in bilateral and multilateral international exchange programs for students, graduate students, teaching and senior academic staff; joint research; organization of international conferences, symposia, congresses and other events; participation in international educational and research programs; shared joint publishing; higher and postgraduate education; educational services for foreign citizens in Ukraine, arrangement of teaching and research trips abroad in accordance with international agreements of Ukraine as well as direct contracts between higher educational institutions and their foreign partners.The aim of higher educational institutions engaged in international cooperation is to conclude cooperation agreements, establish direct contacts with universities, research institutions and enterprises of foreign countries, international organizations, funds, etc.One of the most important strategic objectives at this stage of Ukraine's higher education modernization is to ensure the quality of training in compliance with international standards. The government has clearly defined principles for joining the European educational space and ...

This study analyzes the implications of the Syria policies of the United States, Russia and China with regard to the international system within the framework of the great power politics. In this context, the main research question of the study is as follows: What are the Syria Crisis' implications and transformative effects for the international system? The study has two fundamental arguments: First, the geopolitical struggle involving the United States, Russia and China begun after the Syria crisis turned to a proxy war between great powers. Second, this struggle also transforms the international system. The Sino-Russian dual campaign to protect the principle of state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention of the Westphalian system against the unilateral development of intervention law of the United States in the international system. ; This study analyzes the implications of the Syria policies of the United States, Russia and China with regard to the international system within the framework of the great power politics. In this context, the main research question of the study is as follows: What are the Syria Crisis' implications and transformative effects for the international system? The study has two fundamental arguments: First, the geopolitical struggle involving the United States, Russia and China begun after the Syria crisis turned to a proxy war between great powers. Second, this struggle also transforms the international system. The Sino-Russian dual campaign to protect the principle of state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention of the Westphalian system against the unilateral development of intervention law of the United States in the international system.

International criminal jurisdiction for the African court: Problematic aspects and the implications thereof This note identifies and describes a number of problematic aspects arising from the conferral of international criminal jurisdiction on the African court by means of the Protocol on Amendments to the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights, which was adopted during the 23rd ordinary session of the summit of the African Union at the end of June this year. In the protocol's draft form problematic aspects included structural and financial challenges, the court's intended jurisdictional reach and immunity from prosecution. Despite these, the African Union recently adopted the draft protocol, but with a twist (not for the better, but for the worse). This relates to immunity for sitting heads of state and senior government officials, even for customary international law crimes. It is unlikely that the instrument will be ratified by enough African states in order to give effect to the protocol, and even if it succeeds, it is doubtful that the African court will be able to effectively prosecute the listed crimes. The relationship between the African court and the international criminal court is also explored and this note concludes by emphasising that the future of international criminal justice in Africa does not lie in the duplication of international criminal justice systems, but in the African Union and its member states' commitment to the prevention and domestic prosecution of international crimes, and in the international criminal court's improvement of its modus operandi with regard to its member states by the responsible and impartial discharging of its responsibilities under the Rome Statute.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; Depuis les marges sahariennes du Maghreb, en marge, voire en infraction, des cadres formels des échanges, repliés sur des structures sociales tribales, des diasporas commerçantes maures déploient des réseaux mondialisés tissant leur toile à fine échelle au travers de vastes espaces internationaux périphériques. Ces diasporas investissent les carrefours des échanges internationaux, où elles ont acquis un poids économique important, vecteur d'influence sociale et politique, dont les effets se font ressentir en boucle dans le pays d'origine et d'accueil, et dans le jeu politique international. Abstract On the Saharan borders of the Maghreb, Moorish business diasporas have created globalized networks within large international and marginal spaces, alongside the regular frameworks of exchange or even violating the same, caught up in tribal social structures. These diasporas are positioned at the crossroads of international trade, where they have gained significant economic weight, becoming a vector of social and political influence, whose effects are felt both in the country of origin and destination ; and on the international political scene. ; On the Saharan borders of the Maghreb, Moorish business diasporas have created globalized networks within large international and marginal spaces, alongside the regular frameworks of exchange or even violating the same, caught up in tribal social structures. These diasporas are positioned at the crossroads of international trade, where they have gained significant economic weight, becoming a vector of social and political influence, whose effects are felt both in the country of origin and destination ; and on the international political scene. ; CARIM is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union

In the current expansion of standards about E-Learning strategies and services, variable ways of implication in this process dissociate the international scene between very active actors and others entirely put aside of this educational process. Answering the objectives of education for all, international instances play henceforth the key role of intermediation to allow the excluded adhere to this international normative mobility on the basis of their own cultural and linguistic peculiarities. The AUF, answering the general orientations of the French speaking community, and in accordance with its policy of international mediator of knowledge, deploys, through its action plans, a series of measurements and technical solutions having for objective to open a way of contribution for the emerging countries to multicultural and multilingual dynamics world. ; Dans le foisonnement en cours du monde des normes et des standards autours des stratégies et dispositifs d'enseignement à distance, des écarts de consciences et d'implication dans ce processus démarquent la scène internationale entre des acteurs très actifs et d'autres entièrement mis à l'écart du processus éducatif de la Formation Ouverte et à distance. Répondant aux objectifs de l'éducation pour tous, des instances internationales jouent désormais le rôle moteur d'intermédiation pour permettre aux exclus de s'inscrire dans cette mouvance normative internationale sur la base de leurs propres particularismes culturels et linguistiques. L'AUF, répondant aux orientations générales de la francophonie, et conformément à sa politique de médiateur international de savoir et de connaissance, déploie, à travers ses programmes d'action, une série de mesures et de solutions techniques ayant pour objectif d'ouvrir une voie de contribution pour les pays émergeants à la dynamique multiculturelle et multilingue mondiale.

In the current expansion of standards about E-Learning strategies and services, variable ways of implication in this process dissociate the international scene between very active actors and others entirely put aside of this educational process. Answering the objectives of education for all, international instances play henceforth the key role of intermediation to allow the excluded adhere to this international normative mobility on the basis of their own cultural and linguistic peculiarities. The AUF, answering the general orientations of the French speaking community, and in accordance with its policy of international mediator of knowledge, deploys, through its action plans, a series of measurements and technical solutions having for objective to open a way of contribution for the emerging countries to multicultural and multilingual dynamics world. ; Dans le foisonnement en cours du monde des normes et des standards autours des stratégies et dispositifs d'enseignement à distance, des écarts de consciences et d'implication dans ce processus démarquent la scène internationale entre des acteurs très actifs et d'autres entièrement mis à l'écart du processus éducatif de la Formation Ouverte et à distance. Répondant aux objectifs de l'éducation pour tous, des instances internationales jouent désormais le rôle moteur d'intermédiation pour permettre aux exclus de s'inscrire dans cette mouvance normative internationale sur la base de leurs propres particularismes culturels et linguistiques. L'AUF, répondant aux orientations générales de la francophonie, et conformément à sa politique de médiateur international de savoir et de connaissance, déploie, à travers ses programmes d'action, une série de mesures et de solutions techniques ayant pour objectif d'ouvrir une voie de contribution pour les pays émergeants à la dynamique multiculturelle et multilingue mondiale.

Argues that no military commissions are required because under the 1949 Geneva Prisoners of War Convention an Article 5 tribunal results in incarceration of any accused as a prisoner of war, and under the Convention those soldiers who have not violated international laws of war are still "prisoners of war" until cessation of hostile activities.

This book examines the critical changes to the Asia-Pacific security architecture emerging in the context of shifts in the global order as the Obama Administration's major strategic innovation and likely legacy unfold. The author reviews the state of the international security system during the Obama presidency, recording the Administration's Asia-Pacific inheritance, and tracing its efforts to chart a collaborative course aimed at retaining US primacy amidst strategic turbulence. While security discourses are coloured by relative US decline' and China's rise,' the book points out the competitive-cooperative complexity of interactions, with symbiotic economic ties moderating rivalry. Focusing on the military-security cutting edge of Sino-US dynamics, the narrative outlines the dangers posed by extreme nationalist dialectics in an interdependent milieu. It examines the policies of Japan, Australia, India and Russia towards the evolving Sino-US diarchy, while recording Washington's and Beijing's contrasting approaches to these allies and possible adversaries. The book concludes with observations on the loss of definition and clarity as the system evolves with multiple actors bidding for influence, and the need for statesmanship as the systemic fulcrum moves from the Atlantic to the Pacific. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of International Politics, Asian Politics, American Politics, International Security and International Relations.

В статье исследуются политические, социально-экономические условия и правовые аспекты противодействия России современному международному терроризму. Проанализирована и кратко охарактеризована сущность последнего, выявлены его основные факторы, источники, формы, методы и потенциальные угрозы РФ в целом и Дальнему Востоку (учитывая специфические особенности данной территории, её геополитическое, пограничное положение, кризисное состояние экономики региона) в частности. Изучена динамика развития и совершенствования российского правового поля противодействия терроризму. В настоящее время РФ, как и всё мировое сообщество, столкнувшись с современным международным терроризмом, вынуждена заниматься разработкой стратегии, тактики, различных форм и методов борьбы с ним, в т.ч. и в законодательно-правовой сфере. Современный международный терроризм как крайняя форма выражения политического, социального, этнического, религиозного радикализма и экстремизма в условиях глобализации является непосредственной угрозой безопасности большинству государств мира и выживанию всего человечества. Акты терроризма, являющиеся по своей сути международными преступлениями, наносят непоправимый ущерб международному правопорядку. Это требует политической, экономической, идеологической и военной консолидации усилий государств как в масштабах всего мира, так и в отдельных криминальных регионах. Современным российским и международным правом выработан целый ряд юридических документов как глобального, так и регионального характера, которые на основе чётких критериев устанавливают в качестве предмета правового регулирования многоаспектное взаимное сотрудничество и взаимодействие государств в борьбе с международным терроризмом. ; The aim of the paper is to study political, socioeconomic conditions, and legal aspects of counteraction of Russia against modern international terrorism. The nature of modern international terrorism is analyzed and briefly described, main factors, sources, forms, methods, and potential threats to Russia and the Far East are revealed (taking into account the specific features of this territory, its geopolitical, border situation, economic downfall of the region). The dynamics of development and improvement of the Russian legal field of counterterrorism is studied. Currently, the Russian Federation as well as entire world community, facing modern international terrorism, is forced to develop strategies, tactics, and various forms and methods of struggle against it including the legislative and legal sphere. Modern international terrorism as an extreme example of political, social, ethnic and religious radicalism and extremism in the globalized world is an immediate security threat to the most countries in the world and human survival. Terrorist attacks which are inherently international crimes cause irreparable damage to the international law and order. This requires political, economic, ideological and military consolidation of the efforts on the international scale as well as in certain criminal regions. Modern Russian and international law elaborated a number of legal global and regional documents which on the basis of clear criteria set multifaceted mutual cooperation and interaction of countries in the fight against international terrorism as a subject of legal regulation.

After a decade of remarkable growth in the early 2000s, UN peacekeeping has entered a period of sharp contraction. This trend has been especially severe for civilian peacekeepers, who play vital though often neglected roles in UN operations: the number of civilian peacekeeper positions has shrunk by 37% since 2010. This article draws on 164 research interviews and the vast Business literature on downsizing to explore the effects of this contraction of the UN's remaining civilian peacekeepers and the missions that employ them. To conceptualize this impact, the article begins by outlining the contributions a range of civilians – international and national staff, UN Volunteers and contractors – make to UN peacekeeping. Mobilizing insights from Business scholars, it then argues that difficult downsizing processes, high employee commitment, and workforce stratification place UN missions at high risk of 'downsizing survivor syndrome': sustained organizational productivity losses due to decreased individual performance and team coherence. The article then confirms empirically that the nature of UN peacekeeping downsizing, job insecurity, and competition among personnel categories pose profound risks to civilian peacekeeper performance and therefore challenge effective mandate implementation. It also highlights that decreased inter-mission mobility due to the contraction of UN peacekeeping overall exacerbates this effect.

TWO CENTURIES AGO IMMANUEL KANT PUBLISHED ONE OF HIS MOST CELEBRATED POLITICAL WRITINGS, "TO PERPETUAL PEACE: A PHILOSOPHICAL PROJECT," AND INTRODUCED THE CONCEPT OF COSMOPOLITAN LAW. IN THIS PAPER, THE AUTHOR EXAMINES THIS CONCEPT THROUGH A COMPARISON OF KANT'S CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL THEORIES. SHE ARGUES THAT KANT'S CONCEPT PLAYS A CRUCIAL ROLE IN HIS SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. ON THE ONE HAND, COSMOPOLITAN LAW SAFEGUARDS A STATE'S SOVEREIGNTY VIS-A-VIS OTHER STATES; ON THE OTHER, IT IS AN INNOVATION THAT ALLOWS THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO MONITOR THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF ITS MEMBERS. THE CONCEPT CAN BE SEEN AS A FORERUNNER OF THE UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS, SHARING WITH IT THE IDEA THAT SOME RIGHTS HAVE A UNIVERSAL VALUE EVEN IF THEY ARE NOT ACTUALLY PROTECTED BY ANY SECULAR INSTITUTION.

The nature and role of paid foreign forces have altered considerably in the late twentieth century. Military companies' - private firms providing active military assistance, in some cases involving combat - have exploited the increasing reluctance of Western governments and multilateral organizations to intervene directly in civil conflicts. As a result, their influence has increased. David Shearer argues that the debate over the use of these companies - notably the South African firm Executive Outcomes (EO) - has not, however, kept pace with their development. Companies such as EO are widely seen as merely modern-day mercenary outfits exploiting violence for private gain. Shearer contends that the need to recast the debate on military companies is urgent. These companies are not a passing phenomenon; if anything, their influence and activities are set to increase in the next century as Western military retrenchment continues. Efforts to restrict the activities of military companies by drafting international or domestic legislation have to date been ineffective, and are likely to remain so. This paper - the first detailed analysis of the private military sector - argues that dismissing it as an unpleasant aberration is misleading and unhelpful. Military companies can claim success in achieving immediate strategic objectives. The author cites two examples at length - EO's operations in Angola in 1993-94, and in Sierra Leone in 1995-96 - and suggests that military force can stabilize a crisis. Engagement with military companies may create possibilities for them to complement international and regional peacekeeping efforts. Traditional UN peacekeeping is flawed in terms of its speed of mobilization and lines of authority, and is hampered by interference from contributing countries. The private sector may avoid many of these difficulties. Private Armies and Military Intervention concludes that transparency of operations and business relationships is a crucial first step towards ensuring the accountability of the private military sector. However, a coherent policy towards military companies has yet to be formulated. Current frameworks under international law are insufficient and inappropriate. Characterizing the activities of military companies as mercenary' offers few useful means to tackle the issue within a framework of international policy. What is required is a more pragmatic approach that assesses the effectiveness of - and engages with - private armies.

Governing climate change polycentrically : setting the scene / Andrew Jordan, Dave Huitema, Jonas Schoenefeld, Harro van Asselt and Johanna Forster -- International governance : polycentric governing by and beyond the UNFCCC / Harro van Asselt and Fariborz Zelli -- National governance: the state's role in steering polycentric action / Joana Setzer and Michal Nachmany -- Transnational governance : charting new directions post-paris / Harriet Bulkeley, Michele Betsill, Daniel Compagnon, Thomas Hale, Matthew Hoffmann, Peter Newell and Matthew Paterson -- City and subnational governance: high ambitions : innovative instruments and polycentric collaborations? / Jeroen van der Heijden -- Experimentation : the politics of innovation and learning in polycentric governance / Jan-Peter Vos and Fabian Schroth -- Entrepreneurship : a key driver of polycentric governance? / Elin Lerum Boasson -- Leadership and pioneership: exploring their role in polycentric governance / Duncan Liefferink and Rudiger K. W. Wurzel -- Diffusion : an outcome of and an opportunity for polycentric activity? / Jale Tosun -- Linkages : understanding their role in polycentric governance / Philipp Pattberg, Sander Chan, Lisa Sanderink and Oscar Widerberg -- Orchestration : strategic ordering in polycentric governance / Kenneth W. Abbott -- Policy surveillance : its role in monitoring, reporting, evaluating and learning / Joseph E. Aldy -- Harnessing the market : trading in carbon allowances / Katja Biedenkopf and Jorgen Wettestad -- Decarbonisation : the politics of transformation / Steven Bernstein and Matthew Hoffmann -- Transferring technologies : the polycentric governance of clean energy technology / Liliana B. Andonova, Paula Castro and Kathryn Chelminski -- Governing experimental responses : negative emissions technologies and solar climate engineering / Jesse Reynolds -- Adaptation : the neglected dimension of polycentric climate governance? / Robbert Biesbroek and Alexandra Lesnikowski -- Equity and justice in polycentric climate governance / Chukwumerije Okereke -- Legitimacy and accountability in polycentric climate governance / Karin Backstrand, Fariborz Zelli and Philip Schleifer -- Governing climate change : the promise and limits of polycentric governance / Andrew Jordan, Dave Huitema, Harro van Asselt and Johanna Forster

Ten years after regime change in Iraq, the Kurdistan Region has emerged as a transformative force in the international affairs of the Middle East. The Kurds have moved to being architects of the new Iraqi state, but have thereby forced an ideational contest between them-as visionaries of a decentralized Iraq-and successive Iraqi governments that favour a centralized authority structure. In addition to this first set of developments, the prominence of the Kurds is also explained by two additional sets of issues. The second concerns the interplay of federalism in Iraq and the management of the country's oil and gas reserves. Kurdistan's expansion of its hydrocarbons industry has been met with opposition from Baghdad that has furthered the polarization and enmity between the two sides. The third issue, which serves to make concrete the gains made by the Kurds, concerns regional geopolitical developments. For the first time in a century, the nationalist interests of the Kurds in Iraq are compatible with the sectarian interests of Turkey and Sunni Arab states. These three issues (domestic development, economic advancement and regional geopolitics) come together to explain the Kurdistan Region's agency in a rapidly transforming regional complex and raise the possibility of an independent Republic of Kurdistan emerging in the near future as an idea that is no longer regarded as impossible. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)