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Discusses the potential appropriation of scientific & technological advances by socialist feminism, with focus on the image of the genderless cyborg. It is argued that the cyborg offers an opportunity to imagine a utopian world without gender & celebrate the modern confusion of boundaries, a confusion that offers the opportunity for more responsible & just recreation of boundaries. The image of the cyborg is increasingly relevant as the distinctions between human & animal, & animal & machine, are continually challenged & reconstructed by technology & science. Although the proliferation of cyborgs could become a mechanism of further domination, it is suggested that cyborgs can by symbolically & physically utilized in a feminist socialist project emphasizing the advantages of partial, fractured, & continually evolving identities. Gender, race, & class consciousness are not the product of inherent identities or traits, but a reaction to histories of oppression & marginalization, & cyborgs could potentially blur these borders & categories that have provided the basis for domination. Following a brief review of the repressive & liberating potential of technology, it is concluded that high-tech rearrangements of race, class, & gender could reinvigorate socialist feminism. T. Sevier

Foreword / Jamal S. Al-Suwaidi. - OPENING REMARKS / H.E. Humaid Mohammed Obaid Al-Qutaimi. - KEYNOTE ADDRESSES / H.E. Fayaz Mohammed Al-Saudi; David Hung. - 1. Output of the Modern Educational Process and its Compatibility with the Labor Market / Ruqiyabi Naz Awan. - 2. Information Technology and New Patterns of Teaching and Learning / Gilly Salmon. - 3. Digital Infrastructure and Education / Rachel Bruce. - 4. Technicians and Academics: Collaboration to Improve the Educational Process / Zouchen Zhang

Then involvement is essential. You cannot stand aside as a member of a community. The real involvement presupposes first a connection at the level of understanding the phenomenon, an empathic relationship with the studied phenomena and processes, relationship that generate intuitions, leaps in understanding and knowledge, discoveries, revelations. The paper is based on the idea that information technology and communications today generate a global interaction based on a complex computer network, which forms a sphere that covers the planet, assimilated with a global intelligence, to which we can consciously adhere becoming a synapse. a global neural network.

Why has constructivism emerged as an important force in the field of international relations and politics in the end of the 20th century? Why constructivism and not any other theoretical approach? The constructivist perspective of international relations appeared as a counterbalance to rationalism that was entrenched in US Political Science throughout the last decades. Analyzing the contemporary state of world affairs through the prism of social constructivism provides us with a unique understanding of how intersubjective perceptions lead to unique epistemic interpretations of reality, which form the ideological framework within which social constructs are being generated. Constructivism succeeds not only in identifying the motives behind the behavior of international actors, but also in unfolding the mechanism through which those motives are being envisaged and accepted through the process of social construction – here lies the greatest value of the constructivist approach in IR theory. Culture formation, nation building, imagined communities, security complexes – the constructivist approach remains an invaluable tool in the arsenal of political analysts, seeking to understand how culture, history, social order, religion, and language project their infl uence on the international arena and ultimately: why international players behave the way they do? ; Почему конструктивизм возник в качестве влиятельной силы силы в области международных отношений и политики в конце XX века? Почему именно конструктивизм, а не любой другой теоретический подход? Конструктивистская перспектива международных отношений появилась в качестве противовеса к рационализму, который закрепился в политической науке США на протяжении последних десятилетий. Анализ современного склада мировых дел через призму социального конструктивизма дает нам уникальное понимание того, как интерсубъективные восприятия приводят к уникальным эпистемическими интерпретациям реальности, которые формируют идеологические рамки, в пределах которых генерируются социальные конструкты. Конструктивизм является ценным не только в определении мотивов поведения международных игроков, но и разворачивании механизма, посредством которого эти мотивы были созданы и приняты через процесс социального строительства – здесь лежит наибольшее значение конструктивистского подхода в теории МО. Формирование культуры, формирование национального самосознания, воображаемые сообщества, комплексы безопасности – конструктивистский подход остается бесценным инструментом в арсенале политических аналитиков, которые стремятся понять, как культура, история, общественный строй, религия, и язык, проецируют их влияние на международной арене, и в итоге: почему международные игроки ведут себя именно так, как они себя ведут?

The 1st and 2nd Additional Protocols introduced a new rule which prohibits attacks against works and installations containing dangerous forces, even if they represent military objectives, because those dangerous forces could have a negative impact on civilians. It is not very sure that these rules became a part of the customary law, but practice shows that states are aware of the considerable risks which would emerge. As a consequence, states recognize that, in any armed conflict, it is necessary to take special precautionsin order to avoid releasing these dangerous forces and not cause any threats among civilians. According to the two protocols, this requirement of taking precautions is applicable to any kind of armed conflict.Keywords: customary international law; international conflicts; noninternational conflicts; Additional Protocols to the Geneva Convention.

For patriotic citizens, living in their native country is intrinsically preferable compared to living in the diaspora. In this paper, we analyze the implications of such a patriotic lock-in in a world with international migration and redistributive taxation. In a formal model of redistribution with international migration and fiscal competition we derive the main hypothesis: that countries with a more patriotic population should have higher redistributive taxes. Using ISSP survey data and combining them with OECD taxation data, we find robust evidence suggesting that a) higher patriotism is associated with higher tax burdens, and b) this relation is stronger for the upper-middle range of the income distribution. ; Die individuelle Entscheidung, dauerhaft im Ausland zu leben, wird sowohl von finanziellen als auch von nicht-monetären Aspekten beeinflusst. Patriotismus (Heimatbindung) ist einer dieser nicht-monetären Faktoren, der zwischen den Ländern aber auch innerhalb eines Landes variiert. Ausgehend davon analysieren wir zunächst theoretisch die Auswirkungen von Patriotismus auf den Steuerwettbewerb zwischen zwei Ländern. In der ersten Stufe des Spieles entscheiden die Individuen, ob sie auswandern oder nicht und in der zweiten Stufe erheben die Länder vom hoch-produktiven Anteil der Bevölkerung (unabhängig vom Ursprung der Individuen) Steuern zur Umverteilung. Wenn die ursprüngliche Bevölkerung (vor Migrationsbewegungen) in Land A im Durchschnitt heimatverbundener als die in Land B ist, reagiert sie weniger elastisch auf den Steuersatz. Im Gleichgewicht führt daher höherer (durchschnittlicher) Patriotismus zu höheren Steuersätzen. Im zweiten Teil überprüfen wir diese Hypothese empirisch, indem wir ISSP-Surveydaten und OECDSteuerdaten zusammenführen. Im Ländervergleich besteht für gleiche relative Einkommen ein positiver Zusammenhang zwischen Patriotismus und Steuerbelastung.

As we move further into the 1980s there are a number of alarming trends in Soviet-American relations and in the nuclear arms race: the development of so-called "counterforce" or "first-strike" weapons; NATO's new Pershing XR II missiles, which drastically reduce the warning time of an American missile attack on the USSR, just as the Soviet SS-20s threaten Western Europe; a U.S. command system that, under conditions of intense crisis, says one expert, "is subject to strains powerful enough to trigger an unintended war": increasingly sophisticated technology, such as that which has produced the cruise missile, complicating the verification process of future arms control agreements; a new and growing arms race in space; nuclear proliferation; the discussion of "limited" nuclear war and other strategic nuclear concepts; the failure of the U.S. to ratify SALT II…and the list goes on.