Suchergebnisse

Disputants might resolve their disagreements in a piecemeal fashion, addressing a subset of the issues at a time. How viable is such a strategy? I argue that partial settlements signal the desire to resolve disagreements and can lay the foundation for additional cooperation by building trust and/or demonstrating the benefits of dispute resolution. As a result, partial settlements should be associated with the resolution of remaining disagreements. Yet, scholars have questioned whether pursuing a piecemeal approach may be more harmful than helpful, and a systematic empirical test of these competing predictions is necessary. Using data from worldwide territorial claims between 1919 and 2001, I find a strong positive correlation between partial settlements and comprehensive dispute resolution. In the shorter run, partial settlements are also associated with an increased likelihood for peaceful negotiations, but there is only limited evidence that they reduce conflict before all aspects of the claim are resolved.

In the last three decades, Turkey has attempted to build close relationships with Russia, Iran and the Turkic World. As a result, there has been ongoing debate about the extent to which Turkey's international relations axis is shifting eastwards. Ozgur Tufekci argues that Eurasianist ideology has been fundamental to Turkish foreign policy and continues to have influence today. The author first explores the historical roots of Eurasianism in the 19th century, comparing this to Neo-Eurasianism and Pan-Slavism. The Ozal era (1983-1993), the Cem era (1997-2002) and Davutoglu era (since 2003) are then examined to reveal how foreign policy making has been informed by discourses of Eurasianism, and how Eurasianist ideas were implemented through internal and external socio-economic and political factors

In this second commentary on Gillian Youngs's (2004) article, Carver turns from Youngs's image of the 'gulf' between mainstream/malestream international relations, on the one hand, & feminist international relations on the other, to that of 'war' & asks if critical feminist & mainstream/malestream scholars in IR are even in the same world. He senses a level of intellectual & professional conflict that amounts to a 'war of the worlds' & argues for new skills to be adopted & new ways of thinking introduced into the discipline transforming it so that gender no longer divides its practitioners methodologically & personally. Most men in IR still need to address the 'lived experience' that feminists have so far successfully tackled in mainstream IR. Adapted from the source document.

The world's tallest building -- Building Taiwan -- From farmers to manufacturers -- From "free China" to democratic Taiwan -- "America is boring at night" -- "An opportunity full of threats": cross-strait economic interaction -- Making peace with the China inside and the China outside -- The international birdcage -- Why Taiwan matters to American and the world

In the field of International Relations (IR), narrative approaches and an alternative way of writing seem to have gained growing attention in recent scholarship. Autoethnography and autobiography can be taken as primary examples. The article aims to advance this growing scholarship by proposing the concept of fictional IR. The idea is concerned with how to use the imagination in IR. I suggest that fiction writing can become a method for dealing with lack of information and contingency surrounding it. Fictional IR is more than reading and using fiction as a reference source or vehicle for analysis. It can incorporate the employment of fiction writing in IR scholarship. One of the benefits could be to articulate sensitive and complicated problems in a more flexible and imaginative way, making the most of the power of story and imagination. It should be stressed that the focal point is to write fiction; it is not to write about fiction. To support this suggestion, the article offers a short fictional-factual story. By using imagination, creating characters, combining data with fictional narrative, or with one's own experience, I believe that more original and empathetic IR writing is possible. Adapted from the source document.

The creation & expansion of an international network dedicated to the attainment of basic rights for women since the UN Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 are chronicled, tracing changes in how women's rights have been conceived & addressed. Focus is on the emergence of violence against women as a human rights issue. The roles of the UN, various state-level actors, & nongovernmental organizations in battling this global problem are reviewed, highlighting the functioning of the human rights system as a quasi-legal implement. Examination of its many activities includes the identification of certain actions as abusive toward women, the dissemination of information about the extent of abuse to public attention, & mobilization at a number of levels to bring about change. 48 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The paper starts with a presentation and critique of regime theoretical approaches to the understanding of world economic developments after 1945. Within the debate on re-regulation, the normative-idealistic calls for a global environmental organisation seem to ignore what we have leamed so far about the change and the effectiveness of international regimes. A fundamental regime change requires the consensus of the hegemon and/or the hegemonial group. And regime effectiveness does not primarily depend upon hierarchical organisational structures. Rather than advocating a global environmental organisation, from an ecological perspective the reform-minded transnational discourse networks would be better adviced to work for the acceptance of ecologically oriented indicators for economic development within all existing organisations of the world economy. (Prokla / FUB)

Led for the most part by Thailand, ASEAN sustained international opposition to Vietnam's 1978 invasion of Cambodia until the winding down of the Cold War forced Vietnam to retreat. Foreign Minister Siddhi Sawetsila deflected several attempts by Indonesia and Malaysia to shift ASEAN away from strong opposition to Vietnam's occupation, pursuing this policy until Thailand's main security concerns had been secured. Broad domestic support helped maintain Thailand's dominance within ASEAN, though government policy was often under attack. However, Thai policy lost coherence when Chatichai Choonhavan became Prime Minister in August 1988. Prime ministerial advisers, the military and the Foreign Ministry all competed for influence, allowing Indonesia to assume leadership of ASEAN's Cambodia policy in the run-up to the 1991 Paris Accords. (AJPS/DÜI)

Since the end of the 1990's, a discussion has emerged on the reform of the UN Commission on Human Rights. Positions have been advanced from different groups of state actors, some promoting human rights, others are shielding themselves from what they perceive to be unfair human rights criticisms. The new UN Human Rights Council began its work in June 2006. Despite substantial head wind, pro-human rights States were successful in helping to maintain all substantial elements of the mandate. A new feature is the commitment to peer review among all UN member states. Ultimately the extent to which the fairly open framework of the new Council will be used will depend on the pressure of the international civil community, pro-human rights governments & the political atmosphere of cooperation prevailing in the UN. References. Adapted from the source document.

Two centuries ago Immanuel Kant published one of his most celebrated political writings, To Perpetual Peace. A Philosophical Project. He introduced cosmopolitan law, which has puzzled various generations of scholars. This concept is examined by way of a comparison of Kant's contemporary international theories. It is argued that it plays a crucial role in Kant's system of International Relations. While on the one hand cosmopolitan law safeguards a state's sovereignty vis-à-vis other states, on the other it is an innovation which allows the international community to monitor the internal affairs of its members. The concept can be seen as a forerunner of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, sharing with it the idea that some rights have a universal value even if they are not actually protected by any secular institution.

The aim of this article is to reassess the contribution made by members of the English School to the analysis of international relations in the light of Buzan's attempt to harness their analysis to neorealism. It is argued that while Buzan displays a subtle appreciation of the strengths of both these schools, he fails to acknowledge fully the logic underpinning the position adopted by the English School. When this logic has been exposed, it becomes apparent that it can be grafted onto the framework developed by Buzan and used to capture additional complexities associated with the historical evolution of international relations. In the process of exposing the logic, however, it also becomes apparent that there are further complexities linked to the evolution of international relations which neither the neorealists nor the English School can accommodate.

How the US is attempting to limit its investment in international security, and how that will affect its commitment to regional stability in southeastern Asia; some focus on relations with China, Japan, and Korea.