Suchergebnisse

Sexual violence or rape in armed conflict has been a widespread & persistent practice for ages. International humanitarian laws, eg, the Geneva Convention & their Additional Protocols, seek to end the impunity of assailants & prosecute rape as a war crime, but experiences in the former Yugoslavia & Rwanda show that improvements are needed. The protection of women against rape by offering them refugee status has been debated among UN members; the case of Kosovo is described. M. Pflum

The author of this article contends that states are no longer the only foreign policy actors. Transnational businesses & non-governmental organizations have at their disposal much larger budgets, bigger foreign representations, & more specialized knowledge than states. According to the author, a close partnership between the actors is desirable. Also, international law should recognize the changing conditions that are taking place in the world. References. Adapted from the source document.

"Seit der Enthüllung des iranischen Nuklearprogramms im Jahr 2002/3 ringt die internationale Gemeinschaft mit der Islamischen Republik Iran um das iranische Atomprogramm. Die langwierigen Verhandlungen sind nun in eine bedrohliche Phase gelangt, die ökonomische Sanktionen und im schlimmsten Fall eine militärische Konfrontation nach sich ziehen könnten. Trotz der ständigen Bekundungen Irans, sein Atomprogramm sei friedlicher Natur, gibt es besorgniserregende Indizien, die dem widersprechen" (Autorenreferat)

A concepção de uma disciplina acadêmica sistematizada para o estudo das relações internacionais se deu atrelada à necessidade de criação de um arcabouço teórico para a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema internacional e das possibilidades de mudança ou estabilidade da ordem política nesse sistema. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste texto é demonstrar em que medida as teorias do chamado mainstream acadêmico, tradicionais na análise da política internacional, ao naturalizar a conformação da ordem política internacional e minimizar o papel das disputas entre as forças sociais na constituição das relações internacionais, exercem um papel favorável à manutenção da ordem hegemônica e conservação do status quo. Não obstante, perspectivas contestatórias reconheceram e evidenciaram os limites das teorias do mainstream e preencheram a lacuna político-acadêmica contida nas teorias tradicionais de Relações Internacionais ao longo do desenvolvimento de seu campo acadêmico e institucional. Abstract: The design of an academic discipline for the systematic study of international relations occurred tied to the need to establish a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of the international system and the possibilities for change or stability of the political order in this system. Accordingly, this paper aims to demonstrate the extent to which the so-called mainstream academic theories, traditional analysis of international politics, to naturalize the conformation of the international political order and minimize the role of the disputes between the social forces in the constitution of international relations, play a role in favor of maintaining the hegemonic order and preserving the status quo. Nevertheless, prospects contesting recognized and showed the limits of the mainstream theories and filled the political and academic gap contained in traditional theories of international relations during the development of their academic and institutional concepts.

Results of an international investigation concerning the selection of materials handling methods for high rise in‐situ concrete buildings by contractors' planning engineers in France, Germany and the UK are presented. Findings indicate that materials handling methods differ in each international location. Tower cranes still dominate for high rise in‐situ concrete buildings, although contractors will also frequently utilise concrete pumps in conjunction. Company size has little impact on the materials handling method selected. Eight predominant (construction method) selection factors are identified, and ranked for each international group of contractors. Statistically, the rankings are shown to be almost the same for each country. Relative costs, speed of construction, and site safety are the principal selection criteria. Correlation analysis reveals a degree of association between the selection factors.

Unternehmerische Politiken zu "gesellschaftlicher Verantwortung" (CSR) gestalten durch die Setzung von Sozialstandards auch die transnationalen Arbeitsbeziehungen - und zwar auf dem Wege privater Regulierung. Gewerkschaftliche Akteure haben sich in den Fällen, in denen sie CSR-Konzepte mit dem Unternehmen ausgehandelt haben, insbesondere im Rahmen von International Framework Agreements, eine eigenständige Rolle und Gestaltungsmacht erarbeitet. Ob solche Modelle allerdings künftig den CSR-Mainstream beeinflussen können, bleibt zweifelhaft. Zwar können bei der Entwicklung und Durchsetzung transnationaler Sozialstandards unternehmensexterne Stakeholder durchaus Einfluss ausüben; es handelt sich dabei aber vor allem um Menschenrechtsgruppen/NGOs auf der einen und um Finanzmarktakteure auf der anderen Seite. Der Beitrag beschreibt typische Akteurs- und Interessenkonstellationen, die die Einflussmöglichkeiten gewerkschaftlicher Akteure bei der Implementation und Kontrolle transnationaler CSR-Politiken vorprägen bzw. unterhöhlen. (WSI-Mitteilungen / FUB)

Limited capability and political will have caused the great powers to fail to demonstrate their global leadership in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, which has created greater room to manoeuvre for other countries to influence international affairs. Preliminary achievements in the fight against the COVID-19 crisis have buttressed the rising global status of small and medium-sized states, including Vietnam. Although Vietnam has recently been recognised as an emerging middle power, scepticism looms regarding whether this higher international status is beyond its capacity. We argue that the pandemic may act as a catalyst for Vietnam to further elevate its strategic role as a middle power on the international stage in the medium and long term. (JCSA/GIGA)

International fragmentation of production and economic integration change the structure of international trade. Novel datasets reveal how production processes are unbundled across borders and connected internationally through Global Value Chains (GVCs). Yet, the impact of Economic Integration Agreements (EIAs) on GVCs is still poorly understood. This paper investigates how the accession of 10 Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) to the European Union (EU) affected trade in value added in Europe. Using a gravity model of international trade for a sample of 40 countries over the period 1995-2009, we find that EU accession mainly fostered Eastern entrants' integration in other CEECs' value chains. Smaller integration benefits arise for East-West trade in services stemming from low-skill value adding activities.

The end of the Cold War had positive benefits for European security, but in the developing world, threats to security have increased since 1990 & the types of war, conflict, & insecurity have changed. Since 1990, large-scale conventional conflict is less likely, but internal wars are likely to have longer durations & more lethality. Because of the linkage between internal wars & regional stability, international or multinational intervention in civil conflicts is likely, as in the Balkans; international intervention raises issues of regime sovereignty. Terrorism, in particular, thrives on institutional weakness & state collapse. Environmental issues & population changes also pose threats to regional security & stability in the developing world. International organizations & developed states besides the US should play a larger role in peacekeeping & conflict resolution. M. Pflum

The paper analyzes the relationship between trade policy and environmental protection. National and global environmental issues are distinguished. In principle, there is no conflict between an institutional order for international trade and national environmental policy. Protectionism against environmental policy, eco-imperialism and environmental policy as a trade strategy are not justified. Uncertainty in international trade arising from environmental policy should be reduced by the principles of first-best solution, of the appropriateness of means, of non-discrimination, of necessity, of the limits of territorial sovereignty, and of country-of-origin. With respect to global issues, international agreements, trade sanctions, side payments and trade liberalization are discussed. Finally, the paper looks at rule consistency between environmental and trade agreements.

"Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland muß sich nach dem Umbruch in Europa und nach ihrer Vereinigung veränderten internationalen Herausforderungen stellen. Die deutsche Außenpolitik hat dadurch zusätzliche Aufgaben erhalten. Ihre Aktionen bleiben jedoch eingebunden in die Gemeinschaftspolitiken der Europäischen Union und der Nordatlantischen Allianz. Neuerdings gehören auch erweiterte Einsätze der Bundeswehr dazu, um internationale Friedenssicherungen militärisch zu stützen. Die Bundesrepublik muß ihre außenpoltischen Aktionen ausrichten an den Folgen der jüngsten deutschen Geschichte, den europäischen Verantwortungen und den nationalen Zielen in den gewandelten globalen Verhältnissen. Trotz der Verschiebung der sicherheitspolitischen Aspekte durch die Dominanz der außenwirtschaftlichen Beziehungen gehören auch und gerade wegen der Konflikte und Kriege in Europa militärische Maßnahmen zu den multinationalen Aufgaben. Die Bundesrepublik muß auch hierbei aus Solidarität und Verpflichtung ihre Beiträge leisten und Verbände der Bundeswehr für Krisengebiete abstellen. Die Schlußfolgerung, es könne hierbei zu einer Militarisierung der deutschen Außenpolitik kommen, ist unzutreffend. Vor allem, weil sich militärische Aufgaben immer mehr zu polizeilichen Funktionen im internationalen Maßstab wandeln müssen. Da diese Aufgaben zunehmend nationale Fähigkeiten und Kräfte übersteigen, gehört die Westbindung der Bundesrepublik zur Voraussetzung für die deutschen Integrationsbeiträge und für die Anerkennung als selbstverständlicher Partner in der EU und in der NATO." (Autorenreferat)

Currently, more than 20 million Russians permanently reside outside Russia. As migration trends show, their number will be increasing in the future. The Russian-speaking diaspora in the Baltic States is an essential part of the Russian community abroad. Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia used to be a single state with Russia for a long time. It could not but affect the formation of these countries as subjects of international politics. Since May 2004, the Baltic States have been members of the European Union. Together with Finland, they constitute the EU's border space with Russia. To a large extent, it determines their geopolitical role in Europe. The article examines the Russian-speaking diaspora in the Baltic States. It substantiates the factors facilitating its stability and the preservation of the Russian cultural space, analyses the socio-economic and legal status of different groups of Russian-speaking residents, and identifies the peculiarities of various groups of the Russian-speaking population as well as prospects for the development of the diaspora.