Suchergebnisse

Проведенные нами исследования показали, что между подушевым ВВП и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций не отрицательная корреляция, а криволинейная U-образная зависимость: наиболее высокая интенсивность антиправительственных демонстраций характерна для стран ни с самым низкими, ни с самыми высоким, а со средними значениями ВВП на душу населения. Таким образом для более высоких значений подушевого ВВП характерна отрицательная корреляция между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций, а для более низких положительная. При этом откровенно сильная (r = 0,935, ' R2 = 0,875) статистически значимая положительная корреляция между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций прослеживается в очень широком интервале (вплоть до 20 000 долларов 2014 года по паритетам покупательной способности ППС). Данная корреляция частично объясняется следующим обстоятельствами: (1) рост ВВП в авторитарных режимах ведет к усилению движения за демократию, а значит и к интенсификации антиправительственных демонстраций. А так как в нашей базе данных (как впрочем и в реальности) авторитарные государства составляют очень высокий процент от числа всех государств с низкими значениями подушевого дохода, эффект роста внутреннего давления на авторитарные режимы в сторону демократизации по мере экономического роста в определенной степени (но никак не полностью) объясняет обнаруженную нами сильную корреляцию между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций для слабои среднеразвитых стран. (2) В интервале подушевого ВВП до 20 000 долларов увеличение данного показателя достаточно сильно коррелирует со снижением доли авторитарных режимов и увеличением доли режимов неавторитарных (демократических и промежуточных). Наличие же неавторитарных режимов в данном диапазоне значимо положительно коррелирует с более высокой интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций. Это и есть еще один механизм, обуславливающий наличие сильной положительной корреляции между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправи-. тельственных демонстраций в интересующем нас диапазоне. Вместе с тем проделанный нами дополнительный анализ показал, что оба вышеописанных механизма вместе взятые не объясняют выявленную нами корреляцию в полной мере, что означает необходимость поиска дополнительных механизмов и факторов. ; The study suggests that the relationship between per capita GDP and intensity of antigovernment demonstrations is not negative as tends to be believed; we are rather dealing with an inverted U-shaped relationship: the highest levels of antigovernment demonstration intensity are typical for countries with neither the lowest nor the highest values of GDP per capita, but rather with intermediate values of this indicator. Thus, for higher values of per capita GDP we observe a negative correlation between GDP per capita and the antigovernment demonstration intensity, and for lower values it is positive. This correlation is partly explained by the following points: (1) GDP growth in authoritarian regimes leads to increased pro-democracy movement, and hence to intensification of the anti-government demonstrations. And since in our database (as well as in reality) authoritarian states constitute a very high percentage of the number of states with the lowest values of per capita income, the effect of the growth of internal pressure on authoritarian regimes towards democracy with economic growth to some extent (but no not completely) explains a strong correlation between GDP per capita and the intensity of antigovernment demonstrations for low and middle income countries. (2) In the range of per capita GDP up to $ 20000, the increase in per capita GDP is quite strongly correlated with a decrease in the proportion of authoritarian regimes and the increasing share of nonauthoritarian regimes (democratic and intermediate). The presence of non-authoritarian regimes in this range is significantly positively correlated with the higher intensity of anti-government demonstrations. This is another mechanism that contributes to the presence of a strong positive correlation between GDP per capita and the intensity of anti-government demonstrations in the range of interest to us. At the same time we have done a further analysis that has shown that both of the above mechanisms do not explain the correlation in question to the full, which means the need to find additional mechanisms and factors.

Статья посвящена проблеме взаимосвязи между нормами права и правоотношениями в регулировании общественных отношений. При этом процесс правового регулирования рассматривается с точки зрения системного подхода, в рамках которого правовое регулирование не сводится только к законодательному механизму целенаправленного государственного воздействия. В статье отмечается сохраняющаяся популярность механистического подхода к правовому регулированию. Тем не менее, механистический подход не позволяет учесть происходящие в правовой сфере процессы самоорганизации (саморегулирования), интегративные (системообразующие) связи между нормами и правоотношениями. Актуальность исследования вопроса о соотношении нормы и правоотношения связана с необходимостью пересмотра ряда теоретико-практических проблем нормативно-правового регулирования в контексте интегративной юриспруденции и формированием системной концепции правового регулирования. Использование системного подхода применительно к исследованию правового регулирования обеспечивает теоретико-практическое обобщение результатов изучения проблемы соотношения нормы и правоотношения в рамках позитивистской теории, социологической юриспруденции. Для решения сложной научно-практической проблемы формирования системы правового регулирования, отображающей все многообразие взаимосвязей, отношений и процессов, протекающих в правовой действительности, важно проанализировать процесс нормативно-правового регулирования в социологическом ключе правообразования (нормообразования, правоустановления), сведя модели права как системы норм и права как системы (сети, порядка) правоотношений в единую теоретическую картину. Обсуждение проблем взаимосвязи правовых отношений с нормами предполагает изучение вопроса о правовом регулировании в социологическом аспекте. В результате проведенного исследования в статье сделан вывод о том, что законодательные установления не порождают сами по себе системы правовых отношений. Нелегитимированное законодательное установление оказывается не включенным в функционирующую систему правовых отношений. Системный подход к правовому регулированию общественных отношений позволяет учесть социально-психологический и информационный аспекты взаимодействия субъектов, преодолеть схематизированное (механистическое) конструирование стадий механизма государственно-нормативного регулирования и рассмотреть правовое регулирование как сложноорганизованную систему взаимосвязанных между собой норм (правоустановлений) и правоотношений. ; The article is devoted to the problem of connection between rules of law and legal relations in the regulation of social relationships. The process of legal regulation itself is viewed from the perspective of the systematic approach in which legal regulation is not limited by the legislative mechanism of purposeful state influence. The article points out the continuing popularity of the mechanistic approach to legal regulation. However, this approach does not enable to take into account the occurring processes in the legal sphere of self-organization (self-regulation), integrative (system-making) connections between rules and legal relations. Actuality of the researched problem is connected with the need to revise a series of theoretical and practical problems of normative legal regulation in the context of the integrative jurisprudence and formation of system conception of the legal regulation. Use of the systematic approach for the study of the legal regulation provides theoretical and practical generalization of the results of studying the problem correlation between norms and legal relations in the framework of the positivist theory, sociological jurisprudence. To solve a complicated scientific and practical problem of formation of the system of legal regulation displaying all the variety of interconnections, relations and processes occurring in the legal reality, it is important to analyze the process of normative legal regulation in the sociological point of view (the process of creating and establishing the rules), bringing both models of law as a system of norms and law as a system (network, the order) of legal relations in a unified theoretical picture. Discussion of problem of connection between the legal relations and the rules involves sociological studying of the question about legal regulation. The article concludes that the legal establishment does not generate by themselves a system of legal relations. Non-legitimated legislative establishment is not included into a functioning system of legal relations. The system approach to the legal regulation of social relations enables to take into account the socio-psychological and informational aspects of the interaction of subjects, overcome diagrammatic (mechanistic) creation of stages of state normative regulation mechanism and to consider the legal regulation as a complex system of interrelated norms (legal establishment) and legal relationships.

This article makes an attempt to analyze the principle of subsidiarity in its two main manifestations, namely vertical and horizontal, to outline the principles of relations between the state and regions within the vertical subsidiarity, and features a collaboration of the government and civil society within the horizontal subsidiarity. Scientists identify two types, or two levels of the subsidiarity principle: vertical subsidiarity and horizontal subsidiarity. First, vertical subsidiarity (or territorial) concerning relations between the state and other levels of subnational government, such as regions and local authorities; second, horizontal subsidiarity (or functional) concerns the relationship between state and citizen (and civil society). Vertical subsidiarity expressed in the context of the distribution of administrative responsibilities to the appropriate higher level lower levels relative to the state structure, ie giving more powers to local government. However, state intervention has subsidiary-lower action against local authorities in cases of insolvency last cope on their own, ie higher organisms intervene only if the duties are less authority is insufficient to achieve the goals. Horizontal subsidiarity is within the relationship between power and freedom, and is based on the assumption that the concern for the common good and the needs of common interest community, able to solve community members (as individuals and citizens' associations) and role of government, in accordance horizontal subsidiarity comes to attracting features subsidiarity assistance, programming, coordination and possibly control. ; У даній статті здійснено спробу проаналізувати принцип субсидіарності в його двох основних вимірах, а саме – вертикальній та горизонтальній, окреслити засади відносин держави та регіонів у межах вертикальної субсидіарності та особливості співпраці державної влади та громадянського суспільства в межах горизонтальної субсидіарності. Науковці виділяють два типи або два рівні принципу субсидіарності: вертикальну і горизонтальну субсидіарність. Перша, вертикальна субсидіарність, стосується відносин між державою і іншими національними рівнями органів державного управління, таких як регіони та місцеві органи влади. Друга, горизонтальна субсидіарність, стосується відносин між державою і суспільством. Вертикальна субсидіарність виражається в контексті розподілу адміністративних функцій від більш високих рівнів державної влади до низьких, тобто йдеться про збільшення повноважень місцевого самоврядування. Проте, держава не виключається з системи субсидійних відносин «центр-регіони», держава зобов'язана втрутитися у випадку коли нижчі рівні місцевої влади неспроможні впоратися самостійно досягти поставлених цілей. Горизонтальна субсидіарність знаходиться у відносинах між владою і свободою, і ґрунтується на припущенні, що турбота про загальне благо і добробут становить спільний інтерес співтовариства, і саме співтовариство здатне самостійно вирішувати проблеми, з якими стикається, та дбати про суспільний добробут. Роль державних органів, відповідно до горизонтальної субсидіарності, направляється на залучення задля надання субсидіарної допомоги, програмування, координацію і, можливо, контролю. ; У даній статті здійснено спробу проаналізувати принцип субсидіарності в його двох основних вимірах, а саме – вертикальній та горизонтальній, окреслити засади відносин держави та регіонів у межах вертикальної субсидіарності та особливості співпраці державної влади та громадянського суспільства в межах горизонтальної субсидіарності. Науковці виділяють два типи або два рівні принципу субсидіарності: вертикальну і горизонтальну субсидіарність. Перша, вертикальна субсидіарність, стосується відносин між державою і іншими національними рівнями органів державного управління, таких як регіони та місцеві органи влади. Друга, горизонтальна субсидіарність, стосується відносин між державою і суспільством. Вертикальна субсидіарність виражається в контексті розподілу адміністративних функцій від більш високих рівнів державної влади до низьких, тобто йдеться про збільшення повноважень місцевого самоврядування. Проте, держава не виключається з системи субсидійних відносин «центр-регіони», держава зобов'язана втрутитися у випадку коли нижчі рівні місцевої влади неспроможні впоратися самостійно досягти поставлених цілей. Горизонтальна субсидіарність знаходиться у відносинах між владою і свободою, і ґрунтується на припущенні, що турбота про загальне благо і добробут становить спільний інтерес співтовариства, і саме співтовариство здатне самостійно вирішувати проблеми, з якими стикається, та дбати про суспільний добробут. Роль державних органів, відповідно до горизонтальної субсидіарності, направляється на залучення задля надання субсидіарної допомоги, програмування, координацію і, можливо, контролю.

Résumé Objectifs: Le risque de décéder aux âges élevés est associé avec l'état matrimonial, mais également avec la situation de ménage de la personne considérée (avec qui une personne vit). Cette étude analyse comment l'association entre situation de ménage et risque de décéder varie en fonction de l'âge et du sexe. Données et méthodes: Nous utilisons des données extraites du Registre national belge concernant la situation de ménage de plus de 3 millions de personnes âgées de 60 ans et plus, ob-servées du 1er janvier 1991 au 31 décembre 2010. Tout d'abord nous calculons et comparons les probabilités annuelles de décéder pour les personnes selon les différentes situations de ménage. Ensuite nous construisons des tables de mortalité mul-ti-états en utilisant les probabilités annuelles de transition entre différentes situations de ménage et ce, afin de reconstituer les trajectoires de situation de ménage. Résultats: Nos résultats confirment l'effet protectif associé au fait de vivre en couple marié, mais ils montrent également que vivre seul aux âges plus élevés devient favo-rable à la survie. Un croisement apparaît entre les risques de décéder de ceux vivant seuls et ceux vivant avec d'autres personnes, mais pas avec leur conjoint. Toutefois de fortes différences ressortent selon le sexe. Enfin vivre en ménage collectif est largement défavorable pour la survie par comparaison à tous les types de ménages privés et ce, pour les deux sexes. Discussion: La façon dont le risque de décéder varie selon la situation de ménage est différente selon le sexe et diminue avec l'âge de fa-çon relative. Parmi d'autres explications, le rôle sélectif de l'état de santé est majeur, tout comme le soutien du conjoint qui est, dans la plupart des cas, le premier donneur de soin. Selon cette perspective, la différence d'espérance de vie en santé entre hommes et femmes et la différence d'âges entre conjoints pourraient contribuer à expliquer les différences du risque de décéder selon la situation de ménage entre les hommes et les femmes. Nos résultats sont importants dans le cadre des politiques sociales relatives aux personnes âgées et plus particulièrement pour l'évaluation des besoins futurs de nos populations vieillissantes. Abstract Objectives: Mortality risk in old age is associated with both marital status and living arrangements (with whom a person is living). This study analyses how the association between living arrangements and mortality risk varies by age and gender. Data and methods: We use a dataset extracted from the Belgian national register for the population aged 60 years and over, from 1 January 1991 to 31 December 2010, that includes more than three million persons and describes their living arrangements. First we compute and compare single-year probabilities of death for each living arrangement. Then, in order to recompose the living arrangement trajectories, we construct multistate life tables using annual probabilities of the transitions between successive living arrangements. Results: Our results confirm the protective effect of living with a spouse, and also show that at older ages living alone becomes advantageous. A crossover occurs in the mortality risks of those living alone and those living with others (not with a spouse), but large differences appear between the genders. Institutional living arrangements are largely detrimental for survival compared with private living arrangements for both genders. Discussion: The variation of mortality risk by living arrangements is gender-specific and decreases by age in relative terms. Among possible explanations, the selective role of health is paramount, as well as the presence of a spouse, who is the primary caregiver in most cases. According to this perspective, the gender gap in healthy life expectancy and the age difference between spouses contribute to explaining the gender differences. Our findings are highly relevant to social policies and the social discourse pertaining to the future needs of the elderly within the context of population ageing.

The study suggests that the relationship between per capita GDP and intensity of antigovernment demonstrations is not negative as tends to be believed; we are rather dealing with an inverted U-shaped relationship: the highest levels of antigovernment demonstration intensity are typical for countries with neither the lowest nor the highest values of GDP per capita, but rather with intermediate values of this indicator. Thus, for higher values of per capita GDP we observe a negative correlation between GDP per capita and the antigovernment demonstration intensity, and for lower values it is positive. This correlation is partly explained by the following points: (1) GDP growth in authoritarian regimes leads to increased pro-democracy movement, and hence to intensifi cation of the anti-government demonstrations. And since in our database (as well as in reality) authoritarian states constitute a very high percentage of the number of states with the lowest values of per capita income, the effect of the growth of internal pressure on authoritarian regimes towards democracy with economic growth to some extent (but no not completely) explains a strong correlation between GDP per capita and the intensity of antigovernment demonstrations for low and middle income countries. (2) In the range of per capita GDP up to $ 20000, the increase in per capita GDP is quite strongly correlated with a decrease in the proportion of authoritarian regimes and the increasing share of nonauthoritarian regimes (democratic and intermediate). The presence of non-authoritarian regimes in this range is signifi cantly positively correlated with the higher intensity of anti-government demonstrations. This is another mechanism that contributes to the presence of a strong positive correlation between GDP per capita and the intensity of anti-government demonstrations in the range of interest to us. At the same time we have done a further analysis that has shown that both of the above mechanisms do not explain the correlation in question to the full, which means the need to find additional mechanisms and factors. ; Проведенные нами исследования показали, что между подушевым ВВП и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций не отрицательная корреляция, а криволинейная U-образная зависимость: наиболее высокая интенсивность антиправительственных демонстраций характерна для стран ни с самым низкими, ни с самыми высоким, а со средними значениями ВВП на душу населения. Таким образом для более высоких значений подушевого ВВП характерна отрицательная корреляция между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций, а для более низких – положительная. При этом откровенно сильная (r = 0,935, R2 = 0,875) статистически значимая положительная корреляция между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций прослеживается в очень широком интервале (вплоть до 20 000 долларов 2014 года по паритетам покупательной способности – ППС). Данная корреляция частично объясняется следующим обстоятельствами: (1) рост ВВП в авторитарных режимах ведет к усилению движения за демократию, а значит и к интенсификации антиправительственных демонстраций. А так как в нашей базе данных (как впрочем и в реальности) авторитарные государства составляют очень высокий процент от числа всех государств с низкими значениями подушевого дохода, эффект роста внутреннего давления на авторитарные режимы в сторону демократизации по мере экономического роста в определенной степени (но никак не полностью) объясняет обнаруженную нами сильную корреляцию между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций для слабо- и среднеразвитых стран. (2) В интервале подушевого ВВП до 20 000 долларов увеличение данного показателя достаточно сильно коррелирует со снижением доли авторитарных режимов и увеличением доли режимов неавторитарных (демократических и промежуточных). Наличие же неавторитарных режимов в данном диапазоне значимо положительно коррелирует с более высокой интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций. Это и есть еще один механизм, обуславливающий наличие сильной положительной корреляции между ВВП на душу населения и интенсивностью антиправительственных демонстраций в интересующем нас диапазоне. Вместе с тем проделанный нами дополнительный анализ показал, что оба вышеописанных механизма вместе взятые не объясняют выявленную нами корреляцию в полной мере, что означает необходимость поиска дополнительных механизмов и факторов.

The potential harmful effects of conventional agriculture (CA) and the alleged multiple benefits of organic agriculture (OA) in conjunction with the prevalence of coherent conceptual linkage between the principles of OA and Bhutan's development philosophy of Gross National Happiness have motivated the Bhutanese government to declare in 2008, to fully convert farming in the country to OA by 2020. However, the benefits accruing from OA along with the practicality and performance of OA are being increasing questioned globally. Amidst these controversies and accentuated by the lack of empirical data from Bhutan, questions arise as to whether or not the country should convert its agricultural sector to fully organic. Therefore, to determine the possible performance and prospects of OA in Bhutan, using paddy rice as the model crop, this study investigates wide-ranging issues between OA and CA in terms of yield, soil nutrient contents and economics in Bhutan. This study also compares organic and conventional farmers' happiness as well as analyzes the strengths, opportunities, weaknesses and threats (SWOT) of OA. The comparative investigation on yield and different soil parameters, conducted during two cropping seasons (2012 and 2013) in three agro-ecological zones (AEZs) (low, mid and high altitude) of the country, involved 120 organic and 120 conventional farmers. The socio-economic study was based on randomly selected 393 organic and 353 conventional farmers from all 20 districts of Bhutan. The SWOT analysis was conducted among 35 agricultural experts, policy makers, NGO officials and private sector members to assess experts' views on pros and cons as well as the potentials and challenges of OA, and its promotion in Bhutan. The study thus provides the first empirical data of paddy rice production, the country's most important crop, under OA and CA schemes in various parts and AEZs of Bhutan. The comparative study on paddy yield and various soil properties, including soil organic matter (OM), nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium in the three AEZs did not reveal significant differences between organic and conventional production systems within each AEZ. However, the three factorial interaction analysis involving farm types, AEZs and years found significant differences in SOM, P, K, cation exchange capacity (CEC), bulk density and yield. Furthermore, significantly higher gross production cost (61,892 Nu ha-1) and total labor cost (49,483 Nu ha-1) in organic, and significantly higher inputs costs (11,600 Nu ha-1) and benefit-cost ratio (BCR) (2.8) in the conventional system were found. The premium price that organic paddy generally attracts was not considered in calculating either BCR or other costs/returns, yet there was no significant difference in gross and net returns between OA and CA. The happiness rating shows that the proportion of organic farmers who were subjectively happy or very happy was marginally higher at 87% as compared to conventional ones at 77%. The findings of the SWOT analysis show a considerable number of opportunities and strengths in favor of OA, together with many weaknesses and threats constraining the approach. Based on the findings of this study, it can be concluded that OA, using paddy rice as the model crop, is in no agronomic aspect inferior to CA in Bhutan and their performances are comparable. On the basis of this and given the alleged ill effects of CA on human and ecosystem health, Bhutan may heed precautionary principle and thereby continue to adhere to its declaration to convert its entire agriculture to fully organic. Whether or not converting to OA can help to achieve food self-sufficiency (FSS) is hard to answer, because agriculture in Bhutan is constrained by several factors. But considering OA's alleged superior adaptability to the threat of looming climate change and is multiple benefits, it has the potential to achieve FSS. However, certain misgivings about OA and critical challenges, such as arranging adequate organic fertilizers and effective alternatives to conventional plant protection interventions must be addressed in order to smoothly transit to fully organic production.

BACKGROUND: In the Global Burden of Disease Study 2013 (GBD 2013), knowledge about health and its determinants has been integrated into a comparable framework to inform health policy. Outputs of this analysis are relevant to current policy questions in England and elsewhere, particularly on health inequalities. We use GBD 2013 data on mortality and causes of death, and disease and injury incidence and prevalence to analyse the burden of disease and injury in England as a whole, in English regions, and within each English region by deprivation quintile. We also assess disease and injury burden in England attributable to potentially preventable risk factors. England and the English regions are compared with the remaining constituent countries of the UK and with comparable countries in the European Union (EU) and beyond. METHODS: We extracted data from the GBD 2013 to compare mortality, causes of death, years of life lost (YLLs), years lived with a disability (YLDs), and disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs) in England, the UK, and 18 other countries (the first 15 EU members [apart from the UK] and Australia, Canada, Norway, and the USA [EU15+]). We extended elements of the analysis to English regions, and subregional areas defined by deprivation quintile (deprivation areas). We used data split by the nine English regions (corresponding to the European boundaries of the Nomenclature for Territorial Statistics level 1 [NUTS 1] regions), and by quintile groups within each English region according to deprivation, thereby making 45 regional deprivation areas. Deprivation quintiles were defined by area of residence ranked at national level by Index of Multiple Deprivation score, 2010. Burden due to various risk factors is described for England using new GBD methodology to estimate independent and overlapping attributable risk for five tiers of behavioural, metabolic, and environmental risk factors. We present results for 306 causes and 2337 sequelae, and 79 risks or risk clusters. FINDINGS: Between 1990 and 2013, life expectancy from birth in England increased by 5·4 years (95% uncertainty interval 5·0-5·8) from 75·9 years (75·9-76·0) to 81·3 years (80·9-81·7); gains were greater for men than for women. Rates of age-standardised YLLs reduced by 41·1% (38·3-43·6), whereas DALYs were reduced by 23·8% (20·9-27·1), and YLDs by 1·4% (0·1-2·8). For these measures, England ranked better than the UK and the EU15+ means. Between 1990 and 2013, the range in life expectancy among 45 regional deprivation areas remained 8·2 years for men and decreased from 7·2 years in 1990 to 6·9 years in 2013 for women. In 2013, the leading cause of YLLs was ischaemic heart disease, and the leading cause of DALYs was low back and neck pain. Known risk factors accounted for 39·6% (37·7-41·7) of DALYs; leading behavioural risk factors were suboptimal diet (10·8% [9·1-12·7]) and tobacco (10·7% [9·4-12·0]). INTERPRETATION: Health in England is improving although substantial opportunities exist for further reductions in the burden of preventable disease. The gap in mortality rates between men and women has reduced, but marked health inequalities between the least deprived and most deprived areas remain. Declines in mortality have not been matched by similar declines in morbidity, resulting in people living longer with diseases. Health policies must therefore address the causes of ill health as well as those of premature mortality. Systematic action locally and nationally is needed to reduce risk exposures, support healthy behaviours, alleviate the severity of chronic disabling disorders, and mitigate the effects of socioeconomic deprivation. FUNDING: Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Public Health England. ; Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation; Public Health England ; This is the final version of the article. It first appeared from Elsevier via http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(15)00195-6

This reflection paper reconstructs the normative contents for the concept of multiculturalism in order to clearly differentiate it from affirmative action. It aims at providing normative criteria for assessing current policies and designing some that conform to the ideals of multiculturalism. Accordingly, a conceptual analysis based on the comparison between multicultural affirmative action and intercultural policies is made. In the first part, the problems of intercultural education understood as an affirmative action are discussed, the second part proposes some normative criteria to support intercultural education policies that promote the values of Latin American interculturalism: justice, equality, respect, dialogue, and mutual learning between cultures. The main results highlight that educational policies based on affirmative action may lead to the assimilation of cultures subalternized by the dominant ones, or even encourage isolation between them, meanwhile intercultural education policies promote dialogue, respect, and coexistence between cultures in a context of equality. ; Este trabajo de reflexión reconstruye los contenidos normativos del concepto de interculturalidad con el fin de diferenciarlo claramente de las acciones afirmativas. Tiene por objetivo aportar criterios normativos para la evaluación de las políticas vigentes y para la formulación de políticas que se ajusten a los ideales de la interculturalidad. En este sentido se realiza un análisis conceptual que parte de la comparación entre las acciones afirmativas de cuño multicultural y las políticas interculturales. En la primera parte se examinan los problemas de la educación intercultural entendida como acción afirmativa, y en la segunda se proponen una serie de criterios normativos para fundamentar políticas de educación intercultural que promuevan los valores del interculturalismo latinoamericano: la justicia e igualdad, el respeto, el diálogo, y el aprendizaje mutuo entre culturas. Como principales resultados es posible resaltar que mientras las políticas educativas basadas en la acción afirmativa pueden llevar a la asimilación de las culturas subalternizadas por las dominantes, o incentivar el aislamiento entre ellas, las políticas de educación intercultural promueven el diálogo, el respeto y la convivencia entre culturas en un marco de igualdad. ; Ce travail de réflexion reconstruit les contenus normatifs du concept de l'interculturalité afin de le distinguer nettement des actions affirmatives. Il a pour but d'apporter des critères normatifs pour l'évaluation des politiques en vigueur et pour la formulation de politiques s'ajustant aux idéaux de l'interculturalité. Dans ce but on réalise une analyse conceptuelle partant de la comparaison entre les actions affirmatives d'ordre multiculturel et les politiques interculturelles. Dans la première partie on examine les problèmes de l'éducation interculturelle considérée comme une action affirmative et, dans la seconde, on propose une série de critères normatifs pour justifier les politiques d'éducation interculturelle encourageant les valeurs de l'interculturalisme latino-américain: la justice et l'égalité, le respect, le dialogue et l'apprentissage mutuel entre les cultures. Comme principaux résultats, il est possible de souligner que tandis que les politiques éducatives basées sur l'action affirmative peuvent entraîner l'assimilation des cultures subalternisées par les dominantes, ou favoriser l'isolement entre elles, les politiques d'éducation interculturelle encouragent le dialogue, le respect et la coexistence entre les cultures dans un contexte d'égalité ; O artigo de reflexão reconstrói os conteúdos normativos do conceito de inter culturalidade com o intuito de diferenciá-lo claramente das ações afirmativas. Tem por objetivo aportar critérios normativos para a avaliação das políticas vigentes e para a formulação de políticas que concordem aos ideais da inter culturalidade. Neste sentido se faz uma análise conceitual que parte da comparação entre as ações afirmativas de cunho multicultural e as políticas interculturais. Na primeira parte se examinam os problemas da educação intercultural entendida como ação afirmativa, e na segunda se propõem uma serie de critérios normativos para fundamentar políticas de educação intercultural, que promovam os valores do inter culturalismo latino americano: a justiça e igualdade, o respeito, o dialogo, e a aprendizagem mutua entre culturas. Como principais resultados é possível salientar que enquanto as políticas educacionais baseadas na ação afirmativa podem levar à cola das culturas subalternizadas pelas dominantes, ou incentivar o isolamento entre elas, as políticas de educação intercultural promovem o dialogo, o respeito e a convivência entre culturas em um palco de igualdade.

This thesis consists of four self-contained essays. Essay 1 (with Olof Åslund and Matz Dahlberg): In this essay we investigate the impact of commuter train access on individual labor market outcomes. Our study considers the exogenous introduction of a commuter train linking locations in the northern part of Uppsala County (Sweden) to the regional employment center, considerably decreasing commuting times by public transit to the center for those living close to the pre-existing railroad. Using difference-in-differences matching techniques on comprehensive individual panel data spanning over a decade, our intention-to-treat estimates show that the reform had mainly no impact on the earnings and employment development among the affected individuals. Essay 2: In this essay I look into the role of public transit for residential sorting by studying how the introduction of a commuter train linking locations in the northern part of Uppsala County (Sweden) to the regional employment center affected migration patterns in the areas served. Using a difference-in-difference(-in-difference) approach and comprehensive individual level data, I find that the commuter train had a positive effect on overall in-migration to the areas served and no effect on the average out-migration rate from these areas. With regards to sorting based on labor market status, I find no evidence of sorting based on employment status but some evidence that the train introduction increased the probability of moving out of the areas served for individuals with high labor incomes relative to the probability for individuals with lower income. Considering sorting along other lines than labor market status, the analysis suggests that people born in non-western countries came to be particularly attracted towards the areas served by the commuter train as compared to other similar areas. Essay 3: In this essay I look into the relation between housing mix and social mix in metropolitan Stockholm (Sweden) over the period 1990-2008. Using entropy measures, I find that although the distribution of tenure types over metropolitan Stockholm became somewhat more even over the studied period, people living in different tenure types still to a large extent tended to live in different parts of the city in 2008. The degree of residential segregation was much lower between different population groups. I further find that the mix of family types, and over time also of birth region groups and income groups, was rather different between different tenure types in the same municipality. The mix of different groups however tended to be similar within different tenure types in the same neighborhood. While the entropy measures provide a purely descriptive picture, the findings thus suggest that tenure type mix could be more useful for creating social mix at the municipal level than for creating social mix at the neighborhood level. Essay 4 (with Matz Dahlberg): The last decade's immigration to western European countries has resulted in a culturally and religiously more diverse population in these countries. This diversification manifests itself in several ways, where one is through new features in the cityscape. Using a quasi-experimental approach, essay 4 examines how one such new feature, public calls to prayer, affects neighborhood dynamics (house prices and migration). The quasi-experiment is based on an unexpected political process that lead way to the first public call to prayer from a mosque in Sweden combined with rich (daily) information on housing sales. While our results indicate that the public calls to prayer increased house prices closer to the mosque, we find no evidence that the public calls to prayer served as a driver of residential segregation between natives and people born abroad around the mosque in question (no significant effects on migration behavior). Our findings are consistent with a story where some people have a willingness to pay for the possibility to more fully exert their religion which puts an upward pressure on housing in the vicinity of a mosque with public calls to prayer.

Uncertainties emerging from the scale change and data constraints when analyzing and further utilizing the results of regional crop model applications are largely unclear. The present thesis offers a systematic analysis on the uncertainties related to model parameters and input data. Three specific studies were designed to increase understanding on these two issues: 1. In a continental simulation study (EU25) the influence of considering the sub-regional differences in environmental and management conditions on the parameter estimation process of a model were investigated. Taking into consideration sub-regional differences of model parameters related to crop growth in addition to crop phenology resulted in the best agreement between simulated and observed yield at the European scale. 2. A regional study in Jokioinen, representing an important barley producing region in South-West Finland, was undertaken in order to systematically analyse the influence of aggregation of weather data on yield simulations. The responses of four crop models of different complexity to five weather data aggregation levels (Weather station, 10 km x 10 km, 20 km x 20 km, 50 km x 50 km , and 100 km x 100 km) were compared. Differences between models were larger than the effect of the chosen spatial weather data resolution. Models showed different characteristic 'fingerprints' of simulated yield frequency distributions independent of the resolution used for yield simulation 3. A complementary study to the weather data aggregation was formulated for soil input data and undertaken in the State of North-Rhine Westphalia in Germany. This comprised a systematic analysis of the influence of three different spatial soil data resolutions on simulated regional yields and simulated total growing season evapotranspiration. The resolutions used corresponded to soil maps of the scales: 1 : 50 000; 1 : 300 000 and 1 : 1 000 000. Differences between models were again larger than the effect of the chosen spatial soil data resolution. Three main causes were identified as possible explanations for the low influence of soil data resolution on yield simulations: a) the high precipitation amount in the region b) the methods applied to calculate water retention properties and c) the method of data aggregation. No characteristic "fingerprint" between sites, years and resolutions could be found for any of the models. The utilization of various crop models differing in complexity and approaches of modelling relevant processes should become common practice for large area impact assessment studies since the uncertainties introduced by the model choice have been shown in this study to be more important than the uncertainties caused by the input data resolution. ; Re-Solution – eine Auseinandersetzung mit den Unsicherheiten in der regionalen Anwendung von Pflanzenwachstumsmodellen Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Unsicherheiten, die aus der Skalierung und der eingeschränkten Datenlage entstehen, wenn man die Ergebnisse regionaler Anwendungen von Pflanzenwachstumsmodelle analysiert und weiter verwendet. Drei spezifische Studien wurden zu diesem Zwecke ausgeführt. 1. In einer kontinentalen Simulationsstudie (EU25) wurde untersucht, inwiefern die Miteinbeziehung der subregionalen Unterschiede in Umwelt- und Managementbedingungen den Parameterschätzungsprozess eines Modells beeinflusst. Die Berücksichtigung von sub-regionalen Unterschiede pflanzenwachstumsbezogener Modellparameter sowie von Pflanzenphänologie, ergab die größte Übereinstimmung zwischen simuliertem und tatsächlichem Ertrag auf europäischer Ebene. 2. Eine regionale Studie in Jokioinen, einem wichtigen Gersteanbaugebiet in Südwestfinnland, wurde durchgeführt, um den Einfluss der Aggregierung von Wetterdaten auf Ertragssimulationen systematisch zu analysieren. Dazu wurde das Verhalten von vier Pflanzenwachstumsmodellen unterschiedlicher Komplexität auf fünf verschiedenen Wetterdatenaggregierungsstufen (Wetterstation, 10 km x 10 km, 20 km x 20 km, 50 km x 50 km und 100 km x 100 km) verglichen. Die Unterschiede zwischen den Modellen waren größer als die Auswirkungen der jeweiligen Wetterdatenauflösung. Jedes Modell zeigte einen charakteristischen "Fingerabdruck" in Bezug auf die Wahrscheinlichkeitsverteilung der simulierten Erträge, unabhängig von der für die Ertragssimulation verwendeten 3. Eine ergänzende Studie zur Wetterdatenaggregierung für Bodeninputdaten formuliert und in Nordrhein-Westfalen durchgeführt. Dies umfasste eine systematische Analyse des Einflusses dreier verschiedener räumlicher Bodendatenauflösungen auf simulierte regionale Erträge und simulierte Evapotranspiration der Gesamtwachstumsperiode. Die verwendeten Bodendatenauflösungen entsprachen den Bodenübersichtskarten BÜK 10, BÜK 300 und BÜK 1000. Die simulierten Erträge von vier verschieden Wachstumsmodellen wurden verglichen. In den Ergebnissen waren die Unterschiede zwischen den Modellen erneut größer als die Auswirkungen der jeweiligen Bodendatenauflösungen. Bei großflächigen Auswirkungseinschätzungen von Klima(wandel) auf Erträge wird den Ergebnissen dieser Arbeit nach der Einsatz von mehreren Modellen, die sich in Art der Modellierungsansätze verschiedener Prozesse unterscheiden empfohlen. Gleichermaßen wichtig sollen Protokolle zum Sammeln und Verwalten von Daten auf regionaler und großflächiger Ebene eingeführt werden (wie zB. in Projekten wie MACSUR und AgMIP).

Dottorato di ricerca in Economia e territorio ; La tesi prende il via da una ricerca qualitativa e quantitativa condotta nei centri sociali anziani autogestiti della provincia di Viterbo, affiliati ANCeSCAO, su di un campione di 393 soci. La presenza del capitale sociale (da adesso cs) è stata declinata nelle relazioni fra salute, felicità, fiducia e il "capability approach" di Amartya Sen, considerato come una forma di cs. L'indagine dimostra relazioni tendenziali fra cs e salute, evidenziate da una riduzione di farmaci e ricoveri, e una relazione significativa tra felicità e cs, considerando che la media nel Lazio sulla soddisfazione della propria vita è al 31%, nel campione ANCeSCAO è al 55%. Nel rapporto tra fiducia specifica e generalizzata: pur essendo bassa la fiducia "istituzionale", la stessa non impedisce il "civic engagment", rilevabile dalla disponibilità ad aiutare la comunità locale (65%) e dal voto alle ultime elezioni politiche (89%). Risulta confermato anche l'approccio delle capability, per cui l'ambiente sociale e l'aumento delle conoscenze/competenze ha un ruolo sulla libertà e sul benessere degli individui. Dalla ricerca appare, invece, smentita l'idea che un cs di tipo "bonding" sia da ostacolo allo sviluppo, infatti, gli iscritti ai centri anziani, oltre ad aiutare gli altri iscritti, sono inseriti in maniera cruciale nel territorio, favorendone la coesione, ma anche aiutando finanziariamente altre associazioni locali, o contribuendo a ridurre il disagio di eventi castrofici, con una raccolte fondi. Gli approcci teorici che vedrebbero i mondi associativi esaurire la portata sociale al loro interno, non sono confermati nella presente ricerca, la quale conferma, invece, la visione del cs di Robert Putnam. L'indagine suggerisce ai policy maker, un significativo sospostamento delle risorse, dai traferimenti diretti, alle reti come ANCeSCAO, al fine di garantire welfare abilitanti e sostenibili, economie di scala, di scopo e della conoscenza. Infine, il valore aggiunto di ANCeSCAO risiedere nella buona organizzazione burocratica, e nella promozione di valori democratici, che hanno un impatto anche sulla comunità locale. ; The thesis starts from a qualitative and quantitative research conducted in elderly self-managed social centers of the province of Viterbo, affiliates Ancescao, on a sample of 393 members. The presence of the social capital (hence cs) has been declined in the relationship between health, happiness, trust and the "capability approach" of Amartya Sen, considered as a form of cs. The survey shows relationships between cs and health trends, highlighted by a reduction consumption of medicines and hospitalizations, and a significant relationship between happiness and cs, whereas the average in Lazio on life satisfaction is 31%, the sample has to Ancescao 55%. In the relationship between specific and generalized trust: despite being low confidence "institutional", the same does not prevent the "civic engagment", detectable by the willingness to help the local community (65%) and the vote at the last election (89%) . It is also confirmed the approach of capability, so the social environment and the increase of knowledge/skills has a role on the freedom and individual well-being. From research it appears, however, refuted the idea that a CS-type "bonding" is an obstacle to development, in fact, those enrolled in elderly centers, in addition to helping other members, are included in a crucial area, promoting cohesion but also providing financial support to other local associations, or helping people with fundraisers. The theoretical approaches that would see the associative worlds exhaust the social significance in them, are not confirmed in this study, which confirms, however, the vision of the cs of Robert Putnam. The survey suggests to the policy makers, to move finacial resources, from direct money-transfer to networks as Ancescao, to ensure welfare and enabling sustainable economies of scale, scope and knowledge. Finally, the value added of Ancescao is base on a good bureaucratic organization, and the promotion of democratic values, which have an impact on the local community.

This paper examines three contemporary cases of official post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) processes: the first taking place in Lebanon after the 2006 Israeli-Hezbollah war; the second undertaken in East Timor following that state's independence; and the third occurring in the Indonesian province of Aceh following the 2005 peace agreement ending conflict in that region. These cases have major differences, since Lebanon's PCR process is occurring in an established state, while the equivalent process in East Timor provides an example of 'state forming', and the Acehnese process is an instance of sub-state reconstruction occurring in a self-governing province. Within these post-conflict contexts, the various roles played by non-state armed groups (NSAGs) are explored, and particular focus is given to Hezbollah in Lebanon, Falintil in East Timor, and GAM in Aceh. The paper demonstrates that there is a significant gap between the actual roles played by NSAGs during PCR processes and the potential roles that such groups are currently denied. The paper analyses the various roles played by NSAGs in PCR processes in terms of three major elements: physical reconstruction, social reconstruction, and political reconstruction. By identifying the physical, social and political effects of conflict, and by observing how such damage is addressed by traditional PCR processes, the paper concludes that NSAGs have the potential to play a significant and positive role in PCR. Even though the paper distinguishes between three separate elements of PCR, it acknowledges that each of these is a vital ingredient in achieving successful, comprehensive PCR. Indeed, where one element is neglected, the success of any element is imperiled. However, because the current orthodoxy surrounding PCR is excessively state-centric, official processes are disinclined to recognise alternative actors - such as NSAGs - in post-conflict settings. Rather than endorsing the marginalisation of NSAGs in PCR processes, the paper contends that such groups have the potential to contribute in significant ways to the physical reconstruction of conflict-affected areas. NSAGs' involvement in longer-term social and political reconstruction can also serve to discourage a future resumption of hostilities by encouraging the reintegration of ex­-combatants into civilian life and the inclusion of former armed groups in the politico­ governance structures of the state. The paper also concludes that, where NSAGs are excluded from PCR processes, not only are the potential benefits of their involvement foregone, but also that such groups have the potential to undermine those processes and can pose serious security threats. These conclusions are highly relevant to policymakers responsible for planning and conducting PCR processes, as well as for those analysts who seek a better understanding of such processes. In order to achieve successful, comprehensive PCR, the various roles of NSAGs in pre­-conflict society, as well as during conflict, need to be taken into account by those responsible for planning and implementing each element of reconstruction processes. Put simply, the gap between the actual and potential roles played by NSAGs in PCR needs to be narrowed. Where NSAGs enjoy high popularity and are seen as integral to their local communities, their exclusion from PCR processes can be politically and socially corrosive. Their exclusion also serves to diminish the efficacy of reconstruction projects, as a disconnect is created between communities and those projects intended to help them recover from conflict. The international opposition to Hezbollah's political aims, moreover, ultimately serves to embolden local support for the group's use of force to achieve its aims. If the international community were able to harness the ideals of 'jihad for construction', with its emphasis on local, grassroots projects designed by and for those most affected by conflict, PCR might be able to more effectively (re)create sustainable, peaceful communities within areas previously devastated by conflict. This is, after all, the central outcome called for by most advocates of PCR processes. Finally, the paper contends that the issue of NSAGs' roles in PCR processes merits sustained attention, as the topic has extremely serious ramifications not only for policymakers and analysts, but also for those victims of conflict seeking to rebuild their lives in peace.

This deliverable analyses the relationships between the various policy packages involved in soil sustainable management, and the soil management practices they foster or restrict, at the European level and in eight Member States. Soil processes are at the interface between agricultural production and ecosystem services provision, and making sure that these processes work properly is a matter of multi-layered policies and actors, in an uncertain environment. To analyse the policy context, we have built a method that grouped together two different frameworks. Using these two frameworks together, we have designed a grid in which each relevant policy measure favours (or hampers) the adoption of each BMP, with which objectives, and whether they are implemented on a mandatory way, or with incentives, or even in a voluntary way. Soil protection is at the interface of three major policy packages: Agricultural and rural policies, where soil is considered as a production mean that needs sometimes to be preserved, environmental policies where the soil is considered as a medium towards air, water or biodiversity protection, and urban policies where forest or agricultural soils have to be preserved from urban sprawl. Since the last twenty years, soils are also a matter of policy packages related to climate change, mostly under the Kyoto protocol. The immediate consequence of soils being at the interface is the existence of a bundle of soil-related policy measures, with expected direct or indirect effects on soils: in 2008 for instance, Kutter et al. (2011) accounted for 410 different soil conservation measures in the European Member states, while Eurostat breakdown of agri-environmental measures (AEM) considered in 2008 that 8 % of the EU-27 agricultural area under AEM benefit from actions to conserve soils. A proposal for a Soil Framework Directive has been initiated in 2006 with the objective of simplifying the way soils stakes are considered in policies and initiating comprehensive legislation on soil protection. This Directive was unfortunately withdrawn in May 20141. Since this withdrawal, the Soil Thematic Strategy takes actions to integrate soil stakes into all relevant policies when renewed. The main consequences on the Soil Thematic Strategy lie on the expected impacts on the region oriented approach led by the new CAP on decentralized effects which may, in turn, affect existing political and institutional relationships. There is a balance between the freedom of regions to design a variety of instruments to protect soil, directly or indirectly, and administrative burden linked to the new governance schemes where changes have to occur. Limited budgets for environmental protection in a context of economic crisis also require improving the cost-effectiveness of policy measures, which results, depending on the region and country, on putting less emphasis on soils protection objectives, or on combining measures so as to protect soils by side effects of promoted practices. The analysis of the wide range of policy packages and their instruments implemented in the Catch-C partner countries highlights that soil stakes are embedded to different degrees in these countries. Building on this embeddedness and on the focus of each country on coherence between the various instruments they use towards soil, we have found three different strategies (see also fig below): - Some have designed for long a comprehensive strategy towards soil protection; they consider that soil provides multiple functions, from habitats to raw material extraction through production of food and building materials. For these countries, raising concern about soil protection at EU level enforces national and regional policies, sometimes permits to design harmonized policy packages at national level (more coordination from regional initiatives). This is the case for Germany, and to a lower extent Austria. Belgium has an intermediate strategy with the next group. - Some countries took the opportunity of implementing EU strategy to design some placebased policies to deal with local soil issues, mostly erosion (Italy, Spain and Poland). - Last set of countries (France and The Netherlands) relies more on side-effect of already existing measures to ensure a minimum soil protection, and instead focus on other stakes like biodiversity or water protection

The key challenges before Australia are climate change, land degradation, the growing need to increase food production, improving food integrity and achieving economic prosperity. Currently, also contested are the proposed introduction of a carbon pricing mechanism, a mining tax and the Carbon Farming Initiative (CFl)-a carbon offsets scheme. In order to inform discussion, close attention needs to be paid to the linkages between these polices and the broader challenges facing Australia. This report adopts a systems approach to obtain a holistic perspective and identify the links between the proposed carbon tax, land-use, tax reforms and food security. In this way the report seeks to target the policy 'sweet spot'. This report identifies the following key linkages between the proposed carbon tax, landuse, tax reforms and food security: • Climate change impacts food production in Australia by decreasing crop yields and livestock productivity. This affects the availability and pricing of food. • In turn, agriculture, production and distribution of food are major contributors to greenhouse gas emissions. • loss of soil carbon is the primary cause of land degradation due to which agricultural productivity has plateaued. Declining agricultural productivity affects food production in Australia. • The CFI provides an opportunity to reward sustainable farming practices for sequestering soil carbon. This subsequently improves agricultural production. • However, a domestic carbon price is vital for the long-term success of the CFI. • Australia has a high rate of obesity. ·currently, insufficient food and vegetables are grown to give every Australian . a nutritional diet. Also, with nutritious food becoming more expensive, the low cost of energy-dense food makes it more affordable. • However, a carbon tax would make processed food more expensive dissuading people for consuming them. Thus, a carbon tax would work as a "fat tax". • The introduction of a carbon price is likely to increase food production costs. These costs, in turn, may be passed down to consumers which would increase the cost of food for households. • The carbon tax provides an opportunity for tax reform by using the Henry Tax Review to assist households to deal with the negative effects of a carbon price. • land use planning in Australia is not driven by any strategy with respect to food security to decide whether or not mining should be allowable in food producing areas. Mining can render productive land useless for sustainable high value agriculture. • Mining uses a large amount of energy hence, introduction of a carbon price will impact the profits of mining companies. • The Henry Tax Review proposed the Resource Super Profits Tax (RSPT) on mining. However, political negotiations caused the RSPT to be replaced by the Minerals Resource Rent Tax (MRRT). This led to a considerable decrease in expected tax collections. • The proposed MRRT seeks to fund a reduction in company tax rates from 30 per cent to 29 per cent to keep business tax scales internationally competitive and to support jobs and growth. • The MRRT and the carbon tax are both instruments that can be used for structural adjustment. By looking at the proposed carbon tax, land-use, tax reforms and food security holistically, it is evident that the inter-connections between these issues provide a range of co-benefits and opportunities. These are: biodiversity co-benefits, soil and water security, providing opportunities for regional employment and development of low-emission technologies. Similarly, as the issues are linked, attempts to address a problem in one area without considering the implications can lead to unintended consequences that can exacerbate problems. It is important the policies ensure that carbon market benefits are obtained while meeting soil, water, biodiversity and food production goals. Thus, ignoring the pervasive interactions described can contribute to poor policy decisions. This report concludes that proposed carbon tax, land-use, tax reforms and food security issues are one policy problem. Targeting the 'policy sweet spot' to balance these will be central to sustainable natural resource management, tackling climate change, achieving economic efficiency and food security in the future.

In the article the legal mechanisms of strengthening altruism in Ukrainian society are analysed. Altruism constantly develops, acquires new forms under act of public relations. In modern Ukrainian society altruism must take the special place in institutionalization of human dignity and rights and freedoms of man, become the norm of social activity. In the article there is a necessity of perfection of normatively­legal base on the basis of principle of altruism, harmonization of relations between the state and civil society in the field of the altruism directed practices. Sharp social contradictions, estrangement of man, can be overcame only through claim of initial social values on principles of idea of dignity and human rights. There must be valuable partnership of the state and eleemosynary organizations in democratic society, creating favourable terms for opening public potential and directing of altruism activity of population. The special attention must be spared to providing of rights for invalids and defencing of them from discrimination. Prospects of Ukraine's entry into the European community, building a legal, democratic, social state are increasingly identified with altruistic-oriented social practices and corresponding cultural forms. At the same time, the contradiction between the deployment of socio-political and national development, the growth of the role of worldview and moral and legal values leads to the need to find optimal ways of functioning, enrichment, becoming a new quality of spirituality of people, their mentality, rational thinking, legal consciousness. In this regard, the formation of humanity, morally and unselfish attitude towards the world by increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of moral and legal regulations is extremely important. Altruism must occupy a special place in the institutionalization of human dignity and human rights and freedoms, and become the norm of social activity. Therefore, an important direction of the development of law, aimed at strengthening altruism in Ukrainian society, is respect for human and citizen rights and freedoms, and increase the level of their legal protection. This causes a number of problems, one of which is the need for a profound meaningful understanding of the relationship between law and altruistic socio-cultural practices, the improvement of the regulatory framework based on the principle of altruism, harmonization of relations between state bodies and citizens in the field of altruistic practices, which determined the subject of research this article. ; У статті аналізуються правові механізми посилення альтруїзму в українському суспільстві. Альтруїзм постійно розвивається, набуває нових форм під впливом суспільних відносин. У сучасному українському суспільстві альтруїзм має займати особливе місце в інституціоналізації людської гідності та прав і свобод людини, стати нормою суспільної діяльності. В даній статті окреслено вдосконалення нормативно­правової бази на основі принципу альтруїзму, гармонізації відносин між державою і громадянським суспільством за допомогою альтруїстичних практик. Зазначено, що гострі соціальні протиріччя, відчуження людини, можуть бути подолані тільки через домінування соціальних цінностей, побудованих на принципах ідеї гідності і прав людини. Держава та благодійні організації в демократичному суспільстві мають бути партнерами, створюючи сприятливі умови для відкриття громадського потенціалу та активізації альтруїзму у населення. Відмічається, що особлива увага повинна бути приділена забезпеченню прав для інвалідів та захисту їх від дискримінації. ; У статті аналізуються правові механізми посилення альтруїзму в українському суспільстві. Альтруїзм постійно розвивається, набуває нових форм під впливом суспільних відносин. У сучасному українському суспільстві альтруїзм має займати особливе місце в інституціоналізації людської гідності та прав і свобод людини, стати нормою суспільної діяльності. В даній статті окреслено вдосконалення нормативно­правової бази на основі принципу альтруїзму, гармонізації відносин між державою і громадянським суспільством за допомогою альтруїстичних практик. Зазначено, що гострі соціальні протиріччя, відчуження людини, можуть бути подолані тільки через домінування соціальних цінностей, побудованих на принципах ідеї гідності і прав людини. Держава та благодійні організації в демократичному суспільстві мають бути партнерами, створюючи сприятливі умови для відкриття громадського потенціалу та активізації альтруїзму у населення. Відмічається, що особлива увага повинна бути приділена забезпеченню прав для інвалідів та захисту їх від дискримінації.