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International audience ; 1. The conference The third conference on "Nonlinear VAriability in Geophysics: scaling and multifractal processes" (NVAG 3) was held in Cargese, Corsica, Sept. 10-17, 1993. NVAG3 was joint American Geophysical Union Chapman and European Geophysical Society Richardson Memorial conference, the first specialist conference jointly sponsored by the two organizations. It followed NVAG1 (Montreal, Aug. 1986), NVAG2 (Paris, June 1988; Schertzer and Lovejoy, 1991), five consecutive annual sessions at EGS general assemblies and two consecutive spring AGU meeting sessions. As with the other conferences and workshops mentioned above, the aim was to develop confrontation between theories and experiments on scaling/multifractal behaviour of geophysical fields. Subjects covered included climate, clouds, earthquakes, atmospheric and ocean dynamics, tectonics, precipitation, hydrology, the solar cycle and volcanoes. Areas of focus included new methods of data analysis (especially those used for the reliable estimation of multifractal and scaling exponents), as well as their application to rapidly growing data bases from in situ networks and remote sensing. The corresponding modelling, prediction and estimation techniques were also emphasized as were the current debates about stochastic and deterministic dynamics, fractal geometry and multifractals, self-organized criticality and multifractal fields, each of which was the subject of a specific general discussion. The conference started with a one day short course of multifractals featuring four lectures on a) Fundamentals of multifractals: dimension, codimensions, codimension formalism, b) Multifractal estimation techniques: (PDMS, DTM), c) Numerical simulations, Generalized Scale Invariance analysis, d) Advanced multifractals, singular statistics, phase transitions, self-organized criticality and Lie cascades (given by D. Schertzer and S. Lovejoy, detailed course notes were sent to participants shortly after the conference). This was followed by five days with 8 oral sessions and one poster session. Overall, there were 65 papers involving 74 authors. In general, the main topics covered are reflected in this special issue: geophysical turbulence, clouds and climate, hydrology and solid earth geophysics. In addition to AGU and EGS, the conference was supported by the International Science Foundation, the Centre Nationale de Recherche Scientifique, Meteo-France, the Department of Energy (US), the Commission of European Communities (DG XII), the Comite National Francais pour le Programme Hydrologique International, the Ministere de l'Enseignement Superieur et de la Recherche (France). We thank P. Hubert, Y. Kagan, Ph. Ladoy, A. Lazarev, S.S. Moiseev, R. Pierrehumbert, F. Schmitt and Y. Tessier, for help with the organization of the conference. However special thanks goes to A. Richter and the EGS office, B. Weaver and the AGU without whom this would have been impossible. We also thank the Institut d' Etudes Scientifiques de Cargese whose beautiful site was much appreciated, as well as the Bar des Amis whose ambiance stimulated so many discussions. 2. Tribute to L.F. Richardson With NVAG3, the European geophysical community paid tribute to Lewis Fry Richardson (1881-1953) on the 40th anniversary of his death. Richardson was one of the founding fathers of the idea of scaling and fractality, and his life reflects the European geophysical community and its history in many ways. Although many of Richardson's numerous, outstanding scientific contributions to geophysics have been recognized, perhaps his main contribution concerning the importance of scaling and cascades has still not received the attention it deserves. Richardson was the first not only to suggest numerical integration of the equations of motion of the atmosphere, but also to attempt to do so by hand, during the First World War. This work, as well as a presentation of a broad vision of future developments in the field, appeared in his famous, pioneering book "Weather prediction by numerical processes" (1922). As a consequence of his atmospheric studies, the nondimensional number associated with fluid convective stability has been called the "Richardson number". In addition, his book presents a study of the limitations of numerical integration of these equations, it was in this book that - through a celebrated poem - that the suggestion that turbulent cascades were the fundamental driving mechanism of the atmosphere was first made. In these cascades, large eddies break up into smaller eddies in a manner which involves no characteristic scales, all the way from the planetary scale down to the viscous scale. This led to the Richardson law of turbulent diffusion (1926) and tot he suggestion that particles trajectories might not be describable by smooth curves, but that such trajectories might instead require highly convoluted curves such as the Peano or Weierstrass (fractal) curves for their description. As a founder of the cascade and scaling theories of atmospheric dynamics, he more or less anticipated the Kolmogorov law (1941). He also used scaling ideas to invent the "Richardson dividers method" of successively increasing the resolution of fractal curves and tested out the method on geographical boundaries (as part of his wartime studies). In the latter work he anticipated recent efforts to study scale invariance in rivers and topography. His complex life typifies some of the hardships that the European scientific community has had to face. His educational career is unusual: he received a B.A. degree in physics, mathematics, chemistry, biology and zoology at Cambridge University, and he finally obtained his Ph.D. in mathematical psychology at the age of 47 from the University of London. As a conscientious objector he was compelled to quit the United Kingdom Meteorological Office in 1920 when the latter was militarized by integration into the Air Ministry. He subsequently became the head of a physics department and the principal of a college. In 1940, he retired to do research on war, which was published posthumously in book form (Richardson, 1963). This latter work is testimony to the trauma caused by the two World Wars and which led some scientists including Richardson to use their skills in rational attempts to eradicate the source of conflict. Unfortunately, this remains an open field of research. 3. The contributions in this special issue Perhaps the area of geophysics where scaling ideas have the longest history, and where they have made the largest impact in the last few years, is turbulence. The paper by Tsinober is an example where geometric fractal ideas are used to deduce corrections to standard dimensional analysis results for turbulence. Based on local spontaneous breaking of isotropy of turbulent flows, the fractal notion is used in order to deduce diffusion laws (anomalous with respect to the Richardson law). It is argued that his law is ubiquitous from the atmospheric boundary layer to the stratosphere. The asymptotic intermittency exponent i hypothesized to be not only finite but to be determined by the angular momentum flux. Schmitt et al., Chigirinskaya et al. and Lazarev et al. apply statistical multifractal notions to atmospheric turbulence. In the former, the formal analogy between multifractals and thermodynamics is exploited, in particular to confirm theoretical predictions that sample-size dependent multifractal phase transitions occur. While this quantitatively explains the behavior of the most extreme turbulent events, it suggests that - contrary to the type of multifractals most commonly discussed in the literature which are bounded - more violent (unbounded) multifractals are indeed present in the atmospheric wind field. Chigirinskaya et al. use a tropical rather than mid-latitude set to study the extreme fluctuations form yet another angle: That of coherent structures, which, in the multifractal framework, are identified with singularities of various orders. The existence of a critical order of singularity which distinguishes violent "self-organized critical structures" was theoretically predicted ten years ago; here it is directly estimated. The second of this two part series (Lazarev et al.) investigates yet another aspect of tropical atmospheric dynamics: the strong multiscaling anisotropy. Beyond the determination of universal multifractal indices and critical singularities in the vertical, this enables a comparison to be made with Chigirinskaya et al.'s horizontal results, requiring an extension of the unified scaling model of atmospheric dynamics. Other approaches to the problem of geophysical turbulence are followed in the papers by Pavlos et al., Vassiliadis et al., Voros et al. All of them share a common assumption that a very small number of degrees of freedom (deterministic chaos) might be sufficient for characterizing/modelling the systems under consideration. Pavlos et al. consider the magnetospheric response to solar wind, showing that scaling occurs both in real space (using spectra), and also in phase space; the latter being characterized by a correlation dimension. The paper by Vassiliadis et al. follows on directly by investigating the phase space properties of power-law filtered and rectified gaussian noise; the results further quantify how low phase space correlation dimensions can occur even with very large number of degrees of freedom (stochastic) processes. Voros et al. analyze time series of geomagnetic storms and magnetosphere pulsations, also estimating their correlation dimensions and Lyapounov exponents taking special care of the stability of the estimates. They discriminate low dimensional events from others, which are for instance attributed to incoherent waves. While clouds and climate were the subject of several talks at the conference (including several contributions on multifractal clouds), Cahalan's contribution is the only one in this special issue. Addressing the fundamental problem of the relationship of horizontal cloud heterogeneity and the related radiation fields, he first summarizes some recent numerical results showing that even for comparatively thin clouds that fractal heterogeneity will significantly reduce the albedo. The model used for the distribution of cloud liquid water is the monofractal "bounded cascade" model, whose properties are also outlined. The paper by Falkovich addresses another problem concerning the general circulation: the nonlinear interaction of waves. By assuming the existence of a peak (i.e. scale break) at the inertial oscillation frequency, it is argued that due to remarkable cancellations, the interactions between long inertio-gravity waves and Rossby waves are anomalously weak, producing a "wave condensate" of large amplitude so that wave breaking with front creation can occur. Kagan et al., Eneva and Hooge et al. consider fractal and multifractal behaviour in seismic events. Eneva estimates multifractal exponents of the density of micro-earthquakes induced by mining activity. The effects of sample limitations are discussed, especially in order to distinguish between genuine from spurious multifractal behaviour. With the help of an analysis of the CALNET catalogue, Hooge et al. points out, that the origin of the celebrated Gutenberg-Richter law could be related to a non-classical Self-Organized Criticality generated by a first order phase transition in a multifractal earthquake process. They also analyze multifractal seismic fields which are obtained by raising earthquake amplitudes to various powers and summing them on a grid. In contrast, Kagan, analyzing several earthquake catalogues discussed the various laws associated with earthquakes. Giving theoretical and empirical arguments, he proposes an additive (monofractal) model of earthquake stress, emphasizing the relevance of (asymmetric) stable Cauchy probability distributions to describe earthquake stress distributions. This would yield a linear model for self-organized critical earthquakes. References: Kolmogorov, A.N.: Local structure of turbulence in an incompressible liquid for very large Reynolds number, Proc. Acad. Sci. URSS Geochem. Sect., 30, 299-303, 1941. Perrin, J.: Les Atomes, NRF-Gallimard, Paris, 1913. Richardson, L.F.: Weather prediction by numerical process. Cambridge Univ. Press 1922 (republished by Dover, 1965). Richardson, L.F.: Atmospheric diffusion on a distance neighbour graph. Proc. Roy. of London A110, 709-737, 1923. Richardson, L.F.: The problem of contiguity: an appendix of deadly quarrels. General Systems Yearbook, 6, 139-187, 1963. Schertzer, D., Lovejoy, S.: Nonlinear Variability in Geophysics, Kluwer, 252 pp, 1991.

In Germany, secondary school students differ greatly in their science achievement, a dispersion that is far above the OECD average (Schiepe-Tiska, Rönnebeck, & Neumann, 2019). Immigrant students tend to be at the lower end of the scale in Germany – on average, they achieve substantially less well in science than non-immigrant students (OECD, 2016d), which is partially due to the German school system (Zoido, 2013). These differences in achievement translate into underrepresentation of immigrants in science-related jobs in Germany (OECD, 2008). Achievement and career choices are closely intertwined with academic self-concept (for an overview see Marsh & Craven, 2006). Regarding science self-concept, the pattern that immigrant students tend to score lower is present in many countries (e.g. Riegle-Crumb, Moore, & Ramos-Wada, 2011). The goal of the present research project was to investigate these inequalities between immigrant and non-immigrant secondary school students. This was done focusing on secondary school students' chemistry self-concepts. Chemistry self-concepts were focused on because achievement in chemistry is an important factor for careers in natural sciences (Cohen & Kelly, 2019). Research on chemistry self-concept has concentrated on young adults (e.g. Bauer, 2005; Xu & Lewis, 2011) and so little is known about secondary school students. Besides the impact of students' migration background, the research project analyses the role that gender plays because gender has important effects on science self-concepts (e.g. Jurik, Gröschner, & Seidel, 2013; Riegle-Crumb et al., 2011; Wan & Lee, 2017). A big challenge in this context was that the prevailing methods in academic self-concept research are prone to yield biased data (Byrne, 2002; Byrne et al., 2009). Although this was pointed out more than 15 years ago, the problem persists in science self-concept research. The present research project addresses this issue and presents a new mixed methods approach to culture-sensitive academic self-concept research. The term 'culture' is used in the sense of migration background, a concept that categorizes people's migration histories in Germany. A combination of qualitative interview data and quantitative data permit an investigation of certain types of bias defined by Byrne and colleagues (2009). The pilot study operated with a chemistry self-concept questionnaire (N=116) and qualitative interviews (N=43). The main study was based on an extended questionnaire comprising several other scales (N=585) and deeper qualitative interviews (N=48). The hypotheses based on the literature were that in Germany, (h1) immigrant students would show more negative chemistry self-concepts than non-immigrant students. (h2) Female students would show more negative chemistry self-concepts than male students. The third hypothesis (h3) was that the home environment has an important impact on students' chemistry self-concepts. The first two hypotheses (h1 and h2) were not confirmed. Gender and migration background did not show a significant effect on students' chemistry self-concepts. Instead, gender relations differ depending on the students' migration background. Among students without a migration background, boys tend to have stronger chemistry self-concepts than girls. In contrast, among students with a Turkish migration background, girls tend to have stronger chemistry self-concepts. Existing science self-concept literature did not explain this. Literature on gender relations in science in Turkey suggests that this interaction effect could be due to a more gender-neutral conception of science in Turkey. Slightly more women than men work in science in Turkey (OECD, 2009a) and girls achieve substantially better (Batyra, 2017a, 2017b). According to the third hypothesis (h3), the gender conceptions in Turkey could potentially be transmitted to students with a Turkish migration background in the home environment, through their parents or other people. Science education literature did not provide a satisfying model for conceptualizing the influence of the home environment on students in the field of chemistry that would allow investigating the third hypothesis (h3). Therefore, the concept of chemistry capital was introduced based on the analysis of the interviews in the main study. Chemistry capital was developed based on the concept of science capital by Archer and colleagues (2015). Chemistry capital conceptualizes the resources a person possesses that have value in the field of chemistry. This encompasses social networks (e.g. knowing a chemist) as well as emotional and cognitive resources (e.g. attitudes towards chemistry and chemistry knowledge), and the engagement in chemistry-related activities. In particular, the concept allows analyzing the transmission processes of chemistry from the home environment to the individual student. The qualitative analyses in the main study showed that the chemistry capital home environment influences the students in the field of chemistry in multiple ways. This supports hypothesis 3 (h3). Further, the data suggest that structural inequalities in the German school system might foster differences in chemistry. Students who already possess little chemistry capital in their home environments are in addition found more often at the type of school (Hauptschule) in which the proportion of chemistry teachers who do not hold a university degree in chemistry is the highest, depriving these students of another possible source of chemistry capital. Vice versa, students who already possess a lot of chemistry capital in their home environments more often attend school types (Gymnasium, Realschule) where also more formally qualified chemistry teachers are available, thus potentially widening the gap. The mixed methods analysis in the main study suggested that a simple linear relationship between student chemistry self-concept and chemistry capital in the home environment does not exist. A study based on quantitative (or mixed methods) analyses of data of a larger sample on chemistry capital in the home environment and students' chemistry self-concepts could provide further insights. It is not yet clear if the third hypothesis (h3) is true. To sum up, the present research project thus advances the field of chemistry education in three regards: (i) it provides an approach to culture-sensitive academic self-concept. This approach proved to increase both the validity and the explanatory power of chemistry self-concept research. It is not chemistry-specific and can, thus, be used in other areas of research as well. (ii) The research discovered an interaction effect of gender and migration background on chemistry self-concept that was unknown in science education literature. (iii) It introduces and defines the concept of chemistry capital which permits to analyze chemistry education from a sociocultural perspective. Employing the concept of chemistry capital helps to shift the focus from the individual student to the resources a student possesses in the sociocultural context that help him or her succeed in the field of chemistry. This allows uncovering social inequalities in the field that need to be addressed in educational policy. Moreover, it can inspire intervention studies and application-focused research (e.g. approaches to culture-sensitive chemistry teaching). ; Schülerinnen und Schüler in Deutschland unterscheiden sich immens in ihren Leistungen in den Naturwissenschaften, eine deutlich breitere Streuung als im OECD-Mittel (Schiepe-Tiska et al., 2019). Schülerinnen und Schüler mit Migrationshintergrund befinden sich in Deutschland tendenziell am unteren Ende der Leistungsskala – im Durchschnitt zeigen sie erheblich schlechtere Leistungen in den Naturwissenschaften als Schülerinnen und Schüler ohne Migrationshintergrund (OECD, 2016d). Dies scheint zu einem Teil dem deutschen Schulsystem geschuldet (Zoido, 2013). Diese Leistungsunterschiede in den Naturwissenschaften schlagen sich auf dem Arbeitsmarkt nieder: In Deutschland sind Personen mit Migrationshintergrund in naturwissenschaftsnahen Berufen unterrepräsentiert (OECD, 2008). Leistungen und Berufswahl sind eng mit akademischen Selbstkonzepten verwoben (for an overview see Marsh & Craven, 2006). Und auch hier zeigt sich, dass Schülerinnen und Schüler mit Migrationshintergrund in vielen Ländern schwächere naturwissenschaftliche Selbstkonzepte haben (e.g. Riegle-Crumb et al., 2011). Ziel des vorliegenden Forschungsprojekts war es, diese Ungleichheiten zwischen Schülerinnen und Schülern der Sekundarstufe zu untersuchen. Hierzu wurden ihre Selbstkonzepte analysiert, mit besonderem Fokus auf den Aspekt des Migrationshintergrunds. Genauer gesagt wurden Chemie-Selbstkonzepte untersucht, da Leistungen in diesem Fach eine Gatekeeper-Funktion für naturwissenschaftliche Karrieren besitzen (Cohen & Kelly, 2019). Die Forschung über Chemie-Selbstkonzepte hat sich in der Vergangenheit auf junge Erwachsene beschränkt (e.g. Bauer, 2005; Xu & Lewis, 2011), weshalb wenig über die Chemie-Selbstkonzepte von Schülerinnen und Schülern der Sekundarstufe bekannt ist. Neben dem Migrationshintergrund wird auch Gender als Variable betrachtet, da Gender bedeutenden Einfluss auf naturwissenschaftliche Selbstkonzepte ausübt (e.g. Jurik et al., 2013; Riegle-Crumb et al., 2011; Wan & Lee, 2017). In diesem Kontext stellte sich die große Herausforderung, dass die vorherrschenden Methoden in der Forschung zu akademischen Selbstkonzepte möglicherweise verzerrte Daten liefern (Byrne, 2002; Byrne et al., 2009). Obwohl diese Problematik schon vor über 15 Jahren thematisiert wurde, besteht es in der naturwissenschaftlichen Selbstkonzeptforschung bis heute fort. Das vorliegende Forschungsprojekt befasst sich mit diesem Problem und legt einen neuen Forschungsansatz für kultursensible akademische Selbstkonzeptforschung im Mixed-Methods-Design vor. Der Begriff der 'Kultur' wird hier im Sinne des Migrationshintergrunds genutzt, ein Konzept, mit dem sich die Migrationsgeschichten der Menschen in Deutschland kategorisieren lassen. Die Kombination aus qualitativen Interviewdaten und quantitativen Daten ermöglicht es, einige der Arten von Verzerrungen zu detektieren, die von Byrne und Kollegen (2009) definiert wurden. In der Pilotstudie wurden Daten mittels eines Fragebogens zum Chemie-Selbstkonzept (N=116) sowie qualitativer Interviews erhoben (N=43). Die Hauptstudie basiert auf Fragebogen (N=585), der einige weitere Skalen umfasst, sowie qualitativen Interviews (N=48). Aus der Literatur wurden folgende Hypothesen abgeleitet: (h1) Schülerinnen und Schüler mit Migrationshintergrund zeigen vermutlich schwächere Chemie-Selbstkonzepte als solche ohne Migrationshintergrund. (h2) Weibliche Schülerinnen zeigen vermutlich schwächere Chemie-Selbstkonzepte als männliche Schüler. (h3) Das häusliche Umfeld übt vermutlich einen bedeutenden Einfluss auf die Chemie-Selbstkonzepte der Schülerinnen und Schüler aus. Die ersten beiden Hypothesen (h1 und h2) bestätigten sich nicht. Gender und Migrationshintergrund zeigten keine signifikanten Effekte auf die Chemie-Selbstkonzepte der Schülerinnen und Schüler. Stattdessen zeigte sich, dass die Geschlechterverhältnisse von den Migrationshintergründen der Schülerinnen und Schüler abhängen. Bei den Schülerinnen und Schülern ohne Migrationshintergrund haben Jungen tendenziell stärkere Chemie-Selbstkonzepte als Mädchen. Im Gegensatz hierzu zeigen bei den Schülerinnen und Schülern mit türkischem Migrationshintergrund die Mädchen tendenziell stärkere Chemie-Selbstkonzepte als die Jungen. Die bestehende Forschung zu naturwissenschaftlichen Selbstkonzepten vermochte diese Befunde nicht zu erklären. Literatur über die Geschlechterverhältnisse in den Naturwissenschaften in der Türkei legt die Vermutung nahe, dass dieser Interaktionseffekt auf einem stärker genderneutralen Konzept der Naturwissenschaften in der Türkei beruhen könnte. In der Türkei arbeiten etwas mehr Frauen als Männer in naturwissenschaftlichen Berufen (OECD, 2009a) und Mädchen zeigen deutlich bessere Leistungen in Naturwissenschaften (Batyra, 2017a, 2017b). Nach der dritten Hypothese (h3) könnten diese Gender-Konzepte möglicherweise durch das häusliche Umfeld, also durch Eltern oder andere wichtige Bezugspersonen an die Schülerinnen und Schüler mit türkischem Migrationshintergrund weitergetragen werden. Die naturwissenschaftsdidaktische Literatur hielt kein zufriedenstellendes Modell bereit zur Konzeptualisierung des Einflusses des häuslichen Umfelds auf die Schülerinnen und Schüler im Feld der Chemie und somit zur Untersuchung der dritten Hypothese (h3). Aus diesem Grund wurde im vorliegenden Forschungsprojekt das Konzept des chemistry capital entwickelt und in die Forschungsliteratur eingeführt. Chemistry capital basiert auf der Forschung zu science capital nach Archer und Kollegen (2015). Chemistry capital konzeptualisiert die Ressourcen einer Person, die im Feld der Chemie Wert haben. Dies umfasst soziale Netzwerke (z. B. Kontakt zu einer Chemikerin/einem Chemiker), emotionale und kognitive Ressourcen (z. B. Chemie-Wissen und Einstellung gegenüber Chemie) sowie chemiebezogene Aktivitäten. Die qualitativen Analysen zeigten, dass das chemistry capital im häuslichen Umfeld die Schülerinnen und Schüler im Feld der Chemie auf vielfältige Weise beeinflusst. Dies unterstützt Hypothese 3 (h3). Weiterhin legen die Daten die Vermutung nahe, dass strukturelle Ungleichheiten im deutschen Schulsystem die Unterschiede in Chemie verstärken. Schülerinnen und Schüler mit wenig chemistry capital in ihrem häuslichen Umfeld besuchen tendenziell Schulen, in denen der Anteil an fachfremden Chemielehrkräften besonders hoch ist. Hierdurch wird diesen Schülerinnen und Schülern eine wichtige Quelle von chemistry capital vorenthalten. Im Gegensatz hierzu scheinen die Schülerinnen und Schüler, die bereits in ihrem häuslichen Umfeld über chemistry capital verfügen, tendenziell Schulen zu besuchen, in denen Chemie fast ausschließlich durch Fachlehrkräfte unterrichtet wird. Die Mixed-Methods-Analyse in der Hauptstudie legte die Vermutung nahe, dass zwischen Chemie-Selbstkonzept der Schülerinnen und Schüler und chemistry capital im häuslichen Umfeld kein linearer Zusammenhang besteht. Eine Studie mit größerem Stichprobenumfang basierend auf quantitativen (oder Mixed-Methods-) Analysen von chemistry capital im häuslichen Umfeld und Chemie-Selbstkonzept könnte tiefere Einblicke bieten. Es ist derzeit noch unklar, ob die dritte Hypothese (h3) wahr ist. Das vorliegende Forschungsprojekt treibt die chemie- und naturwissenschafts-didaktische Forschung also in dreifacher Hinsicht voran: (i) Es legt einen Ansatz für kultursensible Erforschung akademischer Selbstkonzepte vor. Dieser Ansatz verbesserte sowohl die Validität als auch die Erklärungskraft der Chemie-Selbstkonzeptforschung. Er ist nicht chemiespezifisch und kann daher in anderen Bereichen der Selbstkonzeptforschung genutzt werden. (ii) Ein Interaktionseffekt von Gender und Migrationshintergrund wurde entdeckt, der in der Literatur zuvor noch nicht beschrieben wurde. (iii) Das Konzept des chemistry capital wurde definiert und in die Literatur eingeführt. Es ermöglicht Analysen des Chemielernens aus einer soziokulturellen Perspektive. Der Fokus verschiebt sich von den individuellen Schülerinnen und Schülern hin zu den Ressourcen, über die eine Schülerin oder ein Schüler in seinem oder ihrem sozikulturellen Kontext verfügt und die sie oder ihn im Feld der Chemie unterstützen. Dies erlaubt es, soziale Ungleichheiten in dem Feld aufzudecken, mit denen sich die Bildungspolitik befassen muss. Weiterhin birgt chemistry capital das Potential, Interventionsstudien und anwendungsorientierte Forschung (z. B. Ansätze zu kultursensiblem Chemieunterricht) zu inspirieren.

Since its independence in 1991, FYR Macedonia has faced a number of challenges in its political and economic transition. One of the greatest has been the shift from a planned economy to a free market oriented economy. This shift resulted in an average annual GDP growth rate of 0.2 percent between 1990 and 2006. Since then, the economy has embarked on an ambitious reform agenda, which has resulted in an average real annual GDP growth of 3.4 percent. The government's objective is to steer Macedonia toward economic activities with higher value-added and technological content. Strengthening policies for the development of human resources is crucial for the future of the country. A huge challenge in this process is the set-up of an effective and efficient system for workforce development (WfD), one that provides future workers with the skills needed in a modern labor market, enhances the adaptability of those workers who have lost or are at risk of losing their jobs, and prepares the current and future workforce for mobility in work and learning. The rest of this report summarizes the key findings of the SABER-WfD assessment in Macedonia and also presents the detailed results for each of the three functional dimensions. To put the results into context, the next section offers a brief profile of the country's socioeconomic makeup.

This note forms part of a broader engagement between the World Bank and the Government of FYR Macedonia on how to foster more and better jobs and make sure that more marginalized groups, women, low earners, skilled and unskilled youth, for example - can participate and benefit from those jobs. It focuses on providing updated labor market diagnostics based on the labor force surveys between 2007 and 2011. The findings will be used as a basis for further policy analysis. The remainder of this note is organized as follows. Section two describes labor market developments since 2007 and the conditions prevailing in 2011. Subsequent sections address the remaining challenges and key policy options. The third section thus focuses on raising productivity – critical to national economic development and to ensure sustainable increases in earnings over time in Macedonia. The fourth section discusses the generational divide in terms of challenges in labor market opportunities for the younger versus older generations. The fifth section looks at workers that are particularly disadvantaged in the labor market with a particular focus on women. The sixth section concludes with the policy levers that may help Macedonia move forward on the jobs agenda.

Lean body mass, consisting mostly of skeletal muscle, is important for healthy aging. We performed a genome-wide association study for whole body (20 cohorts of European ancestry with n = 38,292) and appendicular (arms and legs) lean body mass (n = 28,330) measured using dual energy X-ray absorptiometry or bioelectrical impedance analysis, adjusted for sex, age, height, and fat mass. Twenty-one single-nucleotide polymorphisms were significantly associated with lean body mass either genome wide (p < 5 × 10−8) or suggestively genome wide (p < 2.3 × 10−6). Replication in 63,475 (47,227 of European ancestry) individuals from 33 cohorts for whole body lean body mass and in 45,090 (42,360 of European ancestry) subjects from 25 cohorts for appendicular lean body mass was successful for five single-nucleotide polymorphisms in/near HSD17B11, VCAN, ADAMTSL3, IRS1, and FTO for total lean body mass and for three single-nucleotide polymorphisms in/near VCAN, ADAMTSL3, and IRS1 for appendicular lean body mass. Our findings provide new insight into the genetics of lean body mass. ; We acknowledge the essential role of the Cohorts for Heart and Aging Research in Genome Epidemiology (CHARGE) Consortium in development and support of this manuscript. CHARGE members include the Netherland's Rotterdam Study (RS), Framingham Heart Study (FHS), Cardiovascular Health Study (CHS), the NHLBI's Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) Study, and Iceland's Age, Gene/Environment Susceptibility (AGES) Reykjavik Study. Age, Gene/Environment Susceptibility Reykjavik Study (AGES-Reykjavik): has been funded by NIH contract N01-AG-12100, the NIA Intramural Research Program, Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association), and the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament). The study is approved by the Icelandic National Bioethics Committee, (VSN: 00-063) and the Data Protection Authority. The researchers are indebted to the participants for their willingness to participate in the study. Old Order Amish (OOA): this work was supported by NIH research grants U01 HL72515, U01 GM074518, R01 HL088119, R01 AR046838, and U01 HL084756. Partial funding was also provided by the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center of Maryland (P30 DK072488).). L.M.Y.-A. was supported by F32AR059469 from NIH/NIAMS. M.F. was supported by American Heart Association grant 10SDG2690004. Cardiovascular Health Study (CHS): This CHS research was supported by NHLBI contracts N01-HC- 85079, N01-HC-85080, N01-HC-85081, N01-HC-85082, N01-HC-85083, N01-HC-85084, N01-HC-85085, N01-HC-85086; N01-HC-35129, N01 HC-15103, N01 HC-55222, N01-HC-75150, N01-HC-45133, N01-HC-85239, and by HHSN268201200036C and NHLBI grants HL080295, HL087652, HL105756, HL103612, HL120393, and HL130114 with additional contribution from NINDS. Additional support was provided through AG-023629, AG-15928, AG-20098, and AG-027058 from the NIA. See also http://www.chs-nhlbi.org/pi.htm. DNA handling and genotyping at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center was supported in part by the National Center for Research Resources, grant UL1RR033176, and is now at the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, CTSI grant UL1TR000124; in addition to the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Disease grant DK063491 to the Southern California Diabetes Endocrinology Research Center. CoLaus: The CoLaus study received financial contributions from GlaxoSmithKline, the Faculty of Biology and Medicine of Lausanne, and the Swiss National Science Foundation (grants 33CSCO-122661, 33CS30-139468, and 33CS30-148401). We thank Vincent Mooser and Gérard Waeber, Co-PIs of the CoLaus study. Special thanks to Yolande Barreau, Mathieu Firmann, Vladimir Mayor, Anne-Lise Bastian, Binasa Ramic, Martine Moranville, Martine Baumer, Marcy Sagette, Jeanne Ecoffey, and Sylvie Mermoud for data collection. Data analysis was supervised by Sven Bergmann and Jacques S. Beckmann. The computations for this paper were performed in part at the Vital-IT Center for high-performance computing of the Swiss Institute of Bioinformatics. deCODE Study: The study was funded by deCODE Genetics, ehf. We thank all the participants of this study, the staff of deCODE Genetics core facilities and recruitment center and the densitometry clinic at the University Hospital for their important contributions to this work. The EPIC Study: The EPIC Obesity study is funded by Cancer Research United Kingdom and the Medical Research Council. I.B. acknowledges support from EU FP6 funding (contract no. LSHM-CT-2003-503041) and by the Wellcome Trust (WT098051). Erasmus Rucphen Family (ERF) Study: The study was supported by grants from The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), Erasmus MC, the Centre for Medical Systems Biology (CMSB), and the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013), ENGAGE Consortium, grant agreement HEALTH-F4-2007-201413. We are grateful to all general practitioners for their contributions, to Petra Veraart for her help in genealogy, Jeannette Vergeer for the supervision of the laboratory work and Peter Snijders for his help in data collection. Fenland: The Fenland Study is funded by the Wellcome Trust and the Medical Research Council, as well as by the Support for Science Funding programme and CamStrad. We are grateful to all the volunteers for their time and help, and to the General Practitioners and practice staff for help with recruitment. We thank the Fenland Study co-ordination team and the Field Epidemiology team of the MRC Epidemiology Unit for recruitment and clinical testing. Tuomas O. Kilpeläinen was supported by the Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF—1333-00124 and Sapere Aude program grant DFF—1331-00730B). Framingham Osteoporosis Study (FOS)/Framingham Heart Study (FHS): The study was funded by grants from the US National Institute for Arthritis, Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases and National Institute on Aging (R01 AR 41398 and U24AG051129; D.P.K. and R01AR057118; D.K. D.K. was also supported by FP7-PEOPLE-2012-Marie Curie Career Integration Grants (CIG)). The Framingham Heart Study of the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute of the National Institutes of Health and Boston University School of Medicine were supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute's Framingham Heart Study (N01-HC-25195) and its contract with Affymetrix, Inc. for genotyping services (N02-HL-6-4278). Analyses reflect intellectual input and resource development from the Framingham Heart Study investigators participating in the SNP Health Association Resource (SHARe) project. A portion of this research was conducted using the Linux Cluster for Genetic Analysis (LinGA-II) funded by the Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center. eQTL HOb Study: The study was supported by Genome Quebec, Genome Canada and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR). Gothenburg Osteoporosis and Obesity Determinants Study (GOOD): The study was funded by the Swedish Research Council, the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research, The ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg, the Lundberg Foundation, the Emil and Vera Cornell Foundation, the Torsten and Ragnar Söderberg's Foundation, Petrus and Augusta Hedlunds Foundation, the Västra Götaland Foundation, and the Göteborg Medical Society. We would like to thank Dr Tobias A. Knoch, Luc V. de Zeeuw, Anis Abuseiris, and Rob de Graaf as well as their institutions the Erasmus Computing Grid, Rotterdam, The Netherlands, and especially the national German MediGRID and Services@MediGRID part of the German D-Grid, both funded by the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology under grants #01 AK 803 A-H and # 01 IG 07015G for access to their grid resources. We also thank Karol Estrada, Department of Internal Medicine, Erasmus MC, Rotterdam, the Netherlands for advice regarding the grid resources. Health Aging and Body Composition Study (Health ABC): This study was funded by the National Institutes of Aging. This research was supported by NIA contracts N01AG62101, N01AG62103, and N01AG62106. The genome-wide association study was funded by NIA grant 1R01AG032098-01A1 to Wake Forest University Health Sciences and genotyping services were provided by the Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR). CIDR is fully funded through a federal contract from the National Institutes of Health to The Johns Hopkins University, contract number HHSN268200782096C. Indiana: We thank the individuals who participated in this study, as well as the study coordinators, without whom this work would not have been possible. This work was supported by National Institutes of Health grants R01 AG 041517 and M01 RR-00750. Genotyping services were provided by CIDR. CIDR is fully funded through a federal contract from the National Institutes of Health to The Johns Hopkins University, contract number HHSN268200782096C. This research was supported in part by the Intramural Research Program of the NIH, National Library of Medicine. Kora (KORA F3 and KORA F4): The KORA research platform was initiated and financed by the Helmholtz Center Munich, German Research Center for Environmental Health, which is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and by the State of Bavaria. Part of this work was financed by the German National Genome Research Network (NGFN-2 and NGFNPlus: 01GS0823). Our research was supported within the Munich Center of Health Sciences (MC Health) as part of LMUinnovativ. The London Life Sciences Population (LOLIPOP): The study was funded by the British Heart Foundation, Wellcome Trust, the Medical Research Council, and Kidney Research UK. The study also receives support from a National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) programme grant. Rotterdam Study (RSI, RSII & RSIII): The generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the Rotterdam Study (RS I, RS II, RS III) was executed by the Human Genotyping Facility of the Genetic Laboratory of the Department of Internal Medicine, Erasmus MC, Rotterdam, The Netherlands. The GWAS datasets are supported by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research NWO Investments (no. 175.010.2005.011, 911-03-012), the Genetic Laboratory of the Department of Internal Medicine, Erasmus MC, the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2), the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (NGI)/Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Aging (NCHA), project no. 050-060-810. We thank Pascal Arp, Mila Jhamai, Marijn Verkerk, Lizbeth Herrera, Marjolein Peters, MSc, and Carolina Medina-Gomez, MSc, for their help in creating the GWAS database, and Karol Estrada, PhD, Yurii Aulchenko, PhD, and Carolina Medina-Gomez, PhD, for the creation and analysis of imputed data. The Rotterdam Study is funded by Erasmus Medical Center and Erasmus University, Rotterdam, Netherlands Organization for the Health Research and Development (ZonMw), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (RIDE), the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the European Commission (DG XII), and the Municipality of Rotterdam. We are grateful to the study participants, the staff from the Rotterdam Study and the participating general practitioners and pharmacists. We thank Dr Karol Estrada, Dr Fernando Rivadeneira, Dr Tobias A. Knoch, Anis Abuseiris, and Rob de Graaf (Erasmus MC Rotterdam, The Netherlands) for their help in creating GRIMP, and we thank BigGRID, MediGRID, and Services@MediGRID/D-Grid (funded by the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology; grants 01 AK 803 A-H, 01 IG 07015G) for access to their grid computing resources. Rush Memory and Aging Project (MAP): The Memory and Aging Project was supported by National Institute on Aging grants R01AG17917, R01AG15819, and R01AG24480, the Illinois Department of Public Health, the Rush Clinical Translational Science Consortium, and a gift from Ms Marsha Dowd. TwinsUK (TUK): The study was funded by the Wellcome Trust, Arthritis Research UK, and the Chronic Disease Research Foundation. The study also received support from a National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) comprehensive Biomedical Research Centre award to Guy's & St Thomas' NHS Foundation Trust in partnership with King's College London. We thank the staff and volunteers of the TwinsUK study. The study was also supported by Israel Science Foundation, grant number 994/10. Age, Gene/Environment Susceptibility Reykjavik Study (AGES-Reykjavik) has been funded by NIH contract N01-AG-12100, the NIA Intramural Research Program, Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association), and the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament). The study is approved by the Icelandic National Bioethics Committee (VSN: 00-063) and the Data Protection Authority. The researchers are indebted to the participants for their willingness to participate in the study. Berlin Aging Study II (BASE-II) was supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF (grants #16SV5536K, #16SV5537, #16SV5538, and #16SV5837; previously #01UW0808)). Additional contributions (e.g., financial, equipment, logistics, personnel) are made from each of the other participating sites, i.e., the Max Planck Institute for Human Development (MPIB), Max Planck Institute for Molecular Genetics (MPIMG), Charite University Medicine, German Institute for Economic Research (DIW), all located in Berlin, Germany, and University of Lübeck in Lübeck, Germany. B-vitamins in the prevention of osteoporotic fractures (B-PROOF): B-PROOF is supported and funded by The Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw, grant 6130.0031), the Hague; unrestricted grant from NZO (Dutch Dairy Association), Zoetermeer; Orthica, Almere; NCHA (Netherlands Consortium Healthy Ageing) Leiden/Rotterdam; Ministry of Economic Affairs, Agriculture and Innovation (project KB-15-004-003), the Hague; Wageningen University, Wageningen; VU University Medical Center, Amsterdam; Erasmus Medical Center, Rotterdam. All organizations are based in the Netherlands. We thank Dr Tobias A. Knoch, Anis Abuseiris, Karol Estrada, and Rob de Graaf as well as their institutions the Erasmus Grid Office, Erasmus MC Rotterdam, The Netherlands, and especially the national German MediGRID and Services@MediGRID part of the German D-Grid, both funded by the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology (grants #01 AK 803 A-H and #01 IG 07015G) for access to their gird resources. Further, we gratefully thank all participants. Calcium Intake Fracture Outcome Study (CAIFOS): This study was funded by Healthway Health Promotion Foundation of Western Australia, Australasian Menopause Society and the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council Project Grants (254627, 303169, and 572604). We are grateful to the participants of the CAIFOS Study. The salary of Dr Lewis is supported by a National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia Career Development Fellowship. Danish Osteoporosis Study (DOPS): The study was supported by Karen Elise Jensen foundation. Family Heart Study (FamHS): The study was supported by NIH grants R01-HL-117078, R01-HL-087700, and R01-HL-088215 from NHLBI; and R01-DK-089256 and R01-DK-075681 from NIDDK. GenMets (Health 2000): S.R. was supported by the Academy of Finland Center of Excellence in Complex Disease Genetics (213506 and 129680), Academy of Finland (251217), the Finnish foundation for Cardiovascular Research and the Sigrid Juselius Foundation. S.M. was supported by grants #136895 and #141005, V.S. by grants #139635 and 129494, and M.P. by grant #269517 from the Academy of Finland and a grant from the Finnish Foundation for Cardiovascular Research. M.P. was supported by the Yrjö Jahnsson Foundation. Helsinki Birth Cohort Study (HBCS): We thank all study participants as well as everybody involved in the HBCS. HBCS has been supported by grants from the Academy of Finland, the Finnish Diabetes Research Society, Samfundet Folkhälsann, Novo Nordisk Foundation, Liv och Hälsa, Finska Läkaresällskapet, Signe and Ane Gyllenberg Foundation, University of Helsinki, European Science Foundation (EUROSTRESS), Ministry of Education, Ahokas Foundation, Emil Aaltonen Foundation, Juho Vainio Foundation, and Wellcome Trust (grant number WT089062). Johnston County Study: The Johnston County Osteoarthritis Project is supported in part by cooperative agreements S043, S1734, and S3486 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention/Association of Schools of Public Health; the NIAMS Multipurpose Arthritis and Musculoskeletal Disease Center grant 5-P60-AR30701; and the NIAMS Multidisciplinary Clinical Research Center grant 5 P60 AR49465-03. Genotyping services were provided by Algynomics company. Korean Genome Epidemiology Study (KoGES): Korean Genome Epidemiology Study (KoGES): This work was supported by the Research Program funded by the Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (found 2001-347-6111-221, 2002-347-6111-221, 2009-E71007-00, 2010-E71004-00). Kora F3 and Kora F4: The KORA research platform was initiated and financed by the Helmholtz Center Munich, German Research Center for Environmental Health, which is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and by the State of Bavaria. Part of this work was financed by the German National Genome Research Network (NGFN-2 and NGFNPlus: 01GS0823). Our research was supported within the Munich Center of Health Sciences (MC Health) as part of LMUinnovativ. LOLIP-REP-IA610: The study was supported by the Wellcome Trust. We thank the participants and research teams involved in LOLIPOP. LOLIP-REP-IA_I: The study was supported by the British Heart Foundation Grant SP/04/002. LOLIP-REP-IA_P: The study was supported by the British Heart Foundation Grant SP/04/002. METSIM: The study was supported by the Academy of Finland, the Finnish Diabetes Research Foundation, the Finnish Cardiovascular Research Foundation, the Strategic Research Funding from the University of Eastern Finland, Kuopio, and the EVO grant 5263 from the Kuopio University Hospital. MrOS Sweden: Financial support was received from the Swedish Research Council (2006-3832), the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research, the ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg, the Lundberg Foundation, the Torsten and Ragnar Söderberg's Foundation, Petrus and Augusta Hedlunds Foundation, the Västra Götaland Foundation, the Göteborg Medical Society, and the Novo Nordisk foundation. Greta and Johan Kock Foundation, A. Påhlsson Foundation, A. Osterlund Foundation, Malmö University Hospital Research Foundation, Research and Development Council of Region Skåne, Sweden, the Swedish Medical Society. MrOS US: The Osteoporotic Fractures in Men (MrOS) Study is supported by National Institutes of Health funding. The following institutes provide support: the National Institute on Aging (NIA), the National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (NIAMS), the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS), and NIH Roadmap for Medical Research under the following grant numbers: U01 AG027810, U01 AG042124, U01 AG042139, U01 AG042140, U01 AG042143, U01 AG042145, U01 AG042168, U01 AR066160, and UL1 TR000128. The National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (NIAMS) provided funding for the MrOS ancillary study "GWAS in MrOS and SOF" under the grant number RC2ARO58973. Osteoporosis Prospective Risk Assessment study (OPRA): This work was supported by grants from the Swedish Research Council (K2009-53X-14691-07-3, K2010-77PK-21362-01-2), FAS (grant 2007-2125), Greta and Johan Kock Foundation, A. Påhlsson Foundation, A. Osterlund Foundation, Malmö University Hospital Research Foundation, Research and Development Council of Region Skåne, Sweden, the Swedish Medical Society. We are thankful to all the women who kindly participated in the study and to the staff at the Clinical and Molecular Osteoporosis Research Unit for helping in recruitment of study individuals. Orkney Complex Disease Study (ORCADES): ORCADES was supported by the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government (CZB/4/276, CZB/4/710), the Royal Society, the MRC Human Genetics Unit, Arthritis Research UK (17539) and the European Union framework program 6 EUROSPAN project (contract no. LSHG-CT-2006-018947). DNA extractions were performed at the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility in Edinburgh. We acknowledge the invaluable contributions of Lorraine Anderson and the research nurses in Orkney, the administrative team in Edinburgh and the people of Orkney. PEAK 25: This work was supported by grants from the Swedish Research Council (K2009-53X-14691-07-3, K2010-77PK-21362-01-2), FAS (grant 2007-2125), Greta and Johan Kock Foundation, A. Påhlsson Foundation, A. Osterlund Foundation, Malmö University Hospital Research Foundation, Research and Development Council of Region Skåne, Sweden, the Swedish Medical Society. We are thankful to all the women who kindly participated in the study and to the staff at the Clinical and Molecular Osteoporosis Research Unit for helping in recruitment of study individuals. Prospective Investigation of the Vasculature in Uppsala Seniors (PIVUS): The study was supported by grants from the Swedish research council (projects 2008-2202 and 2005-8214) and ALF/LUA research grants from Uppsala university hospital, Uppsala, Sweden. Relationship between Insulin Sensitivity and Cardiovascular Disease (RISC): The RISC study is supported by European Union Grant QLG1-CT-2001-01252 and AstraZeneca. We thank Merck Research Labs for conducting DNA genotyping on RISC samples.Rotterdam III: Rotterdam Study (RS): See discovery. SHIP and SHIP TREND: This work was supported by SHIP, which is part of the Community Medicine Research Network of the University of Greifswald, Germany, by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403), the Ministry of Cultural Affairs as well as the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania and the network "Greifswald Approach to Individualized Medicine (GANI_MED)" funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (03IS2061A). Genome-wide data have been supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (03ZIK012) and a joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany, and the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. The University of Greifswald is a member of the "Center of Knowledge Interchange" program of the Siemens. A.G. and the Cache´ Campus program of the InterSystems GmbH. The SHIP authors are grateful to the contribution of Florian Ernst, Anja Wiechert, and Astrid Petersmann in generating the SNP data and to Mario Stanke for the opportunity to use his Server Cluster for SNP Imputation. Data analyses were further supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG Vo 955/10-1) and the Federal Ministry of Nutrition, Agriculture and Consumer's Safety. SOF: The Study of Osteoporotic Fractures (SOF) is supported by National Institutes of Health funding. The National Institute on Aging (NIA) provides support under the following grant numbers: R01 AG005407, R01 AR35582, R01 AR35583, R01 AR35584, R01 AG005394, R01 AG027574, and R01 AG027576. The National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (NIAMS) provided funding for the SOF ancillary study "GWAS in MrOS and SOF" under the grant number RC2ARO58973. Uppsala Longitudinal Study of Adult Men (ULSAM): The study was funded by grants from the Swedish research council (projects 2008-2202 and 2005-8214), the Wallenberg foundation, and ALF/LUA research grants from Uppsala university hospital, Uppsala, Sweden. Andrew P. Morris is a Wellcome Trust Senior Fellow in Basic Biomedical Science, grant number WT098017. CROATIA-VIS (VIS): The CROATIA-Vis study was funded by grants from the Medical Research Council (UK) and Republic of Croatia Ministry of Science, Education and Sports research grants to I.R. (108-1080315-0302). We acknowledge the staff of several institutions in Croatia that supported the field work, including but not limited to The University of Split and Zagreb Medical Schools, the Institute for Anthropological Research in Zagreb and Croatian Institute for Public Health. The SNP genotyping for the CROATIA-Vis cohort was performed in the core genotyping laboratory of the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility at the Western General Hospital, Edinburgh, Scotland. Women's Health Initiative (WHI): The WHI program is funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, National Institutes of Health, US Department of Health and Human Services through contracts N01WH22110, 24152, 32100–2, 32105–6, 32108–9, 32111–13, 32115, 32118–32119, 32122, 42107–26, 42129–32, and 44221. We thank the WHI investigators and staff for their dedication, and the study participants for making the program possible. A listing of WHI investigators can be found at https://www.whi.org/researchers/Documents%20%20Write%20a%20Paper/WHI%20Investigator%20Short%20List.pdf. FUSION: This research was supported in part by US National Institutes of Health grants 1-ZIA-HG000024 (to F.S.C.), U01DK062370 (to M.B.), R00DK099240 (to S.C.J.P.), the American Diabetes Association Pathway to Stop Diabetes Grant 1-14-INI-07 (to S.C.J.P.), and Academy of Finland Grants 271961 and 272741 (to M.L.) and 258753 (to H.A.K.). We thank all the subjects for participation and the study personnel for excellent technical assistance. The Pima Indian Study: This study was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, NIH, USA. Studies of a Targeted Risk Reduction Intervention with Defined Exercise (STRRIDE): This study was supported by the National Heart Lung and Blood Institute of the National Institutes of Health, HL57453 (WEK). Gene expression in old and young muscle biopsies: S.M. and T.G. were supported in part by NIH U24AG051129. ; Peer Reviewed

The results of the research described above were obtained on a representative sample of Croatian youth from 15-24 years of age in the second half of 2002. The research was carried on in the context of a regional research project on youth under the auspices of the PRONI institute from Sweden. The main objective of the project was to provide empirical data on life, needs, attitudes and aspirations of young people as a means of assisting the process of youth policy review. The process was initiated by the Council of Europe with a view to strengthen youth participation in democratic changes of the countries in the region. This report is the most recent one in a long and well-established tradition of studying youth issues in Croatia. Therefore, it often includes comments and references to earlier research findings for the purpose of determining the changes in youth trends, as well as for the purpose of validity testing of our data. On the other side, the data presented in this report may, together with earlier studies, be used as a reference point in the process of reviewing the National Programme of Action for Youth, as well as in developing a comprehensive, efficient and youth-centred national youth policy. The core of the findings is probably that the criteria for determining the upper age-level of youth period should be reviewed and extended to include those who are 30 years of age. The fact that more and more young people remain longer in education, that they decide to marry and have children later in their life, that they consider changing their job and probably, if possible, enroll in re-training programmes for that purpose, as well as that they desire to reach full independence by relying on their own abilities and endeavour, speaks in favour of the need to redesign our traditional approaches to youth upper age-limits. Other findings that help us understand some important dimensions and trends of contemporary life of Croatian youth are summarised below. The most basic socio-demographic data demonstrate that very few young people from our research who are 24 and below are married and few think of having children before the age of 25. About half of them live in a two-child nuclear family in a house/apartment of their own that, averagely, comprises more than two rooms. Very few have an opportunity to live in an apartment of their own, although four fifths express desire to live separately. The aspiration towards such independence is mainly motivated by socio-economic and maturity factors: it is a prominent feature of young people who are university students, whose fathers have more education, and who are over 20. Since the chances of having their own apartment in a reasonable period of time are rather minimal, not only due to the difficulties in finding a job but due to extremely high prices in the housing sector, such prolonged co-habitation and dependency on parents and/or relatives is a frequent cause of young people' s frustrations and is probably related to, together with other factors such as poverty and limited capacity of pre-school child-care institutions, a constant decrease in the average number of children per family. On average, young people are satisfied with their present life and expect no change in the future. Despite a high unemployment rate especially among them, approximately three quarters assess their own present and future life, the life of their closest friends and their peers in Western Europe as good or excellent. Their optimism is somewhat even higher than it was found in the end of 1990s. When asked to imagine their life in 10 years ahead majority see it as a success, either in general terms or in specific terms of their professional advancement or family happiness. Dissatisfaction with present life grows with age and with opportunities to enter the world of work and become fully independent, since the young between 20-24 years of age, both employed and unemployed are more inclined to perceive their present life as unsatisfactory. Interestingly enough, the age does not have influence on the assessment of future, which means, in the context of this research, that young people in general, irrespective of age, equally believe that future brings better opportunities. In reference to their professional and educational aspirations, almost two thirds of the young want to continue education, while one fourth of them think of finding a job. The differences are mainly determined by residential, social, and age factors. Thus, a primary aspiration of pupils and university students, as well as of those who live in Zagreb or in families of higher socio-economic status, is to continue their education. Contrary to them, rural young people, those who live in low-income families, as well as those who are over 20 are more inclined to seek for a job or to continuing the job they currently hold. Over two fifths of young people plan to leave their present place of residence so as to be able to meet their professional and educational aspirations. Almost half of this group prefer to move somewhere inside the country, most often to a bigger city which is perceived as the place that offers better opportunities for career and social positioning, while other half think of going abroad. The percentage of the young planning to leave the country for good rose from 11% in 1986 and 18% in 1999 to 19% in 2002. Their migratory plans are connected to their residential status, i.e. to the conditions in the place or region where the young actually live. Young people from Zagreb are less willing to go somewhere else; rural youth and youth from Eastern Croatia wish to migrate to another place inside Croatia more than any other group, while all groups (except youth from Middle and Northern Croatia who want that somewhat more than others) equally (do not) want to settle abroad. Data on a desired place for living are quite similar to those on migratory plans. The number of youth preferring to remain in their present place of residence and the number of those having no migratory plans are almost identical. When compared to earlier studies, we see an increase in the number of young people preferring to live in large cities. In addition, almost one quarter express their preference for living abroad, majority of which opt for a Western European country. The fact that almost one fifth of all has plans and almost one fourth prefer to live abroad indicate the existence of two closely related but, nevertheless, separate dimensions of youth migratory thinking. While the preference for other counties may mean only an inclination, having plans on migrating abroad most certainly includes active search for such a possibility. In light of our findings it means that at least one fifth of Croatian youth not only dream of leaving the country but actually make plans how to make it a reality. Employed youth is far from being satisfied with their jobs. Every second confirms his or her disappointment. Approximately one fifth of both them and those that are still in the process of education desire jobs in the service or business sector; little less in number think of entering more creative and/or dynamic professions or professions related to education, health care and social services. This means that their professional aspirations are somehow higher that those of their parents, majority of whom have secondary school completed and are mainly employed as industrial, service and shop workers or clerks. Nevertheless, if their choices are compared to the structure of the employed force in Croatia and if we add to it a rapidly changing labour market in all transitional countries, their professional preferences seem rather realistic. This is probably why almost half of the young hold that their chances for getting a preferred job are high or very high. The data also confirm that their estimations are related to age and socio-professional status since pessimism increases with age (except for the university students) and is tightly linked to unemployment status. In any case, optimism prevails among the young and it, as well, may be linked to their strong motivation to succeed in life by relying on their own abilities despite unfavourable social and economic context in which they live. It is also possible, at least partly, that self-assurance of young people comes from positive educational experience. Over half of the young state they feel happy and satisfied when thinking of their schools or universities. However, it is not clear whether their satisfaction should be understood in terms of acquiring subject-matter knowledge and skills or in terms of developing certain personal qualities through participating in school life. Earlier studies on youth have proven that the young have complex relations towards education which are the outcomes of both institutional tasks and personal expectations. Moreover, our results document that feelings about school are correlated with sex and socio-professional status.Girls and university students, in general, are more satisfied with their education, while the unemployed are among the least satisfied. It is also possible that positive feelings about education also relate to school grades. Earlier studies have shown that female pupils receive somewhat better average scores than their male schoolmates, which may explain why girls have more positive feelings about school than boys. • On the other hand, it is clear that school is by no means a source of information about the events in the country and the world for young people since a great majority of them actually receive news through ordinary media (TV, radio, newspapers and magazines). Moreover, Internet has become an important source of information about the country and the world for approximately one fifth and over one fourth of them, respectively. This shift has to do with the fact that over two thirds of the young from our study are computer users and that more than half of them already have computer at home. It is, therefore, obvious that new information and communication technologies are becoming part and parcel of young people' s daily life what needs to be taken into account when policies and programmes of action for promoting their wellbeing are designed, especially in reference to underprivileged youth. Namely, our research confirms that the use of computer correlates with residence (urban environment), family background (parents with higher education and higher socio-economic status), age, and education factors (younger population and students). Nevertheless, young people are not enslaved by new information communication technologies. Most of them spend their free time associating with friends, engaging in sport activities, going to disco-clubs, watching TV or performing outdoor activities, while far less enjoy music, reading books or art exhibitions. In addition, many young people have no daily obligations, except in relation to school and spend their free time idling or sleeping. This means that the majority of youth either do nothing or engage almost solely in the so called passive and/or receptive activities for self-entertainment. Despite that fact, almost three fourths of them claim they are more or less satisfied with how they spend their free time what brings us to the conclusion that the main problem is not the quality of their free time activities but their lack of awareness that the quality itself is being at stake. However, it should be pointed out that their opinions are related to age and socio-professional status. Young people who belong to an upper age-cohort and who are unemployed exhibit far more dissatisfaction with their free time than the youngest. Overpronounced dissatisfaction among the unemployed seems to be an indicator of an overall discontent with one' s own life. For the unemployed, free time becomes a burden not only because they cannot perceive it in terms of an offduty activity but because they can not afford it financially. In reference to the use of psychoactive substances, it seems that tobacco smoking and alcohol consumption are the most widespread types of risk behaviour among the youth. Approximately one third of them smoke cigarettes or drink alcohol daily or weekly ; three fifths are non-smokers and one fifth never drink alcohol. Smoking increases with age and employment. Alcohol, on the other hand, is solely related to gender in a way that young women drink less than their male peers. Such trend may be the sign of a subtle male initiation rite de passage that has outlived its traditional context. Since the data on smoking are more favourable than those from earlier research it may be presumed that an anti-smoking media campaign, which has been going on rather aggressively throughout the country, has brought positive effect, whereas non-existence of similar anti-alcohol campaign may be the sign of a relatively high level of a social tolerance for alcohol consumption. As far as drug are concerned, Croatian youth is more inclined to the so-called 'soft' drugs. Over one third of the young have tried or used twice or more only marijuana ; hashish and ecstasy is mentioned by less than one tenth of them, whereas other 'hard' drugs have been only tried or are consumed by 1-3% of them. The consumption of marijuana is associated with a recognizable youth group, what confirms earlier studies. A group of highest risk is made of young people between 20 and 24, male, university students, the residents of Zagreb, Istria, Croatian Littoral and Dalmatia, and whose fathers have higher education level. A great majority of young people tend to see themselves in rather positive terms: they are self-assured, think they have a good number of personal qualities; believe in their capabilities when compared to other people and have no doubts that most people they know like them. This may be related to feeling of security they experience in the context of their immediate environment since a great majority of the young claim that they can almost always get warmth, care and support from their parents and support from their friends. On the other hand, only every second of them feel the same about their teachers. It seems that most Croatian families are characterised by an exercise of indirect and flexible control over their children in the course of their growing up. In over half of the cases parents or relatives hardly ever determine rules for their children' s behaviour although they do control the choice of their friends, as well as their evening outdoor activities. Moreover, young people claim that their parents are especially keen of their school progress since they almost regularly keep records on their children school situation. • When asked about the most serious problems of their generation, the majority of young people in Croatia mention socially unacceptable behaviour, such as drug abuse, alcohol consumption and violence, unemployment, low standard of living, the lack of life chances and mass migration of young experts abroad. Since unemployment was repeatedly displayed as the major problem of young generation in earlier studies, their present preoccupation with socially unacceptable behaviour may be related either to the sample structure (majority of them are students) or to a general social climate which is, due to predominance of media campaigns mainly geared against smoking and drug abuse (but not against alcohol consumption, except for safe driving), inducing an over-sensitisation to behavioural issues causing, on the other side, the lack of awareness of existentially important issues of young people that are of an utmost importance for their independence and self-satisfaction. Young people are inclined to attribute responsibility for solving these problems primarily to themselves, their parents and public authorities, i.e. firstly to those actors that function at the private level (personal and parents' responsibility), than to public sector (government, education system) and, finally, to the civil society (nongovernmental organizations, youth associations and religious institutions). This means that youth principally count on their personal strength and family support, as well as that they have explicit expectations of state institutions, whereas they think of receiving the assistance from the civil sector only exceptionally. Notwithstanding, since half of the young studied have failed to mention personal responsibility, it clearly demonstrates that both strong sense of self-responsibility and its avoidance stand side by side as two features of Croatian youth. Among the measures that Croatian youth see as the most efficient for solving their problems two are underlined: equal education and career opportunities, on the one hand, and strict punishment of drug dealers and restrictions on alcohol selling, on the other hand. Since the majority of youth consider socially unacceptable behaviour, including drug-addiction, to be the gravest problem of their generation, it is understandable that they see the way out in strict punishing of drug dealers, (rather than consumers), what is still inadequately determined by Croatian law. Other most frequently mentioned measure has to do with the youth quest for developing society of equal chances which is in line with their perception of unemployment as the second most frequently mentioned youth problem in Croatia. Although lesser in number, the young refer to their under-representation and require their participation in decision-making to be ensured at all levels. They also require better adapting of secondary and higher education to the needs of contemporary life, as well as better quality of education, in general; some speak in favour of establishing a ministry for youth affairs, developing national strategy for promoting youth well-being, setting up of funds for youth initiatives, better legal regulations of the places of youth entertainment, i.e., the issues majority of which have already been integrated into the recently adopted National Programme of Action for Youth that is seen as an initial step in developing a national youth policy. The values that the majority of young people hold personally important or very important are healthy environment, peace in the world, gender equality, and rights and freedoms of the individual. Second group of the most personally preferable values encompasses solidarity among people, social justice, economic security, respect for differences, rule of law, inalienability of property, civil society, free market, freedom of the media, protection of minorities, religion and democratic system. The bottom of the scale is occupied by social power, national sentiment, European integration, and high economic standard. The review of their preferences demonstrates a relatively respectable level of democratic potential of young people in Croatia. They are more oriented towards comfortable life based on key principles of democracy and civil society, which is in correspondence with earlier research that have documented the shift to a more individualistic value system, including youth' s preference for independence and their focus on self-realisation and material security. However, their relative devaluation of the importance of European integration may be, on the one hand, the sign of either their dissatisfaction with, or their criticism of the way new European order has been established, partly due to the fact that Croatia has been somehow unjustly left behind. On the other hand it may be the consequence of their perceiving the integration merely in terms of a political objective of which very little they experience in everyday life. This is not to say that they devaluate the importance of European integration for Croatia as such. It would be more accurate to say that Croatian young people are becoming more and more pragmatic in their social positioning of which many think not only in the context of Croatia but in the context of Europe and the world. Having in mind a long tradition of Croatian youth emigration to Europe and the fact that almost 20% of contemporary youth plan to leave the country for good (mostly for a European country), their relation toward European integration may mean that they see it only as an added value to an already established youth migratory pattern in Croatia. of young people about the determinants of upward social mobility in Croatia reflect their accurate perception of social anomalies that, if left unquestioned, threaten to deepen social inequalities and diminish democratic potential of the society. Namely, a great majority of the young see as important or highly important for social promotion in Croatia a combination of the following variables: adaptive behaviour, personal endeavour, knowledge and skills, and connections and acquaintances. University degree, money and wealth, and the obedience and submissiveness to the 'boss', are identified less but, nevertheless, reflect a combination of appropriate and inappropriate means of social promotion. Somehow more troublesome is the finding that one third to one half of the young consider belonging to certain nation or political party, as well as bribing and corruption as important determinants of one' s success in Croatia. These data present an index of youth's perception of Croatian society as the society of unequal chances since it, by allowing nondemocratic practice to play an important role in social promotion, actually discriminates against those who in this matter believe in, and rely on their own abilities and efforts. When compared to earlier studies, it is highly troublesome that almost the same factors of social promotion are estimated as important by both socialist and ' transitional' young people in Croatia. Overall examination of the above results may be seen as an indicator of a process of relative homogenisation of young people in today' s Croatia – certainly, within the issues here examined and at the present level of analysis. There is no doubt that young people here described have many characteristic in common, especially in reference to their marital status, family pattern, housing conditions, parent' s educational background, attitudes towards present and future life, professional and educational aspirations, desired accommodation, sources of information, satisfaction with free time, positive feelings about themselves, feeling of security in relation to their parents and friends, as well as in reference to their abuse of psychoactive substances. They also share their desire for autonomy and independence, and for the recognition by the society at large, as well as their dreams of a more just society in which life opportunities would match individual abilities and endeavour. When they differ, it is mostly due to their varied socio-professional status and age. Residential status, father' s educational background, gender, and regional background are less important. The tendencies that have been documented suggest that youth are divided primarily by their actual social status and stage of attained maturity, and only secondarily by socialization factors, such as social origin in a narrow and broad sense of the term, and a gender socialization patterns. However, further analysis of data should disclose youth dominating trends with more accuracy.

Transcript of an oral history interview with Richard S. Schultz, conducted by Sarah Yahm at Norwich University on 8 April 2015, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Richard Schultz was a member of the Norwich University Class of 1960; his interview focuses on discussion of his connections to Norwich University, his military service, and his law practice. ; 1 Richard Schultz, NU 1960, Oral History Interview April 8, 2015 Interviewed by Sarah Yahm SARAH YAHM: And you're bragging. (laughs) DICK SCHULTZ: That's what this is all about. SY: No, but it's not bragging, it's really just, but we'll, the whole point is it's sort of a casual conversation, so I'll ask questions and it's going to trigger your memory. And the point of oral history, too, is that it's not just like, you know, you've probably told the same stories a thousand times at dinner, you know. DS: Well, they get better as you -- SY: And you get better as you go along. But so, but maybe I'll ask a question that will make you rethink that story or remember another detail and things like that, you know. So that's kind of how it works. So anyway, so you're going to get, so for instance, you know, I interviewed somebody and, and I'm talking about, well, you'll get it back and you'll get to, you know, edit out things that are uncomfortable. So for instance, I've interviewed a bunch of the Iranian students who were here in the '70s, we're going to have to redact large parts of those interviews because if they ever want to go back to Iran, or their relatives in Iran, things need to be wiped out. Right? So there's that, which is serious, and then there's somebody who said something mean about her mother-in-law and was like, "You have to get that out of the tape!" right. So it spans the whole gamut. So let's get you close to this microphone, skooch in and close to the microphone. And then I have to test levels. So tell me what you ate for breakfast today. DS: Well, we had breakfast at the Capital Grill, I had two eggs, over light, some bacon, some good toast and several cups of coffee. SY: Oh my god, several cups of coffee. It's going to take me a lot to keep up with you. I haven't had my first sip of tea yet today. So you're going to be way faster than me, but that's okay. Hold on now, I'm checking my levels, okay, my levels are good. Your levels are good. okay. So I am here, what's the date? I should know that. But remember, you had the coffee. DS: Today's the eighth. SY: OK. So it's April 8th, I'm here at the Sullivan Museum and History Center with Richard Schultz, but you go by Dick, right? DS: Yes, I do. SY: With Dick Schultz, class of '60. DS: The great class of '60. SY: The great, so what made the class of '60 so great? DS: We're so active. Even the president, when he refers to us, we are the "great class of '60." SY: What do you think makes you so active? DS: Spirit, love of Norwich. SY: Yeah? So let's go back. So, well first of all, where were you born? DS: I was born in Brockton, Massachusetts. SY: OK, and when you were a kid, what did you want to be when you grew up?2 DS: An adult, I think. (laughs) I have no idea. I really had no idea as a very young child what I wanted to be. But this leads into Norwich because my father was a Reserve Army lieutenant colonel and I always saw the uniform. And I think as a kid, I wanted to have a uniform. And Dad was a Norwich graduate. And I'm a legacy. He was class of 1934. SY: Wow. Huh. And would he tell you stories about Norwich? DS: Not a lot. He would tell me that in 1934, before they marched to breakfast, they had to go down to the horse stable and take care of their horse. I remember that. SY: Yeah. So your dad was in World War II, I assume. DS: Yes. SY: Where did he serve? DS: He served in the States and in Europe. SY: Yeah. And so let's see, so you were probably a little kid when -- DS: Yeah, I was about seven years old when I really started to notice this. SY: How old were you when he was at war? Four? DS: Yeah, maybe four. SY: Yeah. Do you remember him coming home? DS: I remember coming home. I was, I think I came, after the war we came back to Brockton, Massachusetts, and I started the third grade. So what would you -- SY: But do you remember your dad coming home? Do you remember seeing him? DS: Not really. S: Not really? DS: No. S: Yeah, yeah. And did your mother move in with relatives while he was away? DS: Yes, yeah. SY: Yeah. That was a common thing to do, right? DS: Yep, common thing in those days, yeah. SY: OK, so your dad in uniform, so the military appealed to you. DS: It did, very much so. My dad was there. I had an uncle who served, saw a lot of combat in the Pacific theater and I had another uncle who died as a bombardier over Germany during World War II. SY: And did they talk about World War II, or was it not really discussed? DS: It wasn't discussed. SY: Because you know and again, we think a lot about PTSD nowadays. Do you think that the war, that your father struggled with memories -- DS: No, my father wasn't in actual combat. Not like my uncle who was in Japan, in New Guinea and Guadalcanal and that type of place. My father didn't see that type of combat. My uncle who did see a lot of combat never wanted to speak to it until I got to Norwich, then he would tell me some stories. SY: Really? What would he tell you? So he felt like you were sort of in the brotherhood? DS: Yeah, yeah. What would he tell me? Some of the atrocities that the Japanese committed upon the Philippines, the natives in the Philippines -- the rapes, the murders, the stuff that, that he saw. SY: Yeah, he witnessed that, yeah.3 DS: And he also saw, he also was a very lucky guy. Patrolling through the jungles of New Guinea, I think it was, he had a trained monkey that was on his shoulder and the monkey could somehow sense the Japanese in the area and would start to screech and give him, he was a lieutenant, give him some warning. And one day a Japanese sniper aiming for him shot the monkey off his shoulder. SY: No, he lost his monkey. He lived, but he lost his monkey. DS: He lived, the monkey died. SY: Oh. Happy but sad at the same time. (laughs) That was a good story. OK, so you're a kid, you're growing up in Brockton, Mass, and did you -- this is something I ask everybody -- did you play war as a kid? DS: Oh, I'm sure we did, absolutely. I'm sure we played war games. SY: But you don't remember them? DS: I don't remember them. I think we did, we played more than, war more than we played cops and robbers or Indians. SY: Cowboys and Indians, yeah. Well, it was a great generation post–World War II, it makes sense, yeah. OK. So tell me how you ended up choosing to go to Norwich. DS: Interesting story. I was not -- in high school I broke no academic records. I was just barely surviving. And Dad said, "I think it's time for you to go to Norwich," and in those days I think, I think it's probably not true, but I think as long as you had a pulse you could get into Norwich, OK. And I qualified with a pulse and not much more. And sure enough, I'm admitted to Norwich and I remember the first day I came here, Sarah. I drove up to the main gate in those days and I was 18 years old and I was driving the car, I'm a hot shot. Dad's in the front seat, Mom's in the backseat, kid sister is a couple years, three years younger, she's in the backseat. And I drove up to the gate and there was a cadet standing there and he had a couple of stripes on his arm. And I rolled down the window and I said, "Hey, where do you register?" he looked at me, no answer. And I said it quite, a lot louder, "Hey, where do you register?" no answer. Finally I whistled very loudly at him and he came over to the door and he put his nose through the door, right to my face and he said, "Mister, when you talk to me you call me 'sir,'" and my dad leaned over to me and he whispered in my ear, "I made it through this goddamn place and you'd better, too," my mother had tears in her eyes and my kid sister said that she thought that the cadet was very cute. (laughter) I remember that incident. SY: So you must have been, were you freaking out? Were you like, what the hell have I gotten myself into? DS: I was concerned. And at that point they separated us from our parents. (clears throat) They shaved our heads. And it's my recollection is they issued us an M-1, a rifle. SY: With no bullets. DS: No bullets. And we were told, "Never let it out of your sight," and "Say goodbye to your parents," and, "If you really behave yourself as a class and get recognized, maybe you'll get out of here for Thanksgiving, no guarantees," and then the parents were told to go down to the armory. And Ernie Harmon, Major General 4 Ernie Harmon was president of Norwich and my mother remembered that Ernie, who spoke with a real deep gravel voice said to the parents in essence, "Now why don't you all get the hell off my hill so that I can try to make men out of these pathetic boys." SY: Sounds like something Ernie Harmon would say. DS: That's exactly what he said. And that was it. They left and -- SY: Your father's like, what's going to happen to my little boy? DS: Absolutely, no question. That was my introduction. And I loved it. SY: Interesting. So when did you really start loving it? Right away? DS: I loved it the moment I got there. SY: Really? What did you love? DS: I loved the atmosphere, I loved the camaraderie, I loved the, everybody's doing the same thing, everybody's dressed the same way, nobody's different. SY: And what about that did you like? DS: I just liked the regimentation. I just felt that, this was made for me. And I also had the challenge. My father made it through, I could do it and I could have a better record than he did. SY: And do you think regimentation is part of why you didn't do so well in high school is that you didn't have enough regimentation? You think you were hungry for structure? DS: Oh, I'm a high school kid, you know, I'm chasing girls. I'm not interested in tomorrow's geometry assignment. That's no different than anybody is today, I think. But I loved Norwich. SY: So OK, so do you remember, OK, so you're getting your head shaved, right, so you're losing your precious hair. What are you thinking of while it's happening? Are you like, oh, I don't want to lose my hair? DS: I knew it was going to happen. It wasn't a surprise. SY: And then what about the first time somebody gets in your face and yells at you? DS: (laughs) It's all part of the orientation. You know, you know from day one that if you are a good cadet, a solid cadet, you're going to be in his shoes next year. You're going to have a couple of stripes on your sleeve and you're going to be yelling at next year's rooks. And it's all a big joke. SY: Yeah. Were there any kids who didn't make it? Do you remember? DS: Yes. Statistically, 51%, and I know this because I did some research on it, 51% of the cadets that entered with me in the class of 1960 did not graduate. SY: Wow, and did you -- DS: Now that is because of academics, because of military or because of honor code violations. So we lost 51%. SY: Did you lose any good friends? DS: Not that I can remember. I'm sure I knew them. Sometimes, I don't know if you, sometimes, I've bumped into my old roommate a couple of years ago at one of these reunions and he said to me, "Dick, do you remember the third guy that was in our room in Alumni Hall?" and I said to him, "Billy, we didn't have a third guy," he said, "Yes we did. He stayed only a couple of weeks and you and I woke up one morning and the bed was empty. He was gone," and I said, "You know, you're right."5 SY: You didn't know why, you didn't know -- DS: Just couldn't take it. SY: Yeah, just couldn't take it. So did you ever have moments of doubt, where you were like, am I going to be one of those kids? Or did you know you were fine? DS: I never dared to think that way. SY: Because your father would have killed you. DS: I was going to make it. It never occurred to me to leave. SY: Interesting. So what were your Norwich high moments and your Norwich low moments? DS: High moments, I think involved -- being here at Norwich, as a general thing, I was very proud of being here. I was very proud of the fact that all of the sudden I started to -- not immediately excel, but I started to handle my academic courses. I made good friends. That's something, Sarah, that I -- I think is so important about Norwich. The friends you make here in four years are lifetime friends. SY: Why do you think that is? DS: It's like no other college is, probably because of the fact it was a fulltime military school. Don't forget, in those days there were no women. Everyone, the draft was in, if you left Norwich your name, your deferment ended and you went right back into the draft. SY: So OK, but I'm confused. Because you're in that window post Korea, pre-Vietnam. Right? DS: Yes. SY: So there wasn't a draft (overlapping) -- DS: Oh there absolutely -- SY: There was? DS: There absolutely was a draft in 1960. The draft continued until just before Vietnam. Let's see, Vietnam blew up in 1963 or so. SY: Because that's, I've been confused about that, because I mean knew, and Korea ended when? Fifty? DS: Fifty-five, '56, no maybe '56. SY: So I thought there was a gap of, you know, I don't know, five some odd years where there wasn't a draft, but there was continually. DS: There was definitely a draft. And if you left Norwich, Norwich notified your draft board. SY: OK. And then you were going to go in without any control. DS: That's right. And you were not going in as an officer. SY: Right. Well that certainly makes leaving less appealing, too. So you were saying the friends you make at Norwich are the friends you make for life. DS: Yes. And that stayed, that's true as of today. We're a very, very tight group. Another high point, of course, would be graduation. My -- mother and father pinned my second lieutenant bars on. Dad gave me the first salute, I had to give him a dollar. Those are proud days. And academically I did well, I started to make the dean's list. SY: What was your major? DS: Business administration. I don't know if anyone's ever mentioned to you, but responsibility is something that they teach at Norwich. And cadet officers are 6 responsible for everything that happens or fails to happen under their watch. If a rook is not doing well academically, it's his captain's fault. And they would knock on your door during study hours and you'd better be seated at your desk reading a textbook and not a comic book. And there were certain hours that the upperclassmen were not allowed to bother you, academic hours, study hours. But once the study hours were over, then all hell broke loose. Then you're matched out into the halls and you're bracing and you're doing pushups and you're parading through the shower in nothing more than a raincoat and anything that the upperclassman can do to harass you. And then at a certain hour, get in your sack, go to sleep, it all starts again tomorrow morning. SY: Right, right. So did you end up taking on leadership positions in the Corps? DS: Yes. I was promoted my second year to cadet corporal. My third year I was cadet sergeant. My fourth year I was a cadet officer. SY: So what made, you think you learned how to be a good leader? DS: Absolutely. SY: So what made you a good leader? Do you remember a moment when you -- DS: No, there's not a moment. It's the combination of your training. The first thing a leader does is take care of his men. They're most important. Just because you have some stripes doesn't mean you can abuse anyone. And here at Norwich the rooks look at their cadet lieutenants and captains and majors and what have you and say, "That was me, they were me three years ago, four years ago," so that's something I have to aim for. SY: Mm-hmm. Yeah and did you feel, do you remember, I don't know, I was just thinking if there's a moment where you felt like you really excelled as a leader, and a moment when you felt like you failed as a leader? DS: I don't. I don't have specific instances. SY: OK, so we've talked about Norwich highs. And were there any Norwich lows? Failed tests to -- DS: Oh sure. But lows -- I'm hard pressed to tell you about any particular low. To me Norwich was just wonderful. I just could not have made a better choice, even though it probably wasn't my choice. SY: Did you get in trouble? DS: Everybody gets in trouble. Everybody walks tours. Everybody -- (laughs) I remember one time I, as a rook, I was coming up from the mess hall and rooks are not allowed to walk across the Parade Ground at that time. And I was in a hurry to go somewhere, I don't know. In any event, I started walking around, walking across the Parade Ground. And someone from a corner room in one of the, in the hall, I've forgotten the name of the, of it, right next to the -- the path, yelled at me and I turned around and I gave him the bird. And then next thing I knew there were two corporals escorting me up to the third floor room and I knocked on the door and I walked in and I never saw so many stripes in my life. This was a high-ranking junior cadet that I had just given the bird to. And he gave me demerits, that took me 10 hours to walk off. (laughs) Walk back and forth with a rifle. OK? And, but it's all in good spirit. SY: Yeah. What did you guys do for fun?7 DS: What did we do for fun? There were all kinds of clubs and activities. I'd have to go through the yearbook. SY: Were you a member of any? DS: Oh, yeah. And I don't remember, but I was a member of a number of clubs. And -- after the first year when you've got some freedom you could go to Montpelier. You'd grab a ride with an upperclassman, you didn't have a car. But you'd get to Montpelier and sometimes go to Vermont College, known as VC. SY: I was just going to say, what about the girls? DS: The girls, absolutely. Went to see the girls. And -- I don't know, we were so busy. SY: You didn't have much time for fun. DS: No. SY: Let's see. Who were your favorite professors? DS: By name? Oh boy. SY: Any that made an impression on you? DS: I liked most of the professors. I was a business major, I know I liked my English professor. SY: Was Loring Hart your English professor? DS: Yes. Yes, and subsequently president of Norwich. And I liked history. I liked the military professors. I won a prize as a freshman history, military history student. I was awarded a book as a prize, very nice. OK, that was about it. SY: All right. So it's getting to the end of Norwich, right, and you're about to commission. Right. So you know, where did you commission and what was that like? DS: Okay, okay. Let me back up a little bit. Before commission, in my class there were, some of us who thought we might like to go to graduate school. And we were ready to be commissioned and one of my buddies said to me that he was going down to Boston to take the law school admission test and I started to joke with him, I said, "What are you wasting your time for? You're not smart enough, you couldn't get into law school if you wanted to," he said, "I'll bet you $10 that you can't get into law school" and conditioned upon "if you do go down to take the LSATs, you've got friends at Boston University, you get us dates." I said, "Okay, you're on," so I called up my buddies at Boston University and I said, "Myself and a friend are coming down, we're taking the LSATs. We've got a three-day pass, we need dates," done, okay. So sure enough, we take the LSAT and both apply to BU and BC. We want to go to law school together. (clears throat) And he gets accepted at BC and waitlisted at BU. I get accepted at BU, waitlisted at BC. So that was the end of that. Also in my class another, two other guys went to law school, Doug Auer, who is now deceased, and Stan Brown, who is deceased. Stan and I roomed together in Boston. And we got our commissions with the rest of the class and we became what Alden Partridge who founded the school for, we became citizen soldiers. We had, we had, I was offered a regular Army commission, because I was a distinguished military student, which is a certain level of, of that and I turned it down, the regular Army commission, in order to go to law school. The Army said 8 to all of us who went to graduate school, there was also a couple of doctors and a dentist, out of our entire class that was it who went to graduate school, excuse me. And the condition was, yes, you can go to graduate school provided you're in the active Reserve while you're in graduate school. That means that each week you go to a meeting and you go to summer camp during the time you're in law school. Now we're second lieutenants. Which is fine. And that system worked out just great. Then I graduated from the law school. SY: Now hold on a sec. Hold on a second. Because it sounds like you sort of went to law school on a lark. You were like, I'll see if I can get in. DS: Yeah. SY: And then you're like learning tort law and was there a part of you that was like, why did go down and take those LSATs? Or did you discover that you really liked it? DS: Nobody likes law school. Anybody who tells you they enjoyed law school is full of baloney. SY: That is true. I've heard that before. DS: Okay. I think -- I did what was necessary to graduate from the law school. At that point I had no idea what I was going to do. I knew I could have my regular Army commission if I wanted it. And I -- I was just -- I didn't know what I wanted to do with the law degree. And I had to go in the Army, I owed the Army two years of active duty. The Army then came to me and said, "Well, Lieutenant Schultz, you are a Norwich guy, which we like, and a lawyer. You've passed the Massachusetts bar. We're going to make you an instant captain and we're going to put you in the JAG Corps, which is Army lawyers. And I said to them, "No you're not. I have had college right up to here. I don't want to be behind a desk. In the Pentagon or someplace like that. I am a commissioned armored officer and I want to be in tanks," and they said, "Well, it's up to you," I said, "That's right, it is," and so I said, "Where are you going to station?" and this is where the Norwich, what they call the "Norwich Ring Knockers Club" comes from, okay. Norwich takes care of Norwich. And they said, well, "I see that Norwich, well, we can make you this offer. You can stay at Fort Knox, Kentucky and be an instructor," I said, "That's not interesting to me," "Would you like to go to Korea?" I said, "Well, you know, that's a possibility, "Well, would you like to go to Germany?" I said, "Sold, OK, Germany sounds great, send me to Germany," and so a matter of a few weeks after graduating from law school, I reported to Fort Knox, Kentucky, I did some training in Kentucky and then they shipped me off to Germany. Which were, among, Norwich and my active duty time were the most formative years of my life. Both in a very positive sense. I reported to my commanding officer, who was at that time Colonel Frank B. Clay, son of Lucius Clay, who was a famous World War II general and in charge of Germany after the German surrender. Well, Colonel Clay, I went into his office and he has all my, he has my what they call a 201 file, he has my file on his desk and he said, "I'm so glad you're from Norwich," he said, "I am a very busy guy. The only officers I want in this unit are West Point, Norwich, VMI and the Citadel. I don't have time for the others," I 9 said, "Yes, sir," I'm assigned to what is called the Second Armored Cav which is a very, very prestigious outfit. SY: That's my phone. I'm sorry. DS: That's OK. I wanted to ask you if we're doing all right. SY: We're doing great, we're doing great. I'm getting really interested in hearing your stories in Germany. I just have my phone -- DS: Am I getting too detailed? SY: No, no, no, no. This is great. I want to hear about all this stuff. By the way, what did this, your commanding officer, what did he think Norwich grads had that other officers didn't have? DS: OK, we back on? SY: Yeah, yeah. I never actually paused it. Kept it going. Edit out. DS: Well, Colonel Clay, one of the most respected leaders I've ever met, I just loved him, he became a major general -- he wanted the training that came from a military college. He didn't want the ROTC. So anyway, I was about to tell you, the Second Armored Cav is a unit where in, where regular officers go to what is called "get their ticket punched for higher advancement." How in the world they took a reserve officer like me, with a law degree and put me in the Second Cav is beyond me, it belonged to somebody who was going to make a career out of the Army. And it was a wonderful assignment -- we were on what is called the, what was the East German / West German / Czechoslovakian border, known as the tri-zonal point. On one side is a minefield with watchtowers and East German / Russian soldiers looking at us through binoculars and we're patrolling a dirt path, fully armed, which made it a very, very unusual outfit after, in the Cold War. Fully armed, reading to protect ourselves and our only job as border patrol people was to give early warning in case they came over the border. We were much too small a unit to stop them -- our job was just to say, "They're coming, get the hell out," and -- it was so much more interesting than a garrison job because this is something that was very, very necessary and important in the Cold War. SY: So what was a normal day like? DS: Well, you went out on the border for a month at a time and you stayed, after a month you rotated back to your home, "concern" it was called. And you stayed there for two months and then you'd go back out again. What was it like? You lived out in the woods. You slept out there. You patrolled 24 hours, 24/7. You had listening posts. And -- you made sure that they didn't come over. SY: What was a listening post? DS: It was really very, very close to the border with microphones, to see if anybody was trying to sneak over the border. SY: So did you catch anybody sneaking over? DS: I never did. SY: You never did. DS: No. SY: So OK. So were there also any civilians attempting, they wouldn't cross at that point, that point to cross, there were tons of people with guns.10 DS: Yeah, yeah, but there's tons of crazy people. Don't forget, a border is a two-way street. It keeps them out and it keeps us in. So we didn't, we didn't have much of a problem. But we were ready in case there was a problem. SY: Was there ever a time when you thought you guys were going to -- DS: There was a couple of scary times. SY: Tell me about those. DS: One time, you've got to picture, you're in a Jeep. And you're not very well protected. You're patrolling this dirt path. And all of a sudden we heard (machine gun SFX) and we saw about 100 yards in front of us the dirt kick up. Well, if I'm going to, my grandmother, if she wanted to shoot us, wouldn't miss by a 100 yards. They had no intention of hurting us. It was harassment. But we were right there in so-called front lines. So we make a telephone call to Air Force jet fighters who are constantly monitoring the border and we give them coordinates and in a matter of a few minutes, along comes this jet fighter, zooms right over our heads and stays on our side of the border, but makes a ton of noise. And what does that do? One, it scared the daylights out of us, but we knew they were coming. He was coming. And second, it showed whoever fired on the other side that this is not just a Jeep, it's the United States of America. And we're going to protect our people. So this was the type of thing. And -- SY: Any other scary things? DS: Yeah, there was one other one. I was patrolling the border and there was a -- a train, a train trestle on top, a little bit of a tunnel, tunnel is just the width of a train and I came up on my side of the tunnel and my counterpart, an East German or a Russian, came on the other side and we just simultaneously looked at each other through the tunnel. And before I could do anything, my gunner, who was right over my head with a machine gun, turned the gun toward the Russian or East German and all I heard was click, click, click, he armed the machine gun and before I could say a word I was thinking, don't shoot, don't shoot, don't start World War III, and the Russian on the other side looked at me and yelled, "Amerikanisch cigarette? Amerikanisch cigarette?" and I yelled, "Nein, nein," and I told the driver, "Move," and that was the whole, the whole thing. SY: Interesting. So he was actually, he, huh, he actually thought you guys might be able to connect. DS: Oh, what we wanted me to do was throw him a pack of American cigarettes. SY: Cigarettes, for sure, but still -- (laughs) DS: Yeah, but he was not the good guy. SY: OK. So you're out in the field. You have a couple of incidents like this. DS: Yeah, but that's over a two-year period. SY: Right, most of it is probably boring. DS: It was fun. It was fun. SY: How did you guys entertain yourselves? DS: We were single. And the exchange rate was four to one. I think we were being paid somewhere around $230 a month as lieutenants, times four, makes us rich. We could buy anything. On the German economy. A Volkswagen cost $600. A Mercedes I think was somewhere under $2,000, maybe $1,800. OK? We were 11 very wealthy guys. I roomed with a fellow who's a West Pointer, we lived off base. We had a poodle dog who rode in our tank. We both had Volkswagens. SY: Wait, wait, wait. You had a poodle who rode in your tanks? DS: Oh, absolutely. He was the tank commander. (laughs) SY: That's hilarious. DS: Yep. And he came to work. And when we weren't out in the border, he came to work with me every day. He was very good. And toward about I would say -- oh, six, nine months before my tour ended, Colonel Clay came to me and he said, "I need an assistant S-1, which is a personnel officer at regiments. Would you like to come up to Nuremberg and work in the headquarters?" I said, "Sure," and he, I moved up from a town called Bamberg to Nuremberg and I was a regimental assistant S-1, which is personnel. And that's when my roommate and I lived together in Nuremberg and it was a good life. Yeah. SY: It sounds like it. DS: Oh, it was not roughing it. And after my time came up and I rotated home and that's when we get back to Brockton. SY: Yeah. And had you thought about staying in at that point? DS: Yes, I did think about it. This Vietnam had -- I couldn't point out Vietnam on a map, this was 1962, I'm sorry, mistake, 1965. And I -- we didn't even know where Vietnam was. Everything was nice and quiet, it was good. And I always thought of staying in, but then with the law degree and my parents were so happy their son was a lawyer, I came back to Brockton. And started a law practice. In those days, this was 50 something years ago, in those days you could do that, you could hang out a shingle and you could say, "Here I am, I'm a lawyer, I'm very well known," the name is known in Brockton -- I became an assistant district attorney. I prosecuted because of connections, that happens. I prosecuted some attempted murder cases, rape cases, things like that. And then I decided, time to go to work for myself. And opened an office and defended the serious felonies. And divorces and breach of contract and what a general practicing lawyer does. And I enjoyed it very much. SY: Yeah. What did you like best? Did you like being a prosecutor? Did you like being defense? Did you like? DS: I enjoyed both ends of it. I didn't stay a prosecutor very long. Just long enough to get what they call "experience at government expense," that's how you learned to try a case. Let the government pay you to screw up their assault case, rather than let the client pay you and say you're the worst lawyer he's ever had. SY: There you go. DS: So let the government pay for it. So then we start to practice law. And I'm still single. And now I've got, now I'm 28 years old. And I'm talking to my, about one of my very, very, very close friends, who's now married and I had met his girlfriend before I, while I was in law school, I said, "How about that girl you were dating when I was in law school? She married?" he said, "No, she's not married, I think I still have her number," then he gives me her number, I call her up, I make a date with her, she remembered having met me and we get married. And we've been married now for 49 years. Two children. One lives an hour from us in Massachusetts in Sharon, two grandchildren. And another one lives in 12 McLean, Virginia, which is an airplane ride. And he has two children. So that's jumping the gun, that's getting the children, but I think you probably want to know what I did in my law practice. SY: Yeah, I want to go back to Germany for a second. Because I think, you know, one of the benefits of getting someone from a place like Norwich, right, is in addition to the military training, you've also taken some history classes, right, taken some English classes and maybe taken a sociology class or two, so when you were in Germany, did you have a sense of like the politics or what was going on? Were you thinking about that? Or were you just kind of just keeping your head down? DS: The German politics? SY: No, the politics of the Cold War. Were you like sort of aware of the role you were playing in US foreign policy, were thinking about that when you were in Germany? DS: This was very much the Cold War and the answer to your question is definitely yes and it brings to mind a very serious incident that happened. I was there when President Kennedy was assassinated and I remember being in the officer's club after hours and don't forget, this is a time when there was no Internet, no telephone communication, no news that, you didn't know what was going on. And the officer of the day came into the officer's club and very dramatically, just almost like you would see in the movies, went to the bar, took a piece of silverware and banged on a glass for quiet. And I remember that he said, "Gentlemen, the president of the United States has been shot," we didn't even know if he was alive, OK, "Everybody man your battle stations," we did not know if this was a Russian conspiracy. We had no idea what had happened and we all got in our tanks and we all rushed to our stations on the border, the entire regiment went to the border. And our guns were loaded and they were pointed toward Russia, so to speak. And we sat there for three days not knowing what had happened to Kennedy and finally the word came out that Kennedy had died and that this was not a conspiracy from the Warsaw Pact and everybody returned to their base. Very scary. And just like in the movies. SY: Yeah. And did you sort of live with this fear that World War III was going to start? I mean, you're right on this border, you see everybody armed, the Cold War is quite literal to you and it's not so cold. DS: It's a terrible, psychological and dumb feeling when that happens. Because here you are trained to do a job and we sat out there and everyone had the feeling, we hope this is a war because we're Americans, we're the good guys, we're going all the way to Moscow, nobody can stop us, bullets will bounce off us, we've got the white horse. What an immature, dumb mindset. But that was the feeling. Let us go. We'll teach these sons of bitches that shot our president a lesson. SY: And you think that's just being 24? DS: That's being 24 and macho. SY: Oh, yeah. So it's interesting, it's sort of amazing to me thinking about this border with sort of armed kids on either side.13 DS: Eighteen year olds. SY: Both feeling that way and you know, it sort of seems like the Cold War could have gotten hot accidentally very quickly. DS: Oh, no question about it. SY: Why do you think it didn't? DS: Leadership. Leadership. At the officer level. The lieutenants knew that it would be their necks if they fired the first shot. And the training that the officers gave the enlisted personnel -- "You don't have to agree with me, but do what I say. And I'm telling you, you don't fire the first shot," and it worked. SY: Do you think you were a good leader? DS: The Army thought I was. I was promoted to captain. I was recognized as a good leader. SY: Sounds like you were a good leader. DS: I think I was. I did my best. I did my best. And when I came back from, when I came back and I decided to practice law, I still owed the Army some time, Reserve time. So I stayed in an additional Reserve unit and for a total of seven years commission time. Two years on active duty and five in the Reserves. Three during law school, two years active duty and two more. SY: And were you scared that you would have to go to Vietnam? DS: No. SY: No, because you were -- DS: No, they didn't need me at that point. SY: Okay, so let's talk about your law practice. How do you think your training at Norwich and your time in the service affected who you were as a lawyer? DS: Good question. How did it affect? I was very surprised that when I came back in 1965, you couldn't, a lawyer couldn't advertise. The rules have changed. You could put an ad in the paper saying you're opening an office, but that was the extent of it. So the only way a lawyer could get to be known as a practitioner was frankly to run for political office and hope to lose. (laughter) Because you don't want the job anyway. And that's what I did. There were -- three openings on the Brockton School Committee and there were six candidates, I was one. Being a candidate permitted me to advertise my credentials in the paper and to go to the League of Women Voters and this club and that club and talk to people. And at Election Day, thank goodness there were three openings, I came in fourth. Thank god, because I didn't want the job. But I advertised and I found that World War II veterans, Korean veterans were very interested in a Cold War veteran. And Norwich, to the military, whether you're a Norwich guy or an enlisted soldier, it means something. It's got credentials. Everybody goes to Boston University and Boston College and Harvard Law. In all my practice no one ever came into my office and said, "Before I hire you I want to know what law school you went to," never ever once asked that question. But if they saw my Norwich diploma on the wall and they wanted to talk about it. SY: Hm. Do you think it's that because lawyers have reputations at times for being like shysters, right? DS: Oh, absolutely.14 SY: So do you think they were like, okay, maybe this guy has integrity because he has this background (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)? DS: Maybe that was their thinking, I can't get in their heads, but I think to a lot of my clients, businessmen and defendants as well, the Norwich diploma on the wall didn't hurt. SY: Yeah. Hey, what case are you most proud of? DS: I can't pick one. I really can't pick out, that goes back too far, I've been gone a long time. But -- and I also, I'm also thinking in, you know, this idea of Citizen Soldier. SY: Yeah, let's talk about that. DS: I also became very involved in Brockton itself. I was appointed a member of the Brockton Planning Board, the zoning board, the Consumer Protection Agency. I was president of the Jewish Community Center in Brockton and it evolved into a larger geographical area, the South Area Jewish Community Center. I just volunteered my time, not only because it's the right thing to do, but it was the right thing to give back to the community. SY: So hold on. I didn't realize you were Jewish. So now I have some questions. So first of all, what was it like to be a Jew at Norwich in the late '50s? There weren't that many. DS: There weren't that many. Good question. SY: I should have -- Schultz, I should have -- I thought about German, yeah. DS: Yeah, no big. There weren't a lot but there were some. I can't remember a single incident at Norwich of anti-Semitism. As far as my friends were concerned, that never ever came up. I was extreme comfortable. SY: Interesting. And did you go, let's see, because on Sundays people go to chapel, but there's a synagogue in Burlington. DS: There also, in my time was one in Randolph. SY: Really? DS: Yeah. I don't know if there is there anymore. SY: I don't think so. DS: But there was a rabbi in Randolph and there were, I would say maybe 20, 25 Jewish students. And we arranged for the rabbi to come up here and conduct services for holidays, right here on campus. SY: So you would do like Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur. DS: Yeah, if we weren't home, the rabbi would come up. But specifically to answer your question, it never was a problem. SY: Now that's interesting. I also interviewed a woman in town, Phyllis Greenway, and she remembered a song that one of the fraternities sang. This wasn't an anti-Semitic song, it was a funny song, that sort of had like a vaudeville flavor that involved a Jewish student, I don't remember what it was, but you don't remember a song? DS: No, but she, what was her position? SY: Phyllis? Oh, she was the girlfriend and then the wife of a Norwich student, and I think he lived in a house off campus and they had a -- okay, so -- DS: Was he a civilian?15 SY: No, no. He was, OK, wait, hold on. So then I think you being in Germany has a whole different valence. This is post Holocaust, you're this Jewish kid, you're going to Germany, right? DS: Yeah. SY: I mean first of all your parents were probably like, what the hell are you doing? DS: No, the only instruction my parents had was, "Don't bring home the daughter of a Nazi." (laughter) SY: They said don't bring home a shiksa, don't bring home a Nazi shiksa, that's it. (laughs) DS: Right, right, right. SY: But here you are in Germany. You're dating all these German girls. You're enjoying the German life. Did you think about being a Jew in Germany? DS: No, no, no. It's a very interesting thing, no. We, my roommate and I visited Dachau. And we were, of course, he wasn't Jewish but he was from West Point and one of my closest friends to this day and it just, Sarah, was never an issue. SY: It doesn't sound like it was something you were thinking about that (overlapping) -- DS: I wasn't thinking about it. I was very aware of the fact that when an American officer, emphasize "officer," walked down the streets of Germany in 1963 and if the street was narrow, the German citizen would give way to the American officer. They're very conscious of a caste system. This is going to be very difficult to describe, I think in this oral history, but the other thing that I remember to this day is when we drove our tanks down some of the narrow roads of Germany in 1963 and there's still some damage, everything had not been built up, if the scene had been transposed from Germany to the United States, an American seven- or eight-year-old kid seeing a tank go by would wave to the tank, the tank would wave back to the kid. In Germany the 10-year-old kid doesn't wave, he raises his right hand to the tank. In the salute. And we were very conscious of that. How they get that -- SY: And it's the Sieg Heil salute, right? So did it -- DS: Yeah. It was a tank. Germans love tanks. They've got tank mentality. They'd rather have a tank than 10 Mercedes. Yeah, they didn't, we were very conscious that the German kid did not wave, he saluted. SY: So it was a militaristic society. Yeah, yeah. And did you, when you were sort of hanging out with German girls, did you mention that you were Jewish? Or was it something, did it not come up? You didn't think about it. DS: Never thought about it. If they knew, fine, who cares? SY: Interesting. And did you, you were there for nine months. Did you celebrate any holidays? DS: Oh, I was there for 18 months. SY: For 18 months. So did you celebrate any holidays there? DS: Oh, yeah. SY: So where did you go? DS: Right there on the post. SY: There were enough men for a minyan.16 DS: Oh yes, absolutely. Are you Jewish? Oh, I didn't realize that. How do you spell your last name? SY: Yahm, Y-A-H-M. DS: YHM? SY: Y-A-H-M. We don't know, we don't know where it comes from. Sea in Hebrew but, yeah. DS: So this must be interesting to you, then. SY: Oh yeah, very interesting. That's why I was like, wait a second. I didn't realize that. Yeah, yeah, so that's interesting. But there are no, I mean but you weren't worshiping out in the community, you weren't going to like a synagogue in the community, there weren't any. DS: No. There weren't any. I wouldn't have understood them anyway. They'd be in German. Yeah. I should have known, bring home a shiksa, I should have picked that up. SY: You said the shiksa, exactly. (laughter) DS: Okay. SY: And that's interesting, too, because your dad was in career military, that was -- DS: No, he was a Reservist. SY: He was Reservist, but still, that was unusual for a Jewish man in that era. DS: Yeah. SY: Yeah, so how did he -- DS: I don't think he had any trouble. SY: But I mean, how did he get into that path? Like where did your family come from? Did you immigrate? Like what was the deal? DS: The usual story from Poland, from Russia. He's first generation, I'm second generation. He came to Norwich on an academic scholarship, my dad did. And I don't think he had any clue what he was getting into. But I think he -- was of a mindset that nobody's going to throw him out of here. SY: So he was a public school kid who did well and got the scholarship? DS: Yeah. SY: And this is in Brockton? This is in Brockton? DS: Yeah, in Brockton, yeah. Class of 1934, look him up in the yearbook. SY: Interesting. Okay. So he gets a scholarship, he gets up here, he's being sent into the WASPy wasteland, right? And then here he is and he did well and then he stayed in the military. DS: Reserve. SY: Reserves. DS: Don't confuse them. Reserve. Yeah, and then he got called up right after Pearl Harbor. SY: Okay. And then what did he do for a living? DS: He was in the real estate business. And -- Brockton at that time was a town of about 55,000 people. Everybody knew everyone. Everyone knew everyone who was entitled to be known. You walked down the street, it was safe. Today it's a city of well over 100,000 people. If you walk down the streets of Brockton you'd better have a flack vest and a helmet on. Because it's a tough town. But it's changed, yeah.17 SY: Has that been sad for you? DS: I'm sorry? SY: Has that been sad for you, to see your hometown change? DS: Yeah, yeah, it was too bad. Good for business. A lot of criminal work. (laughs) SY: There you go. (laughs) DS: What are you going to do? (laughter) So, want me to continue? SY: Yeah, yeah. DS: OK. So anyway, I'm very, very proud and loyal with Norwich. I think these formative years here are just invaluable. I started a Norwich Club on Cape Cod, for Rook Sendoff, you've heard of those. We started the first year with about 15 people in attendance. We now have over 200 that come to, it's the largest sendoff in the country. Rich Schneider comes down, he stays at my house, OK. Or at General Sullivan's house. Gordy lives about five miles from me. SY: Oh, he's out on the Cape, too? DS: Yeah, he's got a summer home. SY: Oh, I didn't know that. And you guys were in school together at Norwich. DS: He was class of '59. He lived across the hall. SY: Hah. Were you buddies? DS: So much, not close. Became better friends later. Carlo D'Este, who I mention, Carlo, if you look up Carlo, he was class of '58, he runs the Colby Symposium. He lives five miles from me. And Rich doesn't always stay at my house. One time he couldn't stay at Sully's. But he and Jamie come down. SY: And this is Falmouth. DS: Falmouth. Yeah. So we start the club and we got so large a few years ago that we had to change venues because we were afraid the fire marshal was going to come in and close us down. We have a golf tournament. Good leadership. I formed this club, I got this club going and then I got a successor, so I'm no longer president. This is good leadership. Yiddishe cup. SY: I was just going to say, (laughter) you're using your noggin. (laughter) DS: So what else can I -- I served on the Board of Fellows at Norwich. SY: (phone rings) Hold on, it's going to pass in a second. We're just going to wait. Have to wait 30 seconds for it to pass. Dadadadada to my phone. I should have put it on silent but I forgot. There we go. Delegating. Yiddishe cup, that's where we were. DS: (laughs) Oh, I served two terms on the Board of Fellows. Loring Hart appointed me. And I come up here with the great class of 1960 for, every year we have a mini-reunion. And I am very, very honored. I'm only a captain. Everybody in my class is a colonel and I am the guy that leads them onto the Parade Ground, okay, with The Guidon. You've probably seen these parades. That's nice. We're very tight, we're a very close group. SY: What do you think a Citizen Soldier brings to society? Like what you do think, versus somebody who's a career military guy, like how do you think your perspective is different? Because Alden Partridge was like, "We don't want a standing army, we want citizen soldiers," right? DS: Yeah. SY: What are your thoughts about that?18 DS: I think we need Citizen Soldiers. The mindset is different. The Citizen Soldier in business can't simply say, "This is an order, do it," because he's going to get nowhere. He has to be probably a little bit more diplomatic. He has to remember who he's talking to. He has to cajole, beg, borrow and barter. The career army officer that's wearing eagles on his shoulder or stars might have a more difficult time coming back into business because he's not used to asking for anything. But yet they do very well. The smart career officer that retires, especially one who has been in the Pentagon, retires with his Rolodex and can work wonders in military business. And there's an old saying in business, that you know you're important when people return your phone calls. And people return phone calls to generals and colonels. They don't necessarily return phone calls to the lawyer. Because they don't know if they're being sued or what's going on. SY: Or if they're going to get charged for it. (laughs) DS: That's right, that's right. That's right. But I think in retrospect, if you had asked me, what would I change -- I think I would answer you by saying, "Not a damn thing." SY: Hey, that's a good way to view your life, huh? DS: I think that I wouldn't, I would not change anything. I am very, very proud of my association with Norwich. Excuse me. I am extremely proud of my children. They've done very, very well. They're college graduates with advanced degrees. Neither one decided, wanted any part of Norwich. Maybe because of the information that I've given you today. It's kind of tough for a legacy because you want to do better than your predecessor and this is very self-serving, but I think I would be a tough act for them to follow. And I think that was, that was -- grandchildren are doing very well, one's in college. Another one is a tremendous athlete that's never met a sport he doesn't like. The others are kind of young right now. We have a wonderful relationship. My marriage is wonderful. It's, in fact it's one of those situations where my wife was saying to me the other day, "Some days I'm mad as hell at you and could kill you, but I could never live without you," and I thought that was pretty nice. SY: That was very sweet. DS: Yeah. What else can I tell you? SY: I don't know, that's good. And I also, we've been, I want to make sure you can get up to the president's house. DS: Oh, he'll wait. (laughs) SY: Oh yeah, all right. Because you're from the amazing class of 1960. DS: No, I will be on time, I've got time. SY: Yeah, I know, you sort of -- DS: I have such respect for Rich Schneider. I think he is the best thing that has ever, ever happened at Norwich. I think we're going to hard pressed when he retires. And hopefully we can pressure him not to. (laughs) SY: I'm not sure that he feels that way. (laughs) DS: No, I don't either. SY: Let's see. We talked a little about Citizen Soldier, we talked a little bit about service. And it seems like you talked about service to your community in 19 Brockton. Do you think service was something you learned at Norwich? But it also was something you learned growing up. DS: Yes. Service to the community. I owe the community. The community was very good to me. The community -- the community not only was good professionally, but I think respected what I do, who I am, where I've been. Everybody knows that I was in the service, everybody knows I was a Norwich guy. Where I live now, I wear by Norwich sweatshirts. I'm a Norwich ambassador, I love talking to potential students. I go out of my way to meet with them. SY: What advice would you give a rook coming in now? DS: The advice I give them is if you haven't been up to the campus on the hill, call the admission office, arrange for a tour and see what it is. See what you're getting into. I do not have much contact with civilian students. I'm not a big advocate of the civilian population, which comes from, where I'm coming from. But not that I turn them down or anything, but I just don't go out of my way. I'm much more interested in the kid that wants to be a cadet. SY: I don't know. Any last closing thoughts? Are we? DS: A closing thought? I hope this has been helpful. SY: Very helpful. DS: I hope it's not too abstract. I can't imagine why anyone would want to listen to it. SY: Everybody feels that way. DS: Do they really? Okay. SY: I bet if General Sullivan were sitting here he'd be like, "Why does anybody want to hear about my life?" DS: He is so smart. He is so polished. When General Sullivan speaks, do you remember an old ad that used to be on television, people are in a dining room and one, one table over there says, "My stockbroker is Merrill Lynch and they say," and then the whole screen goes silent in the dining room. When Gordon Sullivan speaks, people listen. He is so smart, so polished and such a wonderful person. SY: Was he like that at 20? DS: Yeah, good guy, good guy. Everybody liked him. SY: Yeah. So you weren't like, he has the authority to -- DS: He was a buck private. SY: I know. DS: Okay? Nobody thought he'd make corporal. When he got commissioned there was a, "Really?" (laughter) SY: A nice guy, but I didn't think that was going to happen. DS: Right. SY: So funny, you never know. Right? DS: Right. SY: You never know. All right, well I think, I think that's about it for my questions. I enjoyed this. DS: Okay. SY: Are you eating wheat this week? Or are you not eating -- DS: No, I've got some medical problems. I have -- END OF AUDIO FILE

La tesi è stata intitolata "Change the System From Within". La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l'idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall'altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all'interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un'analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell'ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell'idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l'intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l'analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l'initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l'impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all'ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell'ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell'arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l'innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell'idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall'attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all'innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l'empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell'intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L'analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall'uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l'analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l'attenzione che meriterebbe. ; Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens' greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups' inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy's canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens' participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of "citizen participation" was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of "citizen participation" and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers' entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens' participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter's lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy's impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens' Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA's political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden's inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign's staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden's participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy's institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

Full list of authors: Bonoli, S.; Marín-Franch, A.; Varela, J.; Vázquez Ramió, H.; Abramo, L. R.; Cenarro, A. J.; Dupke, R. A.; Vílchez, J. M.; Cristóbal-Hornillos, D.; González Delgado, R. M.; Hernández-Monteagudo, C.; López-Sanjuan, C.; Muniesa, D. J.; Civera, T.; Ederoclite, A.; Hernán-Caballero, A.; Marra, V.; Baqui, P. O.; Cortesi, A.; Cypriano, E. S.; Daflon, S.; de Amorim, A. L.; Díaz-García, L. A.; Diego, J. M.; Martínez-Solaeche, G.; Pérez, E.; Placco, V. M.; Prada, F.; Queiroz, C.; Alcaniz, J.; Alvarez-Candal, A.; Cepa, J.; Maroto, A. L.; Roig, F.; Siffert, B. B.; Taylor, K.; Benitez, N.; Moles, M.; Sodré, L.; Carneiro, S.; Mendes de Oliveira, C.; Abdalla, E.; Angulo, R. E.; Aparicio Resco, M.; Balaguera-Antolínez, A.; Ballesteros, F. J.; Brito-Silva, D.; Broadhurst, T.; Carrasco, E. R.; Castro, T.; Cid Fernandes, R.; Coelho, P.; de Melo, R. B.; Doubrawa, L.; Fernandez-Soto, A.; Ferrari, F.; Finoguenov, A.; García-Benito, R.; Iglesias-Páramo, J.; Jiménez-Teja, Y.; Kitaura, F. S.; Laur, J.; Lopes, P. A. A.; Lucatelli, G.; Martínez, V. J.; Maturi, M.; Overzier, R. A.; Pigozzo, C.; Quartin, M.; Rodríguez-Martín, J. E.; Salzano, V.; Tamm, A.; Tempel, E.; Umetsu, K.; Valdivielso, L. ; von Marttens, R.; Zitrin, A.; Díaz-Martín, M. C.; López-Alegre, G.; López-Sainz, A.; Yanes-Díaz, A.; Rueda-Teruel, F.; Rueda-Teruel, S.; Abril Ibañez, J.; L Antón Bravo, J.; Bello Ferrer, R.; Bielsa, S.; Casino, J. M.; Castillo, J.; Chueca, S.; Cuesta, L.; Garzarán Calderaro, J.; Iglesias-Marzoa, R.; Íniguez, C.; Lamadrid Gutierrez, J. L.; Lopez-Martinez, F.; Lozano-Pérez, D.; Maícas Sacristán, N.; Molina-Ibáñez, E. L.; Moreno-Signes, A.; Rodríguez Llano, S.; Royo Navarro, M.; Tilve Rua, V.; Andrade, U.; Alfaro, E. J.; Akras, S.; Arnalte-Mur, P.; Ascaso, B.; Barbosa, C. E.; Beltrán Jiménez, J.; Benetti, M.; Bengaly, C. A. P.; Bernui, A.; Blanco-Pillado, J. J.; Borges Fernandes, M.; Bregman, J. N.; Bruzual, G.; Calderone, G.; Carvano, J. M.; Casarini, L.; Chaves-Montero, J.; Chies-Santos, A. L.; Coutinho de Carvalho, G.; Dimauro, P.; Duarte Puertas, S.; Figueruelo, D.; González-Serrano, J. I.; Guerrero, M. A.; Gurung-López, S.; Herranz, D.; Huertas-Company, M.; Irwin, J. A.; Izquierdo-Villalba, D.; Kanaan, A.; Kehrig, C.; Kirkpatrick, C. C.; Lim, J.; Lopes, A. R.; Lopes de Oliveira, R.; Marcos-Caballero, A.; Martínez-Delgado, D.; Martínez-González, E.; Martínez-Somonte, G.; Oliveira, N.; Orsi, A. A.; Penna-Lima, M.; Reis, R. R. R.; Spinoso, D.; Tsujikawa, S.; Vielva, P.; Vitorelli, A. Z.; Xia, J. Q.; Yuan, H. B.; Arroyo-Polonio, A.; Dantas, M. L. L.; Galarza, C. A.; Gonçalves, D. R.; Gonçalves, R. S.; Gonzalez, J. E.; Gonzalez, A. H.; Greisel, N.; Jiménez-Esteban, F.; Landim, R. G.; Lazzaro, D.; Magris, G.; Monteiro-Oliveira, R.; Pereira, C. B.; Rebouças, M. J.; Rodriguez-Espinosa, J. M.; Santos da Costa, S.; Telles, E. ; The Javalambre-Physics of the Accelerating Universe Astrophysical Survey (J-PAS) will scan thousands of square degrees of the northern sky with a unique set of 56 filters using the dedicated 2:55m Javalambre Survey Telescope (JST) at the Javalambre Astrophysical Observatory. Prior to the installation of the main camera (4:2 deg2 field-of-view with 1.2 Gpixels), the JST was equipped with the JPAS-Pathfinder, a one CCD camera with a 0:3 deg2 field-of-view and plate scale of 0.23 arcsec pixel?1. To demonstrate the scientific potential of J-PAS, the JPAS-Pathfinder camera was used to perform miniJPAS, a _1 deg2 survey of the AEGIS field (along the Extended Groth Strip). The field was observed with the 56 J-PAS filters, which include 54 narrow band (FWHM _ 145 ) and two broader filters extending to the UV and the near-infrared, complemented by the u; g; r; i SDSS broad band filters. In this miniJPAS survey overview paper, we present the miniJPAS data set (images and catalogs), as we highlight key aspects and applications of these unique spectro-photometric data and describe how to access the public data products. The data parameters reach depths of magAB ' 22?23:5 in the 54 narrow band filters and up to 24 in the broader filters (5_ in a 300 aperture). The miniJPAS primary catalog contains more than 64 000 sources detected in the r band and with matched photometry in all other bands. This catalog is 99% complete at r = 23:6 (r = 22:7) mag for point-like (extended) sources. We show that our photometric redshifts have an accuracy better than 1% for all sources up to r = 22:5, and a precision of _0:3% for a subset consisting of about half of the sample. On this basis, we outline several scientific applications of our data, including the study of spatially-resolved stellar populations of nearby galaxies, the analysis of the large scale structure up to z _ 0:9, and the detection of large numbers of clusters and groups. Sub-percent redshift precision can also be reached for quasars, allowing for the study of the large-scale structure to be pushed to z 2. The miniJPAS survey demonstrates the capability of the J-PAS filter system to accurately characterize a broad variety of sources and paves the way for the upcoming arrival of J-PAS, which will multiply this data by three orders of magnitude. © 2021 EDP Sciences. All rights reserved. ; Funding for OAJ, UPAD, and CEFCA has been provided by the Governments of Spain and Aragon through the Fondo de Inversiones de Teruel; the Aragon Government through the Research Groups E96, E103, and E16_17R; the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (MCIU/AEI/FEDER, UE) with grant PGC2018-097585-B-C21; the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (MINECO/FEDER, UE) under AYA2015-66211-C2-1-P, AYA2015-66211-C2-2, AYA2012-30789, and ICTS2009-14; and European FEDER funding (FCDD10-4E-867, FCDD13-4E-2685). This work has made used of CEFCA's Scientific High Performance Computing system which has been funded by the Governments of Spain and Aragon through the Fondo de Inversiones de Teruel, and the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (MINECO-FEDER, grant AYA2012-30789). Funding for the J-PAS project has been provided also by the Brazilian agencies FINEP, FAPESP, FAPERJ and by the National Observatory of Brazil. Additional funding was also provided by the Tartu Observatory and by the Chinese Consortium from the Academy of Sciences SB acknowledges partial support from the project PGC2018-097585-B-C22. R.A.D. acknowledges support from the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnologico -CNPq through BP grant 308105/2018-4, and the Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos -FINEP grants REF. 1217/13 -01.13.0279.00 and REF 0859/10 -01.10.0663.00 and also FAPERJ PRONEX grant E-26/110.566/2010 for hardware funding support for the J-PAS project through the National Observatory of Brazil and Centro Brasileiro de Pesquisas Fisicas. LRA acknowledges financial support from CNPq (306696/2018-5) and FAPESP (2015/17199-0). VMthanks CNPq (Brazil) and FAPES (Brazil) for partial financial support and the H2020 project No 888258. L.A.D.G. and K.U. acknowledge support from the Ministry of Science and Technology of Taiwan (grant MOST 106-2628-M-001-003-MY3) and from the Academia Sinica (grant AS-IA-107-M01). J.M.D. and D.H acknowledge the support of project PGC2018-101814-B-100. MQ thanks CNPq (Brazil) and FAPERJ (Brazil) for financial support. PC acknowledges financial support from FAPESP (2018/05392-8) and CNPq (310041/2018-0). AAC acknowledges support from FAPERJ (E26/203.186/2016), CNPq (304971/2016-2 and 401669/2016-5), and the Universidad de Alicante (contract UATALENTO1802). C.Q. acknowledges support from FAPESP (2015/11442-0 and 2019/067661). V.M.P. is supported by NOIRLab, which is managed by AURA under a cooperative agreement with the NSF. P.B acknowledges support from CAPES -Finance Code 001. IAA researchers acknowledge financial support from the State Agency for Research of the Spanish MCIU through the "Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa" award to the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (SEV-2017-0709). Authors acknowledge support from the Generalitat Valenciana project of excellence Prometeo/2020/085. RGD, GMS, JRM, RGB, EP acknowledge financial support from the project AyA2016-77846-P. TC is supported by the INFN INDARK PD51 and PRIN-MIUR 2015W7KAWC. MAR and ALM acknowledge support from the MINECO project FIS2016-78859P(AEI/FEDER, UE). ET, AT and JL acknowledge the support by ETAg grants IUT40-2 and by EU through the ERDF CoE grant TK133 and MOBTP86. CK, JMV, JIP acknowledge financial support from project AYA2016-79724C4-4P. PAAL thanks the support of CNPq (309398/2018-5). LC thanks CNPq for partial support. Y.J-T acknowledges financial support from the FAPERJ (E26/202.835/2016), and from the Horizon 2020 Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No 898633. DMD acknowledges financial support from the SFB 881 of the DFG and from the MINECO grant AYA2016-81065-C2-2. FP acknowledges support of the project PGC2018-101931-B-I00. JC acknowledges support of the project E AYA2017-88007-C3-1-P, and co-financed by the FEDER. JIGs acknowledges support of projects of reference AYA2017-88007-C3-3-P, and PGC2018-099705-B-I00 and co-financed by the FEDER. EMG and PV would like to acknowledge financial support from the project ESP2017-83921C2-1-R. GMS acknowleges financial support from a predoctoral contract, ref. PRE2018-085523 (MCIU/AEI/FSE, UE). S.C. is partially supported by CNPq. R.G.L. acknowledges CAPES (process 88881.162206/2017-01) and Alexander von Humboldt Foundation for the financial support. JSA acknowledges support from FAPERJ (E26/203.024/2017), CNP (310790/2014-0 and 400471/2014-0) and FINEP (1217/13 -01.13.0279.00 and Ref. 0859/10 -01.10.0663.00). RvM acknowledges support from CNPq. AFS, PAM, VJM and FJB acknowledge support from project AYA2016-81065-C2-2. PAM acknowledges support from the "Subprograma Atraccio de Talent -Contractes Postdoctorals de la Universitat de Valencia". ESC acknowledges support from CNPq (308539/20184) and FAPESP (2019/19687-2). CMdO acknowledges support from CNPq (grant 312333/2014-5) and FAPESP (grant 2009/54202-8). LSJ acknowledges support from CNPq (grant 304819/2017-4) and FAPESP (grant 2012/008004). JMC acknowledges support from CNPq (grant 310727/2016-2). C.H.-M. and N. Greisel also acknowledge the support of the European Union via the Career Integration Grant CIG-PCIG9-GA-2011-294183. JJBP and AMC would like to acknowledge the support from the grant PGC2018-094626-B-C21 and the Basque Government grant IT-979-16. AMC acknowledges the postdoctoral contract from the University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU "Especializacioon de personal investigador doctor" program. MLLD acknowledges CAPES -Finance Code 001; and CNPq (142294/2018-7). GB acknowledges financial support from the UNAM through grant DGAPA/PAPIIT IG100319, from CONACyT through grant CB2015-252364, and from FAPESP projects 2017/02375-2 and 2018/05392-8. M.J. Reboucas acknowledges the support of FAPERJ under a CNE E-26/202.864/2017 grant, and CNPq. Support by CNPq (305409/2016-6) and FAPERJ (E-26/202.841/2017) is acknowledged by DL. AB acknowledges a CNPq fellowship. C.A.G.acknowledges support from CAPES. EA acknowledges support from FAPESP (2011/18729-1). AC acknowledges support from PNPD/CAPES. ABA and FSK acknowledge the Severo Ochoa program SEV-2015-0548. FSK also thanks the AYA2017-89891-P and the RYC2015-18693 grants. DF acknowledges support from the Atraccion del Talento Cientifico en Salamanca programme and the project PGC2018-096038B-I00. ; Peer reviewed

Context. Realistic synthetic observations of theoretical source models are essential for our understanding of real observational data. In using synthetic data, one can verify the extent to which source parameters can be recovered and evaluate how various data corruption effects can be calibrated. These studies are the most important when proposing observations of new sources, in the characterization of the capabilities of new or upgraded instruments, and when verifying model-based theoretical predictions in a direct comparison with observational data. Aims. We present the SYnthetic Measurement creator for long Baseline Arrays (SYMBA), a novel synthetic data generation pipeline for Very Long Baseline Interferometry (VLBI) observations. SYMBA takes into account several realistic atmospheric, instrumental, and calibration effects. Methods. We used SYMBA to create synthetic observations for the Event Horizon Telescope (EHT), a millimetre VLBI array, which has recently captured the first image of a black hole shadow. After testing SYMBA with simple source and corruption models, we study the importance of including all corruption and calibration effects, compared to the addition of thermal noise only. Using synthetic data based on two example general relativistic magnetohydrodynamics (GRMHD) model images of M 87, we performed case studies to assess the image quality that can be obtained with the current and future EHT array for different weather conditions. Results. Our synthetic observations show that the effects of atmospheric and instrumental corruptions on the measured visibilities are significant. Despite these effects, we demonstrate how the overall structure of our GRMHD source models can be recovered robustly with the EHT2017 array after performing calibration steps, which include fringe fitting, a priori amplitude and network calibration, and self-calibration. With the planned addition of new stations to the EHT array in the coming years, images could be reconstructed with higher angular resolution and dynamic range. In our case study, these improvements allowed for a distinction between a thermal and a non-thermal GRMHD model based on salient features in reconstructed images. © 2020 ESO. ; This work is supported by the ERC Synergy Grant "BlackHoleCam: Imaging the Event Horizon of Black Holes" (Grant 610058). I. Natarajan and R. Deane are grateful for the support from the New Scientific Frontiers with Precision Radio Interferometry Fellowship awarded by the South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO), which is a facility of the National Research Foundation (NRF), an agency of the Department of Science and Technology (DST) of South Africa. The authors of the present paper further thank the following organizations and programmes: the Academy of Finland (projects 274477, 284495, 312496); the Advanced European Network of E-infrastructures for Astronomy with the SKA (AENEAS) project, supported by the European Commission Framework Programme Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation action under grant agreement 731016; the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung; the Black Hole Initiative at Harvard University, through a grant (60477) from the John Templeton Foundation; the China Scholarship Council; Comision Nacional de Investigacio Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT, Chile, via PIA ACT172033, Fondecyt 1171506, BASAL AFB-170002, ALMAconicyt 31140007); Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT, Mexico, projects 104497, 275201, 279006, 281692); the Delaney Family via the Delaney Family John A. Wheeler Chair at Perimeter Institute; Direccion General de Asuntos del Personal Academico-Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (DGAPA-UNAM, project IN112417); the Generalitat Valenciana postdoctoral grant APOSTD/2018/177; the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (grants GBMF-3561, GBMF-5278); the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) sezione di Napoli, iniziative specifiche TEONGRAV; the GenT Program (Generalitat Valenciana) under project CIDEGENT/2018/021; the International Max Planck Research School for Astronomy and Astrophysics at the Universities of Bonn and Cologne; the Jansky Fellowship program of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory (NRAO); the Japanese Government (Monbukagakusho: MEXT) Scholarship; the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) Grant-in-Aid for JSPS Research Fellowship (JP17J08829); the Key Research Program of Frontier Sciences, Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS, grants QYZDJ-SSW-SLH057, QYZDJ-SSW-SYS008); the Leverhulme Trust Early Career Research Fellowship; the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (MPG); the Max Planck Partner Group of the MPG and the CAS; the MEXT/JSPS KAKENHI (grants 18KK0090, JP18K13594, JP18K03656, JP18H03721, 18K03709, 18H01245, 25120007); the MIT International Science and Technology Initiatives (MISTI) Funds; the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) of Taiwan (105-2112-M-001-025-MY3, 106-2112-M-001-011, 106-2119-M-001027, 107-2119-M-001-017, 107-2119-M-001-020, and 107-2119-M-110-005); the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA, Fermi Guest Investigator grant 80NSSC17K0649); NASA through the NASA Hubble Fellowship grant #HST-HF2-51431.001-A awarded by the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Inc. , for NASA, under contract NAS5-26555; the National Institute of Natural Sciences (NINS) of Japan; the National Key Research and Development Program of China (grant 2016YFA0400704, 2016YFA0400702); the National Science Foundation (NSF, grants AST-0096454, AST-0352953, AST-0521233, AST-0705062, AST-0905844, AST-0922984, AST-1126433, AST-1140030, DGE-1144085, AST-1207704, AST-1207730, AST-1207752, MRI-1228509, OPP-1248097, AST-1310896, AST-1312651, AST-1337663, AST-1440254, AST-1555365, AST-1715061, AST-1615796, AST-1716327, OISE-1743747, AST-1816420); the Natural Science Foundation of China (grants 11573051, 11633006, 11650110427, 10625314, 11721303, 11725312, 11933007); the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC, including a Discovery Grant and the NSERC Alexander Graham Bell Canada Graduate Scholarships-Doctoral Program); the National Youth Thousand Talents Program of China; the National Research Foundation of Korea (the Global PhD Fellowship Grant: grants NRF-2015H1A2A1033752, 2015-R1D1A1A01056807, the Korea Research Fellowship Program: NRF-2015H1D3A1066561); the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) VICI award (grant 639.043.513) and Spinoza Prize SPI 78-409; the New Scientific Frontiers with Precision Radio Interferometry Fellowship awarded by the South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO), which is a facility of the National Research Foundation (NRF), an agency of the Department of Science and Technology (DST) of South Africa; the Onsala Space Observatory (OSO) national infrastructure, for the provisioning of its facilities/observational support (OSO receives funding through the Swedish Research Council under grant 2017-00648) the Perimeter Institute for Theoretical Physics (research at Perimeter Institute is supported by the Government of Canada through the Department of Innovation, Science and Economic Development and by the Province of Ontario through the Ministry of Research, Innovation and Science); the Princeton/Flatiron Postdoctoral Prize Fellowship; the Russian Science Foundation (grant 17-12-01029); the Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (grants AYA2015-63939-C21-P, AYA2016-80889-P); the State Agency for Research of the Spanish MCIU through the "Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa" award for the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (SEV-2017-0709); the Toray Science Foundation; the US Department of Energy (USDOE) through the Los Alamos National Laboratory (operated by Triad National Security, LLC, for the National Nuclear Security Administration of the USDOE (Contract 89233218CNA000001)); the Italian Ministero dell'Istruzione Universita e Ricerca through the grant Progetti Premiali 2012-iALMA (CUP C52I13000140001); the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 730562 RadioNet; ALMA North America Development Fund; the Academia Sinica; Chandra TM6-17006X. This work used the Extreme Science and Engineering Discovery Environment (XSEDE), supported by NSF grant ACI-1548562, and CyVerse, supported by NSF grants DBI-0735191, DBI-1265383, and DBI1743442. XSEDE Stampede2 resource at TACC was allocated through TGAST170024 and TG-AST080026N. XSEDE JetStream resource at PTI and TACC was allocated through AST170028. The simulations were performed in part on the SuperMUC cluster at the LRZ in Garching, on the LOEWE cluster in CSC in Frankfurt, and on the HazelHen cluster at the HLRS in Stuttgart. This research was enabled in part by support provided by Compute Ontario (http://computeontario.ca), Calcul Quebec (http://www. calculquebec.ca) and Compute Canada (http://www.computecanada.ca).We thank the sta ff at the participating observatories, correlation centers, and institutions for their enthusiastic support. This paper makes use of the following ALMA data: ADS/JAO.ALMA#2017.1.00841.V. ALMA is a partnership of the European Southern Observatory (ESO; Europe, representing its member states), NSF, and National Institutes of Natural Sciences of Japan, together with National Research Council (Canada), Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST; Taiwan), Academia Sinica Institute of Astronomy and Astrophysics (ASIAA; Taiwan), and Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute (KASI; Republic of Korea), in cooperation with the Republic of Chile. The Joint ALMA Observatory is operated by ESO, Associated Universities, Inc. (AUI)/NRAO, and the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan (NAOJ). The NRAO is a facility of the NSF operated under cooperative agreement by AUI. APEX is a collaboration between the Max-Planck-Institut fur Radioastronomie (Germany), ESO, and the Onsala Space Observatory (Sweden). The SMA is a joint project between the SAO and ASIAA and is funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the Academia Sinica. The JCMT is operated by the East Asian Observatory on behalf of the NAOJ, ASIAA, and KASI, as well as the Ministry of Finance of China, Chinese Academy of Sciences, and the National Key R&D Program (No. 2017YFA0402700) of China. Additional funding support for the JCMT is provided by the Science and Technologies Facility Council (UK) and participating universities in the UK and Canada. The LMT is a project operated by the Instituto Nacional de Astrofisica, Optica, y Electronica (Mexico) and the University of Massachusetts at Amherst (USA). The IRAM 30m telescope on Pico Veleta, Spain is operated by IRAM and supported by CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France), MPG (Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, Germany) and IGN (Instituto Geografico Nacional, Spain). The SMT is operated by the Arizona Radio Observatory, a part of the Steward Observatory of the University of Arizona, with financial support of operations from the State of Arizona and financial support for instrumentation development from the NSF. The SPT is supported by the National Science Foundation through grant PLR-1248097. Partial support is also provided by the NSF Physics Frontier Center grant PHY-1125897 to the Kavli Institute of Cosmological Physics at the University of Chicago, the Kavli Foundation and the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation grant GBMF 947. The SPT hydrogen maser was provided on loan from the GLT, courtesy of ASIAA. The EHTC has received generous donations of FPGA chips from Xilinx Inc., under the Xilinx University Program. The EHTC has benefited from technology shared under open-source license by the Collaboration for Astronomy Signal Processing and Electronics Research (CASPER). The EHT project is grateful to T4Science and Microsemi for their assistance with Hydrogen Masers. This research has made use of NASA's Astrophysics Data System. We gratefully acknowledge the support provided by the extended staff of the ALMA, both from the inception of the ALMA Phasing Project through the observational campaigns of 2017 and 2018. We would like to thank A. Deller and W. Brisken for EHT-specific support with the use of DiFX. We acknowledge the significance that Maunakea, where the SMA and JCMT EHT stations are located, has for the indigenous Hawaiian people. The software presented in this work makes use of the Numpy (van derWalt et al. 2011), Scipy (Jones et al. 2001), Astropy (Astropy Collaboration 2013, 2018) libraries and the KERN software bundle (Molenaar & Smirnov 2018).

Flestir fiskistofnar heims eru nýttir að fullu eða ofveiddir. Ofnýting hefur í för með sér slæmar vistfræðilegar, hagrænar og félagslegar afleiðingar. Minna er hægt að veiða úr ofveiddum stofnum og hætta getur verið á hruni þeirra. Og af því að þeir gefa minna af sér eru veiðarnar ekki jafn arðbærar og geta jafnvel verið reknar með tapi. Lélegt ástand stofnanna hefur áhrif á þá sem nýta auðlindina og það getur hoggið nærri brothættum sjávarbyggðum. Í þessari doktorsritgerð er sjónum beint að Færeyjum. Íbúar Færeyja eru um 50 þúsund og þeir eiga mikið undir sjávarútvegi. Veiðar og vinnsla standa undir 24% af vergri landsframleiðslu (VLF) og útflutningur sjávarafurða svaraði til 52% af útflutningi ársins 2017. Um 10% fólks vinnur við sjávarútveg, þar af um 1.500 við veiðar og um 1.200 við vinnslu. En þrátt fyrir mikilvægi sjávarútvegs eru helstu fiskistofanar við Færeyjar ofnýttir. Í fyrstu grein þessarar ritgerðar er fjallað um stjórn fiskveiða í Færeyjum og hvernig hún hefur þróast á árunum 1948-2018. Færeyingar hafa reynt ýmis konar fiskveiðistjórnarkerfi; opinn aðgang, skilyrtan aðgang, leyfiskerfi og framseljanlegar aflaheimildir, en frá árinu 1996 hefur verið beitt sóknarstýringu með dagatakmörkunum. Í greininni er bent á að stjórnun heimaflotans, sem veiðir úr stofnum við Færeyjar, hefur ekki verið nægjanlega aðhaldssöm og fyrir vikið hafa helstu fiskistofnar verið ofnýttir. Veiðarnar hafa jafnframt að mestu verið óarðbærar. Þessu er öfugt farið með stjórn úthafsflotans, sem veiðir á fjarlægum miðum, og uppsjávarveiðiskipa, en þeim hefur að mestu verið stjórnað með kvótakerfi. Þar hefur hagnaður verið meiri og viðvarandi. Í annarri greininni er borinn saman líffræðilegur, hagrænn og félagslegur árangur af ólíkri stjórn veiða heimaflotans, uppsjávarflotans og úthafsflotans 1985-2018. Sýnt er fram á að vegna þess að fiskistofnar við Færeyjar voru ofnýttir og heimaflotinn of stór, hefur aldrei náð að myndast nein auðlindarentu í þeim veiðum. Í uppsjávarveiðum hefur á hinn bóginn orðið til allgóð auðlindarenta. Laun sjómanna á skipum og bátum í heimaflotanum hafa einnig verið lægri en á öðrum skipum og sum ár jafnvel lægri en meðallaun í Færeyjum. Fjárhagslegur stuðningur hins opinbera hefur aukið á vandann með því að viðhalda of stórum heimaflota og þannig ýtt undir ofnýtingu fiskistofna við eyjarnar. Í þriðju greininni eru beitt aðferð sem kennd er við frammistöðumælikvarða (Fishery Performance Indicators, FPI) til að gaumgæfa frekar þróun fiskveiða í Færeyjum. Allar fiskveiðarnar sem samanburðurinn nær til fá góða einkunn á samfélagslegum skala, en togarar i heimaflotanum fá þó lakari einkunn en úthafsflotinn og uppsjávarveiðiflotinn. Heimatogararnir standa sig einnig verst í vistfræðilegu tilliti. Þótt góð auðlindarenta hafa myndast í uppsjávarveiðum stendur sá floti að baki hinum flotunum tveimur í hagrænum skilningi, einkum vegna þeirrar miklu óvissu sem fylgir stórum sveiflum í heildarafla. Greiningin sýnir einnig fram á að nýtingarréttur togskipa í heimaflotanum er veikur miðað við það sem gerist og gengur almennt í fiskveiðum í iðnvæddum löndum. Í fjórðu og síðustu greininni er sagt frá þeim breytingum á stjórn fiskveiða í Færeyjum sem kynntar voru árið 2018, en með þeim var ætlunin að bæta líffræðilega og hagræna sjálfbærni veiðanna. Bent er á hvað gæti staðið í vegi fyrir því að þau áform gengu eftir, ekki síst þá staðreynd að umbæturnar áttu aðeins að ná til hluta heimaflotans. Því væri hætta á að breytingarnar myndu ekki hafa tilætluð áhrif og áfram yrði því bið á að hinir mikilvægu stofnar þorsks og ýsu í færeyskri lögsögu næðu að rétta úr kútnum. Ritgerðin dregur fram að veiðum færeyska heimaflotans hefur ekki verið stjórnað á heppilegasta máta sem hefur haft vond líffræðileg, hagræn og félagsleg áhrif. Reynslan af stjórn veiða úthafsflotans og uppsjávarveiðiflotans sýnir glögglega hversu mikið sú óstjórn hefur kostað. Ritgerðin sýnir einnig að sá auður sem sjávarútvegur hefur skapað hefur átt þátt í að lyfta lífskjörum í Færeyjum. En þrátt fyrir mikilvægi sjávarútvegs í þjóðarbúskapnum og nauðsyn þess að stjórna fiskveiðum með skynsamlegum hætti hefur Færeyingum ekki lánast að gera sér meira úr auðlind sinni. Þær breytingar á stjórn fiskveiða, sem átti að hrinda í framkvæmd 2018, gengu heldur ekki nægjanlega langt. Þess vegna er mikilvægt að kannað verði hvernig hægt sé að ná samstöðu um stjórn veiða heimaflotans sem tryggi að til framtíðar verði veiðum á heimaslóð stjórnað með sjálfbærni að leiðarljósi. ; Most of the world's fish stocks are overfished or fully fished. Overfishing has negative ecological, economic and social consequences. Fish stocks that are overfished produce less yield and may be at risk of collapse, and because they produce less yield, they are less profitable or not profitable at all. These negative consequences naturally affect the people who rely on the resource, whether for their livelihoods or for sustenance. Fisheries-dependent communities are naturally most affected by these negative consequences. The case study area for this PhD thesis is the Faroe Islands. The Faroe Islands, a country of 50,000 people, located in the middle of the Northeast Atlantic, are highly dependent upon their fishing industry. The marine fishery accounted for 24% of the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and 52% of exports in 2017. The fishing industry is also an important source of employment, employing approximately 1,500 people in the catching sector and 1,200 in the processing sector, in total about 10% of the Faroese work force. Despite the importance of the fishing industry to the Faroe Islands, fish stocks in Faroese waters are overfished. Paper I of this thesis explores the issue of fisheries policy in the Faroe Islands, describing and analysing how the Faroese have managed their fisheries in the period from 1948 through 2018. The Faroe Islands had five different management regimes in place in that period: open access; regulated open access; a licensing system; a brief period of individual transferable quotas; and, since 1996, an effort quota system, where the main control component comprised fishing days without total allowable catch control. The paper concludes that management of the home fleet has not effectively controlled effort, which has left the fish stocks in Faroese waters overexploited, the fleet overcapitalised, and the fishery largely unprofitable. This stands in contrast to management of the distant-water and pelagic fisheries, which have been managed predominantly with individual transferable quotas and, as a result, are more profitable and more sustainable. In Paper II, data on economic, biological and social indicators are analysed to illustrate outcomes in the home fleet fisheries, the pelagic fishery, and the distant-water fishery in the period from 1985 to 2018. Outcomes are linked to the management frameworks in place. The paper concludes that due to overfishing and overcapacity, there was no resource rent in the home fleet fishery for a long time while the pelagic fishery especially generated large resource rents. The paper also concludes that fishers' wages in the home fleet were lower than in the pelagic and distant-water fisheries, some years well below "normal" remuneration in the Faroe Islands. In addition to sub-optimal management, substantial fleet subsidies have exasperated the problem of overcapacity and thereby overfishing. In Paper III, the Fishery Performance Indicators (FPI) framework, developed by Anderson et al. (2015), is applied to the three main fisheries in the Faroe Islands. With the FPI methodology, the paper measured triple bottom line outcomes—Ecology, Economics and Community—using 68 individual metrics across 14 dimensions. The results show that the three Faroese fisheries all scored high on the Community indicator but the home fleet trawlers scored lower than the other two fisheries due especially to a lower Career dimension score. The trawlers also had the lowest Ecology score. Despite generating large resource rent, the pelagic fleet had the lowest Economic score. This was predominantly due to poor Risk performance as a result of large volatility in the fishery. The analysis also revealed a notable lack of harvest rights in the home fishery for an industrialised fishery. Paper IV describes and analyses the fisheries policy reform introduced in the Faroe Islands in 2018. The objectives of the reform were for fisheries to become biologically and economically sustainable but a number of barriers for success are identified, most notably that measures to ensure sustainability in the home fishery only apply to parts of the fleet, which may render them ineffective and hinder the much-needed recovery of the important cod and haddock stocks in Faroese waters. This thesis draws attention to the fact that the home fleet fishery in the Faroe Islands has not been managed optimally and demonstrates the negative impact this has had on biological, economic and social outcomes. The outcomes in the pelagic and distant-water fisheries stand in contrast to this and illustrate the lost gains from mismanagement of the home fishery. The thesis also shows that wealth generated by the fishing industry has contributed to a high standard of living in the Faroe Islands, making sound management vitally important. For several decades, the Faroese have failed to capitalise on the potential wealth of the renewable natural resource within their EEZ, despite the importance of the resource to their economy. The fisheries policy reform does not adequately address failures in management and is unlikely to improve biological and economic outcomes in the home fleet. Future research should focus on how to reach a consensus on the management of the home fleet fishery to achieve lasting and sustainable change. ; Henda serritgerð kannar sambandið millum fiskivinnupolitikk og lívfrøðilig, búskaparlig og sosial úrslit í Føroyum. Hon er samansett av seks kapitlum, harav fýra greinum, innleiðing, og niðurstøðum. Tríggjar greinar er útgivnar av altjóða akademiskum tíðarritum og tann fjórða er latin til ummælis. Tann fyrsta greinin lýsir og greinar føroyskan fiskivinnupolitikk frá 1948, tá heimastýrislógin kom í gildi og føroyingar yvirtóku málsøkið fiskivinna, til og við 2018. Í hesum tíðarskeiði vóru fimm ymiskar skipanir í gildi: frí atgongd, har ongar ásetingar vóru; skipað frí atgongd, har fáar ásetingar vóru; loyvisskipan; eitt stutt tíðarskeið við kvotuskipan; og fiskidagaskipanin, sum kom í gildi í 1996. Greinin kemur til ta niðurstøðu, at grundleggjandi veikleikar hava verið í umsitingini, ið hava ført til ovurfisking og yvirkapasitet. Umsitingin av uppisjóvarflotanum og fjarfiskaflotanum hinvegin hevur vart fiskastovnarnar betur og hevur ikki ført til yvirkapasitet á sama hátt. Næsta greinin kannar lívfrøðiligu, búskaparligu og sosialu gongdina í føroyskari fiskivinnu millum 1985 og 2018 við at kanna lyklaindikatorar. Veiðuhagtøl benda á systematiska ovurfisking av botnfiskastovnunum. Greinin vísir eisini, at tað var so at siga eingin tilfeingisrenta í heimaflotanum hesi árini, meðan tilfeingisrentan í serliga uppisjóvarflotanum var stór. Lønirnar í heimaflotanum vóru eisini lágar, summi ár sera lágar. Vánalig búskaparlig og sosial úrslit eru allarhelst ein avleiðing av ovurfisking og yvirkapasiteti. Fíggjarligur stuðul til fiskivinnuna hevur gjørt trupulleikarnar við ovurfisking og yvirkapasiteti verri. Tann triðja greinin kannar lívfrøðiligu, búskaparligu og sosialu støðuna í føroysku fiskivinnuni í 2017 við at brúka Fishery Performance Indicators háttalagi, ið Anderson et al. (2015) hava útviklað, og sum fevnir um 68 indikatorar. Sama háttalag er brúkt til at kanna fleiri enn 100 fiskivinnuskipanir. Niðurstøðurnar eru, at allir flotar høvdu góð sosial úrslit, men trolarar høvdu verri sosial og lívfrøðilig úrslit enn hinir, og uppisjóvarflotin, hóast stóra tilfeingisrentu, hevði verri búskaparlig úrslit, serliga vegna stórar broytingar í veiðumongdini, sum økir um váðan. Fjarfiskaflotin hevði bestu úrslitini. Síðsta greinin lýsir og kannar fiskivinnunýskipanina, sum løgtingið samtykti í desembur 2017. Endamálið við nýskipanina var lívfrøðilig og búskaparlig burðardygd, men greinin vísir á, at fleiri forðingar eru fyri hesum í nýggju lógini. Serliga verður víst á, at tiltøk at betra um lívfrøðiliga burðardygd ikki eru galdandi fyri allan heimaflotan. ; EU Horizon 2020 Marie Skłodowska-Curie MSCA-ETN Programme (project 642080)

"It can be said, then, that the practices would remain in the personal time of the subjects in training as one of the most powerful brands in terms of the constitution of their professional identity" (Acevedo and Peralta, 2010) For years, those of us who are part of the Social Work Career at the UNC have been asking ourselves -and at the same time rehearsing possible answers- about the ways of teaching, learning, doing and knowing how to do in academic practices. These questions were deepened - together with national and Latin American disciplinary debates - through the implementation of curricula that (re)meant practice as the central axis for degree training, in increasingly complex training and intervention scenarios and contexts. Our 2004 Curriculum defines academic practices as "a central space of learning in training (.) they are constructed as a space of teaching learning that is characterized by an intentional contact with reality with a learning objective, differentiating it from professional practice"[1] Therefore, academic practices are also constituted in a time/space of connection between the University and its classrooms with the diverse territories, institutions, others, and others. It is there, in these intersections, where practices are created, where the classroom is a particular territory of intervention, of creation of pedagogical proposals on a professional knowledge/doing; classrooms crossed by the inequalities of our times and filled with the diversities of those who inhabit them; classrooms where the ways of being and seeing the world are articulated to ways of thinking (se) as students and teachers of Social Work. At the same time, the territories -those scenarios outside the University with their protagonists, logics, demands, own views on the profession- are powerful spaces of teaching and learning, where diverse knowledge and doings are put in dialogue, recognizing the different perspectives of actors who converge in the construction of teaching and learning strategies of the profession. For at least 20 years, the then School of Social Work - through its management and teaching teams, institutional referents, members of the organizations and students - has been generating spaces for deep discussions about the place and characteristics of the practices in degree training. As a result of these collective paths, the institutional bets and the impulses of the chairs to write and reflect on our daily task, this special issue of Social Conscience Magazine was born; an issue we call "When territories become classrooms. The formative practices in Social Work", and that was gestated as an invitation to the pause, to a specific moment to (re)think, to retrace and to write again on the learnings, challenges and desires on the practices in Social Work, in the light of the trajectories and of the new demands that these times print to our knowledge - know-how. This issue takes shape at a time of special complexity for our peoples, scenarios that crystallize the greatest injustices and inequalities while inviting us to redouble the cultural, political, epistemic disputes over the senses and the need to think and do different ways of inhabiting the world. From our places - Public University and Social Work - it is time to strengthen the ethical and political commitments that shape us as a profession; it is also time to give us the time to reflect and listen, to co-construct learnings and creative interventions, flexible and founded at the same time. These are times to re-signify which are the spaces, the ways, the processes through which we do learning and we learn by doing the profession: From what frames do we teach and learn the profession of Social Work? From what lenses do we build reality and otherness? And, fundamentally, with whom do we look and build that reality and our profession? With what horizons? 1] Study Plan Document, 2004, p13. School of Social Work, Faculty of Law and Social Sciences. National University of Córdoba. ; "Se puede decir, entonces, que las prácticas permaneceríanen el tiempo personal de los sujetos en formación como una de las marcas más potentes en lo que refiere a la constitución de su identidad profesional"(Acevedo y Peralta, 2010) Desde hace años, quienes formamos parte de la Carrera de Trabajo Social de la UNC; nos venimos preguntando -y a la vez ensayando posibles respuestas- sobre los modos de enseñar, aprender, hacer y saber hacer en las prácticas académicas. Preguntas que fueron profundizadas – junto a los debates disciplinares nacionales y latinoamericanos- a partir de la implementación de planes de estudios que (re)significaban la práctica como eje central para la formación de grado, en escenarios y contextos de formación y de intervención cada vez más complejos. Nuestro Plan de Estudios 2004 define a las prácticas académicas como "un espacio central de aprendizaje en la formación (…) se construyen como un espacio de enseñanza aprendizaje que se caracteriza por un contacto intencionado con la realidad con un objetivo de aprendizaje, diferenciándose de la práctica profesional."[1] Por ello, también las prácticas académicas se constituyen en un tiempo/espacio de vinculación entre la Universidad y sus aulas con los diversos territorios, instituciones, otras, otros y otres. Es allí, en estas intersecciones, donde se crean las prácticas, donde el aula es un territorio de intervención particular, de creación de propuestas pedagógicas sobre un saber/hacer profesional; aulas atravesadas por las desigualdades de nuestros tiempos y colmadas de las diversidades de quienes las habitamos; aulas donde los modos de ser y ver el mundo se articulan a modos de pensar (se) como estudiantes y docentes de Trabajo Social. Al tiempo, los territorios –esos escenarios fuera de la Universidad con sus protagonistas, lógicas, demandas, miradas propias sobre la profesión– son potentes espacios de enseñanza y aprendizaje, donde se ponen en diálogo diversos saberes y haceres, reconociendo las diferentes perspectivas de actores que confluyen en la construcción de estrategias de enseñanza y aprendizaje de la profesión. Desde hace al menos 20 años, la entonces Escuela de Trabajo Social - a través de sus equipos de gestión y equipos docentes, referentes institucionales, integrantes de las organizaciones y estudiantes- fue generando espacios de profundas discusiones sobre el lugar y las características de las prácticas en la formación de grado. Producto de estos caminos colectivos, de las apuestas institucionales y de los impulsos de las cátedras por escribir y reflexionar sobre nuestra tarea cotidiana; nace este número especial de la Revista Conciencia Social; número que nombramos "Cuando los territorios se vuelven aulas. Las prácticas formativas en Trabajo Social", y que fue gestado como una invitación a la pausa, a un momento específico para (re)pensar, desandar y volver a escribir sobre los aprendizajes, desafíos y anhelos sobre las prácticas en Trabajo Social, a la luz de las trayectorias y de las nuevas exigencias que estos tiempos imprimen a nuestro saber - saber hacer. Este Número toma cuerpo en un momento de especial complejidad para nuestros pueblos, escenarios que cristalizan las mayores injusticias y desigualdades al tiempo que nos invitan a redoblar las disputas culturales, políticas, epistémicas por los sentidos y la necesidad de pensar y hacer formas distintas de habitar el mundo. Desde nuestros lugares – Universidad Pública y Trabajo Social- son tiempos de fortalecer los compromisos éticos y políticos que nos conforman como profesión; es tiempo también de darnos el tiempo de reflexión y escucha, de co-construcción de aprendizajes e intervenciones creativas, flexibles a la vez que fundadas. Son tiempos para resignificar cuáles son los espacios, los modos, los procesos a través de los cuáles hacemos aprendiendo y aprendemos haciendo la profesión: ¿Desde qué marcos enseñamos y aprendemos el oficio del Trabajo Social? ¿Desde qué lentes construimos la realidad y la otredad? Y, fundamentalmente, ¿Con quiénes miramos y construimos esa realidad y nuestra profesión? ¿Con qué horizontes? [1] Documento Plan de Estudios, 2004, p13. Escuela de trabajo Social, Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. ; "Pode-se dizer, então, que as práticas permaneceriam no tempo pessoal dos sujeitos em treinamento como uma das marcas mais poderosas com relação à constituição de sua identidade profissional" (Acevedo e Peralta, 2010) Durante anos, aqueles de nós que fazem parte da Carreira de Trabalho Social na UNC; temos nos perguntado - e ao mesmo tempo ensaiado possíveis respostas - sobre as maneiras de ensinar, aprender, fazer e saber como fazer nas práticas acadêmicas. Estas questões foram aprofundadas - juntamente com os debates disciplinares nacionais e latino-americanos - a partir da implementação de currículos que (re)significavam a prática como eixo central para o treinamento de graduação, em cenários e contextos de treinamento e intervenção cada vez mais complexos. Nosso Currículo 2004 define as práticas acadêmicas como "um espaço central de aprendizagem em treinamento (.) elas são construídas como um espaço de aprendizagem didática que se caracteriza por um contato intencional com a realidade com um objetivo de aprendizagem, diferenciando-a da prática profissional"[1] Portanto, as práticas acadêmicas também se constituem em um tempo/espaço de conexão entre a Universidade e suas salas de aula com os diversos territórios, instituições, outros e outros. É ali, nesses cruzamentos, onde se criam práticas, onde a sala de aula é um território particular de intervenção, criando propostas educativas sobre um conhecimento / fazer profissional; salas de aula atravessadas pelas desigualdades de nosso tempo e preenchidas pelas diversidades daqueles que as habitam; salas de aula onde os modos de ser e de ver o mundo se articulam a modos de pensar (se) como estudantes e professores de Serviço Social. Ao mesmo tempo, os territórios - aqueles cenários fora da Universidade com seus protagonistas, lógicas, exigências, visões próprias sobre a profissão - são espaços poderosos de ensino e aprendizagem, onde diversos conhecimentos e feitos são colocados em diálogo, reconhecendo as diferentes perspectivas dos atores que convergem na construção de estratégias de ensino e aprendizagem da profissão. Há pelo menos 20 anos, a então Escola de Serviço Social - através de suas equipes de gestão e ensino, referências institucionais, membros das organizações e estudantes - vem gerando espaços para discussões profundas sobre o lugar e as características das práticas de treinamento em graduação. Como resultado desses caminhos coletivos, das apostas institucionais e dos impulsos das cadeiras para escrever e refletir sobre nossa tarefa diária, nasceu esta edição especial da Revista Consciência Social; uma edição que chamamos de "Quando os territórios se tornam salas de aula". As práticas formativas no Serviço Social", e que foi gestacionado como um convite à pausa, a um momento específico para (re)pensar, retraçar e escrever novamente sobre os aprendizados, desafios e desejos sobre as práticas no Serviço Social, à luz das trajetórias e das novas demandas que estes tempos imprimem ao nosso conhecimento - know-how. Esta questão toma forma em um momento de especial complexidade para nossos povos, cenários que cristalizam as maiores injustiças e desigualdades, enquanto nos convidam a redobrar as disputas culturais, políticas, epistêmicas sobre os sentidos e a necessidade de pensar e fazer diferentes maneiras de habitar o mundo. De nossos lugares - Universidade Pública e Serviço Social - é hora de fortalecer os compromissos éticos e políticos que nos moldam como profissão; também é hora de nos dar tempo para refletir e ouvir, para co-construir o aprendizado e as intervenções criativas, flexíveis e fundadas ao mesmo tempo. Estes são tempos para re-significar quais são os espaços, os caminhos, os processos através dos quais aprendemos e aprendemos fazendo a profissão: De que quadros ensinamos e aprendemos a profissão de Serviço Social? De que lentes construímos a realidade e a alteridade? E, fundamentalmente, com quem olhamos e construímos essa realidade e nossa profissão? Com que horizontes? 1] Documento do Plano de Estudo, 2004, p13. Escola de Serviço Social, Faculdade de Direito e Ciências Sociais. Universidade Nacional de Córdoba.

Background A key component of achieving universal health coverage is ensuring that all populations have access to quality health care. Examining where gains have occurred or progress has faltered across and within countries is crucial to guiding decisions and strategies for future improvement. We used the Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study 2016 (GBD 2016) to assess personal health-care access and quality with the Healthcare Access and Quality (HAQ) Index for 195 countries and territories, as well as subnational locations in seven countries, from 1990 to 2016. Methods Drawing from established methods and updated estimates from GBD 2016, we used 32 causes from which death should not occur in the presence of effective care to approximate personal health-care access and quality by location and over time. To better isolate potential effects of personal health-care access and quality from underlying risk factor patterns, we risk-standardised cause-specific deaths due to non-cancers by location-year, replacing the local joint exposure of environmental and behavioural risks with the global level of exposure. Supported by the expansion of cancer registry data in GBD 2016, we used mortality-to-incidence ratios for cancers instead of risk-standardised death rates to provide a stronger signal of the effects of personal health care and access on cancer survival. We transformed each cause to a scale of 0-100, with 0 as the first percentile (worst) observed between 1990 and 2016, and 100 as the 99th percentile (best); we set these thresholds at the country level, and then applied them to subnational locations. We applied a principal components analysis to construct the HAQ Index using all scaled cause values, providing an overall score of 0-100 of personal health-care access and quality by location over time. We then compared HAQ Index levels and trends by quintiles on the Socio-demographic Index (SDI), a summary measure of overall development. As derived from the broader GBD study and other data sources, we examined relationships between national HAQ Index scores and potential correlates of performance, such as total health spending per capita. Findings In 2016, HAQ Index performance spanned from a high of 97.1 (95% UI 95.8-98.1) in Iceland, followed by 96.6 (94.9-97.9) in Norway and 96.1 (94.5-97.3) in the Netherlands, to values as low as 18.6 (13.1-24.4) in the Central African Republic, 19.0 (14.3-23.7) in Somalia, and 23.4 (20.2-26.8) in Guinea-Bissau. The pace of progress achieved between 1990 and 2016 varied, with markedly faster improvements occurring between 2000 and 2016 for many countries in sub-Saharan Africa and southeast Asia, whereas several countries in Latin America and elsewhere saw progress stagnate after experiencing considerable advances in the HAQ Index between 1990 and 2000. Striking subnational disparities emerged in personal health-care access and quality, with China and India having particularly large gaps between locations with the highest and lowest scores in 2016. In China, performance ranged from 91.5 (89.1-936) in Beijing to 48.0 (43.4-53.2) in Tibet (a 43.5-point difference), while India saw a 30.8-point disparity, from 64.8 (59.6-68.8) in Goa to 34.0 (30.3-38.1) in Assam. Japan recorded the smallest range in subnational HAQ performance in 2016 (a 4.8-point difference), whereas differences between subnational locations with the highest and lowest HAQ Index values were more than two times as high for the USA and three times as high for England. State-level gaps in the HAQ Index in Mexico somewhat narrowed from 1990 to 2016 (from a 20.9-point to 17.0-point difference), whereas in Brazil, disparities slightly increased across states during this time (a 17.2-point to 20.4-point difference). Performance on the HAQ Index showed strong linkages to overall development, with high and high-middle SDI countries generally having higher scores and faster gains for non-communicable diseases. Nonetheless, countries across the development spectrum saw substantial gains in some key health service areas from 2000 to 2016, most notably vaccine-preventable diseases. Overall, national performance on the HAQ Index was positively associated with higher levels of total health spending per capita, as well as health systems inputs, but these relationships were quite heterogeneous, particularly among low-to-middle SDI countries. Interpretation GBD 2016 provides a more detailed understanding of past success and current challenges in improving personal health-care access and quality worldwide. Despite substantial gains since 2000, many low-SDI and middle-SDI countries face considerable challenges unless heightened policy action and investments focus on advancing access to and quality of health care across key health services, especially non-communicable diseases. Stagnating or minimal improvements experienced by several low-middle to high-middle SDI countries could reflect the complexities of re-orienting both primary and secondary health-care services beyond the more limited foci of the Millennium Development Goals. Alongside initiatives to strengthen public health programmes, the pursuit of universal health coverage upon improving both access and quality worldwide, and thus requires adopting a more comprehensive view and subsequent provision of quality health care for all populations. ; Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Barbora de Courten is supported by a National Heart Foundation Future Leader Fellowship (100864). Ai Koyanagi's work is supported by the Miguel Servet contract financed by the CP13/00150 and PI15/00862 projects, integrated into the National R + D + I and funded by the ISCIII —General Branch Evaluation and Promotion of Health Research—and the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF-FEDER). Alberto Ortiz was supported by Spanish Government (Instituto de Salud Carlos III RETIC REDINREN RD16/0019 FEDER funds). Ashish Awasthi acknowledges funding support from Department of Science and Technology, Government of India through INSPIRE Faculty scheme Boris Bikbov has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 703226. Boris Bikbov acknowledges that work related to this paper has been done on the behalf of the GBD Genitourinary Disease Expert Group. Panniyammakal Jeemon acknowledges support from the clinical and public health intermediate fellowship from the Wellcome Trust and Department of Biotechnology, India Alliance (2015–20). Job F M van Boven was supported by the Department of Clinical Pharmacy & Pharmacology of the University Medical Center Groningen, University of Groningen, Netherlands. Olanrewaju Oladimeji is an African Research Fellow hosted by Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), South Africa and he also has honorary affiliations with Walter Sisulu University (WSU), Eastern Cape, South Africa and School of Public Health, University of Namibia (UNAM), Namibia. He is indeed grateful for support from HSRC, WSU and UNAM. EUI is supported in part by the South African National Research Foundation (NRF UID: 86003). Ulrich Mueller acknowledges funding by the German National Cohort Study grant No 01ER1511/D, Gabrielle B Britton is supported by Secretaría Nacional de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación and Sistema Nacional de Investigación de Panamá. Giuseppe Remuzzi acknowledges that the work related to this paper has been done on behalf of the GBD Genitourinary Disease Expert Group. Behzad Heibati would like to acknowledge Air pollution Research Center, Iran University of Medical Sciences (IUMS), Tehran, Iran. Syed Aljunid acknowledges the National University of Malaysia for providing the approval to participate in this GBD Project. Azeem Majeed and Imperial College London are grateful for support from the Northwest London National Insititute of Health Research (NIHR) Collaboration for Leadership in Applied Health Research & Care. Tambe Ayuk acknowledges the Institute of Medical Research and Medicinal Plant Studies for office space provided. José das Neves was supported in his contribution to this work by a Fellowship from Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Portugal (SFRH/BPD/92934/2013). João Fernandes gratefully acknowledges funding from FCT–Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (grant number UID/Multi/50016/2013). Jan-Walter De Neve was supported by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. Kebede Deribe is funded by a Wellcome Trust Intermediate Fellowship in Public Health and Tropical Medicine (201900). Kazem Rahimi was supported by grants from the Oxford Martin School, the NIHR Oxford BRC and the RCUK Global Challenges Research Fund. Laith J Abu-Raddad acknowledges the support of Qatar National Research Fund (NPRP 9-040-3-008) who provided the main funding for generating the data provided to the GBD-IHME effort. Liesl Zuhlke is funded by the national research foundation of South Africa and the Medical Research Council of South Africa. Monica Cortinovis acknowledges that work related to this paper has been done on the behalf of the GBD Genitourinary Disease Expert Group. Chuanhua Yu acknowleges support from the National Natural Science Foundation of China (grant number 81773552 and grant number 81273179) Norberto Perico acknowledges that work related to this paper has been done on behalf of the GBD Genitourinary Disease Expert Group. Charles Shey Wiysonge's work is supported by the South African Medical Research Council and the National Research Foundation of South Africa (grant numbers 106035 and 108571). John J McGrath is supported by grant APP1056929 from the John Cade Fellowship from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Danish National Research Foundation (Niels Bohr Professorship). Quique Bassat is an ICREA (Catalan Institution for Research and Advanced Studies) research professor at ISGlobal. Richard G White is funded by the UK MRC and the UK Department for International Development (DFID) under the MRC/DFID Concordat agreement that is also part of the EDCTP2 programme supported by the European Union (MR/P002404/1), the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation (TB Modelling and Analysis Consortium: OPP1084276/OPP1135288, CORTIS: OPP1137034/OPP1151915, Vaccines: OPP1160830), and UNITAID (4214-LSHTM-Sept15; PO 8477-0-600). Rafael Tabarés-Seisdedos was supported in part by grant number PROMETEOII/2015/021 from Generalitat Valenciana and the national grant PI17/00719 from ISCIII-FEDER. Mihajlo Jakovljevic acknowleges contribution from the Serbian Ministry of Education Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia (grant OI 175 014). Shariful Islam is funded by a Senior Fellowship from Institute for Physical Activity and Nutrition, Deakin University and received career transition grants from High Blood Pressure Research Council of Australia. Sonia Saxena is funded by various grants from the NIHR. Stefanos Tyrovolas was supported by the Foundation for Education and European Culture, the Sara Borrell postdoctoral program (reference number CD15/00019 from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII–Spain) and the Fondos Europeo de Desarrollo Regional. Stefanos was awarded with a 6 months visiting fellowship funding at IHME from M-AES (reference no. MV16/00035 from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III). S Vittal Katikreddi was funded by a NHS Research Scotland Senior Clinical Fellowship (SCAF/15/02), the MRC (MC_UU_12017/13 & MC_ UU_12017/15) and the Scottish Government Chief Scientist Office (SPHSU13 & SPHSU15). Traolach S Brugha has received funding from NHS Digital UK to collect data used in this study. The work of Hamid Badali was financially supported by Mazandaran University of Medical Sciences, Sari, Iran. The work of Stefan Lorkowski is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (nutriCARD, Grant agreement number 01EA1411A). Mariam Molokhia's research was supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Biomedical Research Centre at Guy's and St Thomas' NHS Foundation Trust and King's College London. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. We also thank the countless individuals who have contributed to GBD 2016 in various capacities. ; Peer reviewed

Germany is a country of immigration. This has de facto been the case since the beginning of 'guest worker' recruitments in the 1950s, but Germany only legally acknowledged that it was incorrect to maintain that 'Germany is not a country of immigration' ('Deutschland ist kein Einwanderungsland') only 16 years ago, with a shift in migration policy that affected both the political and the social discourse on immigration and integration. Since 2000, a new Citizenship Act has granted citizenship based on place of birth ('Ius Soli') rather than on descent only ('Ius Sanguini'). In 2005, a new Immigration Act took effect and ad-dressed matters of integration at the federal level (Castro Varela & Mecheril 2010: 25). Debates on successful integration became prevalent in the political discourse, and a national action plan on integration ('Nationaler Integrationsplan' 2006, 2007; 'Nationaler Aktionsplan Integration' 2012) declared measures to improve the situation of migrants in Germany. Among other issues, the plan aims to ease the entrance of highly skilled migrants to the German labour market (National Action Plan on Integration 2012: 20). Through the 2005 Immigration Act, Germany started to foster immigration of highly skilled migrants for the first time since the end of 'guest worker' recruitments in 1973, a series of contracts that encouraged migration to post-war Germany. 'Guest workers' helped to rebuild the German economy and formed the first big migration wave to Germany in the 20th century (Castro Varela & Mecheril 2010), but they were expected to leave after a short period of work and their integration did not form part of the 'guest worker' recruitment. Besides, few of them worked in the highly skilled sector. With the implementation of the new Immigration Act, Germany now invests in the acquisition of knowledge via immigration (Act on the Residence, Economic Activity and Integration of Foreigners in the Federal Territory, Sections 19, 19a & 21), and thereby tries to address the skills shortage (The Federal Government 2014). However, many highly skilled migrants living in Germany did not immigrate as part of the initiative to reduce the skills shortage, but came as refugees, ethnic German repatriates or for family reunification. Although there have been recent initiatives to improve the acknowledgement of their degrees and certificates, various studies prove that their professional potential is not tapped, and that they too often face deskilling (Henkelmann 2012; Nohl, Ofner & Thomsen 2010). This is contrary to research that finds professional integration a relevant criterion for satisfactory integration into society (Peirce 1995; Nohl, Schit-tenhelm & Schmidtke 2014; Pätzold 2010; Brizić 2013). Despite increasing skills shortages in fields such as engineering (e.g. The Association of German Engineers VDI 2016), the knowledge and qualifications of highly skilled migrants seem to have lost significance on the German labour market (Flam 2007: 118). This situation frames the qualitative study at hand. To reveal perspectives on professional skills and career paths after migration to Germany, 17 semi-structured interviews were conducted with immigrant graduates who participated in a requalification project. As part of the project, all participants had enrolled at the University of Duisburg-Essen to obtain a German university degree with a view to enhancing their chances on the labour market. Since they had migrated to Germany 2–20 years before, none of the participants had been able to work in the fields they obtained their degrees in. Experiences of immigrant graduates in the context of their 'insufficient incorporation' (Nohl, Schittenhelm & Schmidtke 2014: 4) into the German labour market have been subject to recent studies (e.g. Nohl, Ofner & Thomsen 2007; Ofner 2011; Henkelmann 2012; Nohl, Schittenhelm, Schmidtke & Weiß 2014; Jacoby 2011), but more research is required on how participation in professional communities is assessed by migrant graduates in the context of their deskilling. Through examining how ideas on professional participation and agency are verbalised in interviews, the study at hand addresses this desideratum. 'Agency' and 'participation' are main factors in the analysis of the data presented in this thesis, and their definition builds on the assumption that '"doing" is at the heart of identity formation', linking action to processes of identity formation (Pratt 2012: 26). The present study suggests that expressions of agency and participation reveal how professional identities are discursively constructed in interviews. This leads to two research questions: 1. What kind of strategies did the interviewees use to support the discursive con-struction of their professional identities? 2. How did the respondents demonstrate agency in discursive constructions of professional identities? To analyse the data for strategies of identity construction, a qualitative content analysis (Mayring 2010, 2014; Kuckartz 2014, 2014; Schreier 2012) was carried out. Thus, the data was structured according to the aforementioned research questions (Mayring 2010). This was achieved by assigning text units to categories that were formed deductively from research about the notion of professional identity and its construction (Turner 1991; Pratt 2012; Ashforth, Kreiner, Clark & Fugate 2007; Caza & Creary 2016), as well as inductively from interview data. Hence, the result of the coding procedure was a number of text units that were filtered with the help of categories and that showed different types of strategies for the construction of professional identities. The filtered text units were then examined according to how agency was demonstrated within them. The analysis showed that various types of discursive strategies were located. These strategies helped to construct, deconstruct or maintain professional identities. The strategies involved agency to different ex-tents. Whereas resigning and adapting strategies showed only little or no agency on the part of the interviewees, regaining and disclosing strategies involved more agency in the construction of professional identities. These findings are discussed with regards to two aspects. The first aspect is how the typol-ogy of discursive strategies relates to the theoretical framework of the study. It can be shown that participation in professional communities increases agency and supports the construction of professional identities, while unsatisfactory participation is reflected in a lack of identification as a professional. The construction of professional identities is clearly linked to participation in actual or imagined professional communities. The validation of these actions contributes to the construction of confident professional identities (Pratt 2012: 26). Moreover, comparing and contrasting (Kelle & Kluge 2010) discursive strategy types shows how metaphorical references to power (Lakoff & Johnson 1980) support the processes of constructions of professional identities. The second aspect is the validity of the findings. It will be demonstrated that although the qualitative approach of this research project includes the subjective perspective of the researcher, there are certain quality criteria such as the transparency of the analysis process and a second analysis procedure at a different point of time that ensure a satisfactory level of internal validity (Malterud 2001: 484). The transferability of the findings to other contexts is outlined in the conclusion. More specifically, the findings can be transferred and applied to further research in two different ways. Firstly, a similar analysis should be conducted with the same participants at a different point of time. The hypothesis that professional participation enhances the construction of professional identities could then be re-evaluated after a longer period of employment in the field of graduation. Secondly, this hypothesis could be transferred to a different migration setting, for instance to Australia, to test whether the construction of professional iden-tities changes according to the context of another immigration country. ; Deutschland ist ein Einwanderungsland. Faktisch ist es das seit Beginn der Anwerbung von sogenannten "Gastarbeitern" in den 50er Jahren. Juristisch gesehen ist die Aussage, Deutschland sei kein Einwanderungsland, erst vor 16 Jahren durch eine Veränderung der Migrationspolitik wiederlegt worden. Die Auswirkungen dieser Veränderung betrafen sowohl den politischen als auch den gesellschaftlichen Diskurs um Migration und Integration. Nach dem neuen Einbürgerungsgesetz aus dem Jahr 2000 wird die deutsche Staatsbürgerschaft nun unabhängig von der Staatsangehörigkeit der Eltern an Kinder vor allem aufgrund des Geburtsorts verliehen ("Ius Soli"), und nicht mehr ausschließlich basierend auf Abstammung ("Ius Sanguini"). Die Verabschiedung eines neuen Einwanderungsgesetzes im Jahr 2005 bedeutet gleichzeitig die erstmalige Verwendung des Begriffs Integration auf Gesetzesebene und die Einführung des Diskurses darum auf Bundesebene (Castro Varela & Mecheril 2010: 25). Damit wurde im politischen Diskurs die Debatte um erfolgreiche Integration vorrangig, und in der Folge wurden in einem Nationalen Aktionsplan Integration (2012) bzw. dem Nationalen Integrationsplan (2006) Vereinbarungen zur Verbesserung der Situation der Migranten in Deutschland erklärt (Nationaler Aktionsplan Integration: 2012). Durch das neue Einwanderungsgesetz begann Deutschland zum ersten Mal seit dem Ende des Anwerbungsstopps der "Gastarbeiter" 1973, gezielt Fachkräfte anzuwerben. Die Anwerbung der "Gastarbeiter" war durch eine Reihe von Anwerbeverträgen erfolgt, die zur Migration in das Nachkriegsdeutschland motivierten. Die "Gastarbeiter" trugen dort maßgeblich zum Wiederaufbau der deutschen Wirtschaft bei und formten damit die erste große Einwanderungswelle, die Deutschland im 20. Jahrhundert erreichte (Castro Varela & Me-cheril 2010). Nichtsdestotrotz wurde erwartet, dass sie nach einer kurzen Arbeitsphase das Land wieder verließen, weshalb nur wenig zu ihrer Integration beigetragen wurde. Außerdem arbeiteten sie zumeist nicht im Hochqualifiziertensektor. Mit der Verabschiedung des neuen Einwanderungsgesetzes investiert Deutschland nun erstmalig gezielt in die Anwerbung von Wissen durch Einwanderung (Gesetz über den Aufenthalt, die Erwerbstätigkeit und die Integration von Ausländern im Bundesgebiet, §§ 19, 19a & 21), und begegnet damit dem Fachkräftemangel (Die Bundesregierung 2014). Viele hochqualifizierte Migrantinnen und Migranten, die in Deutschland leben, sind jedoch nicht im Rahmen der Initiative zur Reduzierung des Fachkräftemangels, sondern als Flüchtlinge, Spätaussiedler oder aufgrund einer Familienzusammenführung eingewandert. Obwohl es seit einiger Zeit Bemühungen zur verbesserten Anerkennung ihrer Abschlüsse und Zertifikate gibt, belegen zahlreiche Studien, dass die beruflichen Potenziale von Mig-rantinnen und Migranten nicht ausgeschöpft werden, und dass sie sich oft der Dequalifizierung ausgesetzt sehen (Henkelmann 2012; Nohl, Ofner & Thomsen 2007). Dies konterkariert Erkenntnisse, die darlegen, dass berufliche Integration maßgeblich zu einer erfolgreichen Integration in die Gesellschaft beiträgt. Trotz des steigenden Fachkräftemangels beispielsweise in den ingenieurwissenschaftlichen Bereichen (vgl. Verband deutscher Ingenieure VDI 2016) scheinen das Wissen und die Fertigkeiten von hochqualifizierten Migranten auf dem deutschen Arbeitsmarkt an Bedeutung zu verlieren (Flam 2007: 118). Dies bildet den situativen Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit. Zur Darlegung verschiedener Perspektiven wurden 17 Interviews mit eingewanderten Akademikerinnen und Akademikern über deren wahrgenommene berufliche Fertigke-ten und Karrierewege nach ihrer Migration nach Deutschland geführt. Alle Interviewteilnehmenden waren gleichzeitig Stipendiaten eines Nachqualifizierungsprojektes. Im Rahmen dieses Projektes hatten sich alle Teilnehmenden an der Universität Duisburg-Essen eingeschrieben, um einen deutschen Universitätsabschluss zu erwerben und damit einen besseren Einstieg auf dem Arbeitsmarkt zu erwirken. Seit ihrer Einwanderung, die zwischen zwei und zwanzig Jahren zurücklag, war es keinem der Teilnehmenden möglich ge-wesen, in ihrem Fachbereich eine entsprechende Anstellung zu finden. "Handlungsfähigkeit" und "Teilhabe" werden deshalb in der Analyse der vorliegenden Arbeit als Hauptfaktoren betrachtet, die auf Basis der Annahme "doing is at the heart of identity formation" (Pratt 2006: 26) definiert sind, und somit den Prozess der Identitätsbildung mit konkreten Handlungsmöglichkeiten verbinden. Die vorliegende Forschungsarbeit geht davon aus, dass Äußerungen zu Handlungsfähigkeit und Teilhabe darlegen, wie professionelle Identitäten diskursiv in Interviews gestaltet werden. Das führt zu zwei Forschungsfragen: 1. Welche Strategien wurden von den Interviewteilnehmenden eingesetzt, um die diskursive Konstruktion ihrer professionellen Identitäten zu unterstützen? 2. Wie haben die Interviewteilnehmenden ihre Handlungsfähigkeit innerhalb ihrer diskursiven Konstruktion beruflicher Identitäten dargestellt? Um die Interviewdaten mit Blick auf Strategien von Identitätskonstruktionen angemessen auswerten zu können, wurde eine Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse (Mayring 2010, 2014; Kuckartz 2014, 2014; Schreier 2012) durchgeführt. Somit konnten die Daten mit Bezug auf die genannten Forschungsfragen strukturiert werden. Bei diesem Schritt wurden Textbestandteile Kategorien zugeordnet (Mayring 2010), die sowohl deduktiv von Forschungen zu beruflicher Identität und ihrer Konstruktion (vgl. Turner 1991 Pratt 2000; Ashforth, Kreiner, Clark & Fugate 200; Caza & Creary 2016), als auch induktiv aus dem Interviewmaterial heraus entwickelt wurden. Aus der Kodierung ergaben sich eine Reihe von Textstellen, die durch die Anwendung der Kategorien aus den Interviews herausgefiltert worden waren und die verschiedene Strategietypen zur Konstruktion von professionellen Identitäten aufwiesen. Diese herausgefilterten Textstellen wurden dann in Bezug auf die Darstellung von "agency" untersucht. Es konnten verschiedene Strategietypen lokalisiert werden, die zur Konstruktion, dem Verwerfen und dem Aufrechterhalten von professionellen Identitäten dienten. "Agency" wurde hierbei in unterschiedlicher Ausprägung gezeigt. So war "agency" in resignierenden und anpassenden Strategietypen gar nicht oder nur in sehr geringem Maße repräsentiert, während die aufdeckenden und aufholenden Strategietypen einen deutlich höheren Anteil von "agency" an der Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten seitens der Interviewteilnehmenden aufwiesen. Diese Ergebnisse werden mit Blick auf zwei Aspekte diskutiert. Der erste Aspekt betrifft den theoretischen Rahmen der Arbeit und die Frage, wie dieser sich in deren empirischen Ergebnissen wiederfindet. Es wird deutlich, dass die Teilhabe in professionellen communities den Faktor "agency" erhöht damit die Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten unter-stützt, während sich unzureichende Teilhabe in einem Mangel an professioneller Identität wiederspiegelt. Damit ist die Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten klar an Teilhabe in tatsächlichen oder imaginären professionellen communities gebunden. Die Bestätigung solcher Teilhabe trägt ebenfalls eindeutig zur Konstruktion selbstbewusster professioneller Identitäten bei (Pratt 2012: 26). Darüber hinaus zeigt der Vergleich und die Gegenüberstel-lung der diskursiven Strategietypen (Kelle & Kluge 2010), wie metaphorische Verweise Machtverhältnisse (Lakoff & Johnson 1980) die Konstruktionsprozesse professioneller Identitäten unterstützen. Der zweite Aspekt ist die Validität der Forschungsergebnisse. Es wird gezeigt werden, dass obwohl die qualitative Ausrichtung des Forschungsvorhabens die Subjektivität der Forscherin in den Forschungsprozess mit einbezieht, ein zufriedenstellendes Maß an Validität innerhalb der Arbeit (Malterud 2001: 484). Durch die Anwendung verschiedener Qualitätskriterien wie der Offenlegung des Analyseprozesses und einem zweiten, zeitlich verschobenen Kodiervorgang erreicht werden konnte. Die Übertragbarkeit der Ergebnisse der vorliegenden Studie in einen anderen Kontext wird im Schlussteil der Arbeit aufgezeigt werden. Die Ergebnisse können mit Blick auf zukünftige Forschungsvorhaben vor allem in zweierlei Hinsicht übertragen werden: Zunächst kann eine Analyse mit einem ähnlichen Kodierrahmen von Strategietypen anhand von Interviews mit den gleichen Teilnehmenden zeigen, ob die Hypothese der professionellen Teilhabe als konstituierender Teil der professionellen Identitätsbildung bestätigt werden kann, wenn bereits eine längere Beschäftigung auf Niveau des Hochschulabschlusses besteht. Des Weiteren kann diese Hypothese auf andere Migrationssettings übertragen werden. Ein Vergleich beispielsweise mit Australien könnte darlegen, ob die Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten in anderen Einwanderungsländern divergiert.

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Members of Congress go to Washington and establish
reputational styles which help explain to constituents the work that they do
while on Capitol Hill. There is no one way to "correctly" represent a place,
but a representational style chosen by a member reflects in part the priorities
of the geographic constituency the member represents and their own personal
inclinations born from their pre-congressional careers. Richard Fenno (1978), in his
book Home Style, documented the
various representational styles developed by members of Congress and used by
them when explaining their "Washington Work" back home. Fenno documents three
rough representational types: the constituent servant, the policy expert, and
the member of Congress as "one of us."




I discuss these in detail elsewhere (Parker 2015, Parker and Goodman 2009, Parker and Goodman 2013), so I'll be brief.. A constituent servant helps constituents with casework, policy experts
work on legislation and develop proficiency in a particular issue area, while "one
of us" representatives "work to display their
connectivity to a place and a group—and through that connection, demonstrate
trustworthiness" (Parker 2015: 15).





It is clear that Congressman Zinke is comfortably slipping
into a policy expert representational style—emphasizing his defense and foreign
relations credentials (which are bolstered by his membership on the House Armed
Services Committee). This makes sense for two reasons. First, it allows him to
draw upon a pre-political career, which is a considerable electoral and
governing asset. Second, it allows him to establish a representational
relationship without competing directly with Senator Jon Tester or Senator Steve
Daines. I wrote a blog some time ago noting how House members representing a
state share a representational space with two U.S. Senators (see also Wendy
Schiller's Partners and Rivals). Just
as U.S. Senators need to figure out how to craft their own distinctive reputations,
so, too, must House members representing a state. This is especially important
because media coverage and space are at a particular premium in these smaller
states; to get attention, you must be doing something different from the rest
of the delegation.



Members of the House face an additional complication
when they are the lone representative. Many House members develop constituent
service reputations in the House. But, as the work of Lee and Oppenheimer (1999)
demonstrate, constituents in small states are more likely to contact their
senators to solve problems and address casework concerns because senators are
just as accessible, if not more so, than the House members in small states. In
fact, the Montana's senators have nearly twice the personal staff as the House
member and have more offices back home. One of Congressman Denny Rehberg's
biggest challenges in his 2012 campaign was overcoming this official resource
disparity to compete successfully with Senator Tester—and it is this disparity
as much as other issues that was responsible for his loss.



Congressman Zinke, in choosing to develop a policy
expert representational style, is consciously avoiding the problem faced by
Congressman Rehberg and other House members representing entire states. He is
striking out in a policy area not clearly owned by either Tester or Daines, and
he can establish a favorable reputation among constituents without necessarily
being in the position to be unfavorably compared to the Senate delegation from the
get go. Congressmen simply cannot effectively compete as constituent servants
against their Senate delegation in big states. It is a losing proposition. 



But, Congressman Zinke is doing far more with his policy
expert representational style than becoming a statewide voice on national security
matters and simply settling into his House seat for the long haul. Indeed,
Congressman Zinke is consciously building a media presence well-beyond the
statewide Montana media. 



Congressman Zinke, unlike his fellow House freshman,
is getting noticed by national news outlets. He has appeared on CNN's State of
the Union, on the O'Reilly Factor, and on Fox News with Sean Hannity. He was
mentioned in a New York Times piece
on veterans in Congress, and had an op-ed published in the Washington Times. This is very unusual indeed for a freshman House
member.



How unusual? Let's
go to the data!



I searched Lexis-Nexis Academic between January 5 and
February 19, 2015 for each instance a freshman member of Congress' name
appeared in print, in the transcripts of national news broadcasts, or on blogs.
I then produced two quick scatterplots. Both scatterplots have each freshmen
house member, alphabetically listed by state, on the X Axis. 



The first scatterplot here has the number of mentions
in national broadcast news broadcasts on the Y axis. The black line is the mean
number of mentions, which is a bit more than one mention. The modal category is
zero—meaning most House freshman in the 114th Congress are simply
not mentioned by national news broadcasts. Congressman Zinke had five mentions—well
above the average. I also indicate the other House freshman who had more
mentions that Congressman Zinke. (Click on the plot for a larger version)










This actually underestimates, however, the attention
Zinke has received. Congressman Zinke was not just mentioned—he was an invited
guest on these programs on five occasions he shows up in the database. In each
instance, Congressman Zinke focused his remarks on national security and foreign
policy. 






Only Congresswoman Mia Love, a freshman Republican
from Utah, who is both Mormon and a Haitian-American, has received anywhere
close to the attention from the national networks. And while she has been
mentioned more than Zinke on national television, she has only been a guest on a
national news program twice. In fact, what seems to explain the attention given
to the other freshman are special descriptive qualities about them.
Congresswoman Elise Stefanik is the youngest woman ever to serve in Congress.
Congressman Curbelo is a Latino Republican who is becoming the party's face on
immigration. And Congressman Lee Zeldin is the only Jewish Republican in the
chamber and is a vocal critic of the administration from his perch on the
foreign relations committee.



In the second scatterplot, the Y-axis represents the
total number of mentions of each freshman House member of the 114th
Congress on national news and in non-home state newspapers and blogs. The mean
mention was seven (indicated by the bold black line). Again, Congressman Zinke
outperforms this by far, with a total of 16 mentions—more than twice the
average mentions across all three media platforms. (Click on the plot for a larger version)











(Quick side note: As other scholarship has shown,
members of the majority party seem to get a media attention bonus and that's
the case here—Republican freshman in the House have slightly higher mentions on
the web, in newspapers, and especially on television than Democratic freshmen).



Developing strong national defense credentials from
which to build a constituency beyond Montana helps Zinke both in terms of
reelection to the House and burnishes his credentials in a possible challenge
to Jon Tester in 2018. How?



First, national media attention is often seen as
desirable by constituents. In one study of national media exposure of U.S.
Senators, Barbara Sinclair (1990) found that the number of mentions in The New York Times is associated with
higher job approval ratings and feeling thermometer scores from individual
constituents. Second, national media attention can also lead to additional
power within the hall of Congress itself. Sinclair also writes that "within the
Washington political community, national media exposure serves as an indicators
that the senator is a player of consequence and, by showing she or he can
command an audience, it increases the senator's clout" (489). Zinke benefits by
seeking out and successfully obtaining national media coverage on the campaign
trail and in Washington.



But, thinking long term, developing a national media
attention brings an added bonus beyond the obvious exposure to a network of national
Republicans critical to raising the substantial sums necessary to fund a
competitive Senate bid against an incumbent. It helps craft the perception of an
activist representational style that constituents tend to expect from U.S.
Senators more so than from individual members of Congress.



I present two pieces of evidence in support. The first
is from Fenno's book on North Dakota Senator Mark Andrews, When Incumbency Fails (1992). In that book, Senator Andrews—elected
to his first term in 1980—is concerned about the prospect of facing a strong
challenge from the state's Democratic Congressman, Byron Dorgan. Dorgan, unlike
Andrews, received considerable positive publicity around the North Dakota and
was constantly holding forums with constituents. Andrews, on the hand, came
home less often and spent much of his time mired in policy detail behind the
scenes—while garnishing negative media attention due to a malpractice lawsuit
he and his wife had launched against the state's medical establishment in Fargo.
Fenno argues that Andrews was trapped by the constituent service, small ball
legislative politics style he developed as a member of the House Appropriations
Committee—a style which seemed too little for the expectations North Dakotans
had of their U.S. Senator.



The second is my own book, Battle for the Big Sky. In that book, I did three focus groups with
voters in Gallatin County. One of the questions I asked was whether they saw
senators and members of Congress playing different roles. On the whole, they
agreed that the two positions were qualitatively different. Here's what Nicholas,
a 60 year old retired policeman said on the subject:



"I tend,"
said Nicholas, to "see a senator as having the potential to be in the role as a
statesperson much more than a representative."62 Senators could "get
something done" because the House members are "one per­son in a sea." Not only
would the Senate get more done but it would be more careful, "more considerate.
[They] will more thoroughly look at something, be more educated on the topic"
(153-154).



In this vein, Zinke looks—in cultivating his
representational style and national media attention—like he's positioning
himself for a run at the U.S. Senate. Add to this the fact that he has been
openly critical of Senator Tester on more than one occasion (here and here) since taking
office, and I very much suspect that he will try to do what Denny Rehberg could
not: Unseat Senator Tester.









I asked Zinke about this on KBZK this morning. Watch the interview here.


He pooh-poohed the idea, saying that as a member of the "loyal opposition" it was his job to occasionally criticize the other side and that there's nothing amiss in his relationship with Montana's senior senator.



Will he run and, if he runs, will he succeed? I don't
know. I do know, however, that I will be paying careful attention in the months
and years ahead for hints and clues as to the Congressman's true intentions.