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Cover -- Contents -- Global Contestations of Gender Rights -- Part I - Framing the Global Contestations of Women's and Gender Rights -- Analytical Framing -- Gendering Global Entanglements -- Global Contestations of Gender Equality and Queer Rights -- Gender Equality Policy in Practice in the Era of Global Contestation -- Worldwide Anti-Gender Mobilization -- Part II - Reconfiguring Universal Rights Norms -- Gendered Normativities: The Role and Rule of Law -- Decolonizing Universalism? -- Self, Relation and Gender Rights -- Part III - Reproduction of Inequalities: Institutionalized Power Relations -- Global Contestations of Social Reproduction -- Legal Equality without Justice -- Family Law Exceptionalism and Contestations over Women's Rights in Mali's Family Code Reform -- The Legal Contestation of Abortion Rights -- Reproductive Rights as Battlefield in the New Cold War -- Post-Conflict Gender Inequalities in Nigeria -- Part IV - Negotiating the Global and Local Production of Normativities -- Liberalism and the Construction of Gender (Non-)Normative Bodies and Queer Identities -- Politicizations of Religion in Morocco and Germany -- Mera Jism Meri Marzi -- Global Contestations over Gender Equality in Islam -- Authors.

This book looks at the emerging power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region and locates India and its interests within the overarching geostrategic framework. With US and China emerging as leading players within the region, the book analyses the challenges to India's foreign policy in the face of new alliances, counter-alliances, and great power equations that have formed after the Cold War. It discusses important issues such as China's strategic forays in the Indian Ocean, the balance of power between countries, India's Act East opportunities, Russia's re-engagement in the region, the South China Sea dispute, India's maritime strategy, and the conundrum of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue facing India. A comprehensive study of the changing geopolitical and geostrategic environment of the Indo-Pacific region, the book will be an essential read for scholars and researchers of international relations, global politics, foreign policy, maritime studies, Chinese studies, South Asian studies, geopolitics, and strategic studies.

In the short span of four years, America and China have entered a trade war, a tech war, and a new Cold War. This conflict between the world's two most powerful nations wouldn't have happened, were it not for an unnecessary clash of false narratives. America falsely blames its trade and technology threats on China yet overlooks its shaky saving foundation. China falsely blames its growth challenges on America's alleged containment of market-based socialism, ignoring its failed economic rebalancing. In a hard-hitting analysis of both nations' economies, politics, and policies, Stephen Roach argues that much of the rhetoric on both sides is dangerously misguided, amplified by information distortion, and more a reflection of each nation's fears and vulnerabilities than a credible assessment of the risks they face. Outlining the disastrous toll of conflict escalation between China and America, Roach offers a new road map to restoring a mutually advantageous relationship.

Can great powers be confident that their peers have benign intentions? States that trust each other can live at peace; those that mistrust each other are doomed to compete for arms and allies and may even go to war. Sebastian Rosato explains that states routinely lack the kind of information they need to be convinced that their rivals mean them no harm. Even in cases that supposedly involved mutual trust - Germany and Russia in the Bismarck era; Britain and the United States during the great rapprochement; France and Germany, and Japan and the United States in the early interwar period; and the Soviet Union and United States at the end of the Cold War - the protagonists mistrusted each other and struggled for advantage. Rosato argues that the ramifications of his argument for U.S.-China relations are profound: the future of great power politics is likely to resemble its dismal past.

Mark Bell argues that nuclear weapons are useful for more than just deterrence. Instead, they are leveraged to pursue a wide range of goals in international politics, and the nations that acquire them significantly change their foreign policies as a result. Bell closely examines how these effects vary and what those variations have meant, in the United States, the United Kingdom, and South Africa. Countries aren't generically "emboldened"-they change their foreign policies in different ways based on what their priorities are. This has huge policy implications: what would Iran do if it were to get nuclear weapons? Would Japanese policy toward the United States change if it were to acquire nuclear weapons? And what does the looming threat of nuclear weapons mean for the future of foreign policy? Far from being a relic of the Cold War, Bell argues, nuclear weapons are just as important in international politics today as they ever were.

Part 1. The nature, history and correlates of information warfare in the age of cyber conflict -- The convergence of information warfare / Martin C. Libicki -- A brief history of fake : Surveying Russian disinformation from the Russian empire through the Cold War to the present / Aaron F. Brantly -- The Ideological battlefield : China's approach to political warfare and propaganda in an age of cyber conflict / Elsa B.Kania -- Cyber Conflict at the intersection of information operations : Cyber-enabled information operations 2000-2016 / ColinFoote, Ryan C. Maness, Benjamin Jensen and Brandon Valeriano -- Part 2. (Cyber-enabled) Information at war -- Bear market? Grizzly steppe and the American marketplace of ideas / A. Trevor Thrall and Andrew Armstrong -- Commanding the trend : Social media as information warfare / Lt Col Jarred Prier -- Cyber by a different logic : Using an information warfare kill chain to understand cyber-enabled influence operations / Christopher Whyte and Ugochukwu Etudo -- Cyber-enabled information warfare and influence operations : A revolution in technique? / Miguel Alberto Gomez

Kevin Gray and Jong-Woon Lee focus on three geopolitical 'moments' that have been crucial to the shaping of the North Korean system: colonialism, the Cold War, and the rise of China, to demonstrate how broader processes of geopolitical contestation have fundamentally shaped the emergence and subsequent development of the North Korean political economy. They argue that placing the nexus between geopolitics and development at the centre of the analysis helps explain the country's rapid catch-up industrialisation, its subsequent secular decline followed by collapse in the 1990s, and why the reform process has been markedly more conservative compared to other state socialist societies. As such, they draw attention to the specificities of North Korea's experience of late development, but also place it in a broader comparative context by understanding the country not solely through the analytical lens of state socialism but also as an instance of post-colonial national development.

The United States defence economy is remarkable for a number of reasons - including sheer size. It receives a significant (albeit decreasing) share of GDP and has a significant international footprint. Its purpose is to provide the resources for national defence - against a set of complex and capable adversaries. The main players in the defence economy are households, and the Federal Government. The associated interactions determine the resources provided for national defence and their allocation among various defence needs. This Element focuses primarily on interactions between government and industrial suppliers within the institutional peculiarities of the defence marketplace. This includes the developments that have determined the course of defence industry consolidation post-Cold War. The authors also highlight the persistent gap between resources available for defence and the means to execute the National Security Strategy. Finally, they offer some tentative thoughts regarding developments likely to shape the defence economy's future.

Victorious after World War II and the Cold War, the United States and its allies largely wrote the rules for international trade and investment. Yet, by 2020, it was the United States that became the great disrupter - disenchanted with the rules' constraints. Paradoxically, China, India, Brazil, and other emerging economies became stakeholders in and, at times, defenders of economic globalization and the rules regulating it. Emerging Powers and the World Trading System explains how this came to be and addresses the micropolitics of trade law - what has been developing under the surface of the business of trade through the practice of law, which has broad macro implications. This book provides a necessary complement to political and economic accounts for understanding why, at a time of hegemonic transition where economic security and geopolitics assume greater roles, the United States challenged, and emerging powers became defenders, of the legal order that the United States created.

"The boomers' impact on fifties and sixties Canadian life is unchallenged; social and cultural changes were made to meet their needs and desires. While time has passed, this era stands still in time--viewed as an idyllic period when great hopes and relative prosperity went hand in hand for all. Boom Kids is organized thematically, with chapters focusing on: suburban spaces; the Cold War and its impact on young people; ethnicity, "race," and work; the importance of play and recreation; children's bodies, health and sexuality; and "the night," resistances and delinquency. Reinforced throughout this manuscript is the fact that children and adolescents were not only affected by their suburban experiences, but that they influenced the adult world in which they lived. Oral histories from former community members and archival materials, including school-based publications, form the backbone for a study that demonstrates that suburban life was diverse and filled with rich experiences for youngsters."--

"Can great powers be confident that their peers have benign intentions? States that trust each other can live at peace; those that mistrust each other are doomed to compete for arms and allies and may even go to war. Sebastian Rosato explains that states routinely lack the kind of information they need to be convinced that their rivals mean them no harm. Even in cases that supposedly involved mutual trust--Germany and Russia in the Bismarck era; Britain and the United States during the great rapprochement; France and Germany, and Japan and the United States in the early interwar period; and the Soviet Union and United States at the end of the Cold War--the protagonists mistrusted each other and struggled for advantage. Rosato argues that the ramifications of his argument for U.S.-China relations are profound: the future of great power politics is likely to resemble its dismal past."--

"The fate of poor and working-class African Americans-who are unquestionably represented among neoliberalism's victims-is inextricably linked to that of other poor and working-class AmericansReed contends that the road to a more just society for African Americans and everyone else is obstructed, in part, by a discourse that equates entrepreneurialism with freedom and independence. This, ultimately, insists on divorcing race and class. In the age of runaway inequality and Black Lives Matter, there is an emerging consensus that our society has failed to redress racial disparities. The culprit, however, is not the sway of a metaphysical racism or the modern survival of a primordial tribalism. Instead, it can be traced to far more comprehensible forces, such as the contradictions in access to New Deal era welfare programs, the blinders imposed by the Cold War, and Ronald Reagan's neoliberal assault on the half-century long Keynesian consensus."

"Although terrorism, war, natural disasters, displaced populations, political instability, climate change, and life-threatening product failures have challenged society to think differently about risk and uncertainty-honestly imagining a new reality-few books have attempted to provide a more nuanced exploration of the psychodynamics behind crises such as these. In the 1990s, the US Army War College adopted a term called volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (VUCA) as a way to describe the emerging post-Cold War global environment in which change often leads to environmental instability [ie volatility], operational unpredictability [ie uncertainty], a cascading of unknown variables [ie complexity] and likelihood for misdiagnosis [ie ambiguity]. The idea of VUCA quickly spread to the business world where many contemporary organizations struggle to gain traction in a twenty-first century marketplace that challenges them to flatten, globalize, network, and innovate, or risk annihilation. Today, a Google search of the term VUCA identifies almost 3 million internet hits"--

Valentina Pisanty's The Guardians of Memory opens with a paradox and a question. The paradox derives from an empirical observation: that the very post-Cold War era that has constructed a widespread commemorative culture dedicated to the Holocaust has also been a period in which politics has experienced a rightward turn characterized by ever more virulent racism and racist violence. The question Pisanty poses involves interpreting this paradox: is this conjunction of a memory culture that understands itself as dedicated to tolerance and antiracism and a political culture that is trending racist merely a coincidence or is there a deeper causal connection to be found? Has a much-vaunted cosmopolitan Holocaust memory - with its linked slogans of "Never forget!" and "Never again!" - simply failed to prevent the rise of the right or, more darkly, might it even be implicated in that political turn? From the preface by Michael Rothberg. [Publisher's text]

"As John le Carré's fictional intelligence men admit, it was the case histories--constructed narratives serving shifting agendas--that shaped the British intelligence machine, rather than their personal experience of secret operations. Secret History demonstrates that a critical scrutiny of internal 'after action' assessments of intelligence prepared by British officials provides an invaluable and original perspective on the emergence of British intelligence culture over a period stretching from the First World War to the early Cold War. The historical record reflects personal value judgments about what qualified as effective techniques and organization, and even who could rightfully be called an intelligence officer. The history of intelligence thus became a powerful form of self-reinforcing cultural capital. Shining an intense light on the history of Britain's intelligence organizations, Secret History excavates how contemporary myths, misperceptions, and misunderstandings were captured and how they affected the development of British intelligence and the state."--