Suchergebnisse

У статті досліджується досвід нормативно-правового регулювання місцевого само-врядування в зарубіжних країнах у контексті його можливого використання в Укра-їні. Розглядається визначення місцевого самоврядування в конституційних актах,комплекс законів із зазначеної проблематики в окремих країнах. Приділено особливуувагу аналізу законодавчих актів про загальні засади місцевого самоврядування, ви-значено перелік основних питань, які розглянуто в зазначених документах та визна-чають їх структуру. У статті наведено дані про тенденцію щодо збільшення кількостінормативно-правових актів з питань місцевого самоврядування в зарубіжних краї-нах, внаслідок чого у більшості випадків окремими законами врегульовуються пи-тання засад місцевого самоврядування, виборів до представницьких органів, повно-важенням територіальних громад, статусу столиці, визначенню фінансової основимісцевого самоврядування, контролю за діяльністю органів місцевого самоврядуван-ня. Звертається увага на наявну у ряді пострадянських та посткомуністичних країнпротилежну практику поєднання в одному законодавчому документі проблематикидержавного управління та місцевого самоврядування. Звернуто увагу на терміноло-гію нормативно-правових актів з питань місцевого самоврядування. ; The experience of the normative and legal adjusting of local self-government in foreigncountries in the context of its possible application in Ukraine is investigated in thearticle. Local self-government definition in the constitutional acts, a set of laws on abovementionedproblems in some countries are considered. Special attention is focused on theanalysis of legislative acts on the general principles of local self-government, the list ofmain issues studied in the indicated papers and determines their structure, is defined.The article provides data on the trend towards an increase in the number of normative andlegal acts on the issues of local self-government in foreign countries that in most casessome laws regulate the issue of local self-government principles , elections to ...

The article focuses on the fact that the constitutional and legal modernization of the local self-govern-ment system is aimed, in particular, to consolidate the status of territorial communities as the main subject of local democracy. United territorial communities determine the transition of local self-government to a new level. It is argued that now the process of uniting territorial communities should be considered precise-ly as their right. At the same time, the question arises of the boundaries of the possible implementation of such a subjective right. It is emphasized that the regulatory framework is not always consistent with re-spect to the regulation of the united territorial communities, but rather aims at regulating certain aspects of the constitutional and legal status of the united territorial communities. It is alleged that the legal foundations for the process of unification of territorial communities were es-tablished long ago, however, due to the content of the right to voluntary unification could only be exercised by rural territorial communities, because no real mechanism was put in place to initiate such a process; the process of uniting of rural territorial communities was not regulated in accordance with the principle of voluntariness, etc. It is noted that the uniting of territorial communities or the voluntary exit of the territorial community from the integrated territorial community affects not only the legitimate interests of the local population, and, accordingly, not only the interests of local or regional levels, but also the in-terests of the state as a whole. Giving united territorial communities such a wide range of powers places increased responsibility on the united territorial communities for the decisions made within the given powers and requires increased protection by the state against abuse by the relevant actors. Lack of legal concepts (first of all, the concept of a unified territorial community), inconsistency and contradictory nature of legislation on local self-gov-ernment carries an increased level of danger of creating and further systematic manifestation of negative consequences in practice, and hinders the completion of decentralization reform. In view of the above, it is proposed to amend the Basic Law in the part of local self-government, which will contribute to better organization of local self-government in Ukraine. ; У статті зосереджена увага на тому, що конституційно-правова модернізація системи місцевого са-моврядування спрямована, зокрема, на закріплення статусу територіальних громад основним суб'єк-том місцевої демократії. Об'єднані територіальні громади зумовлюють перехід місцевого самовря-дування на новий рівень. Аргументується, що наразі процес об'єднання територіальних громад слід розглядати саме як їх право. При цьому одночасно виникає питання про межі можливого здійснення такого суб'єктивного права. Акцентується увагу на тому, що нормативно-правова база не завжди носить послідовний характер відносно регулювання об'єднаних територіальних громад, а навпроти – спрямована на врегулюван-ня окремих аспектів конституційно-правового статусу ОТГ. Стверджується, що законодавчі підвали-ни для здійснення процесу об'єднання територіальних громад були закладені досить давно, проте за змістом право на добровільне об'єднання могло бути реалізоване лише сільськими територіальними громадами, оскільки не було впроваджено реального механізму для ініціювання такого процесу; не було врегульовано процес об'єднання сільських територіальних громад з урахуванням принципу до-бровільності та іншого.Зазначається, що об'єднання територіальних громад або добровільний вихід територіальної грома-ди зі складу ОТГ зачіпає інтереси не тільки законні інтереси місцевого населення, а відповідно – не тіль-ки інтереси локального або регіонального рівнів, але і інтереси держави загалом. Наділення ОТГ таким широким колом повноважень покладає підвищену відповідальність на ОТГ за прийняті в межах наданих їм повноважень рішення та вимагає підвищеної охорони з боку держави від зловживань відповідними суб'єктами. Відсутність законодавчо визначених понять (насамперед, відсутність поняття об'єднаної територіальної громади), суперечливість та неузгодженість законодавства про місцеве самоврядуван-ня несе в собі підвищений рівень небезпеки започаткування та подальшого систематичного прояву негативних наслідків у практичній діяльності, а також певним чином гальмує завершення реформи децентралізації. З огляду на зазначене пропонується внесення змін до Основного Закону в частині міс-цевого самоврядування, що сприятиме більш якісній організації місцевого самоврядування в Україні. ; У статті зосереджена увага на тому, що конституційно-правова модернізація системи місцевого са-моврядування спрямована, зокрема, на закріплення статусу територіальних громад основним суб'єк-том місцевої демократії. Об'єднані територіальні громади зумовлюють перехід місцевого самовря-дування на новий рівень. Аргументується, що наразі процес об'єднання територіальних громад слід розглядати саме як їх право. При цьому одночасно виникає питання про межі можливого здійснення такого суб'єктивного права. Акцентується увагу на тому, що нормативно-правова база не завжди носить послідовний характер відносно регулювання об'єднаних територіальних громад, а навпроти – спрямована на врегулюван-ня окремих аспектів конституційно-правового статусу ОТГ. Стверджується, що законодавчі підвали-ни для здійснення процесу об'єднання територіальних громад були закладені досить давно, проте за змістом право на добровільне об'єднання могло бути реалізоване лише сільськими територіальними громадами, оскільки не було впроваджено реального механізму для ініціювання такого процесу; не було врегульовано процес об'єднання сільських територіальних громад з урахуванням принципу до-бровільності та іншого.Зазначається, що об'єднання територіальних громад або добровільний вихід територіальної грома-ди зі складу ОТГ зачіпає інтереси не тільки законні інтереси місцевого населення, а відповідно – не тіль-ки інтереси локального або регіонального рівнів, але і інтереси держави загалом. Наділення ОТГ таким широким колом повноважень покладає підвищену відповідальність на ОТГ за прийняті в межах наданих їм повноважень рішення та вимагає підвищеної охорони з боку держави від зловживань відповідними суб'єктами. Відсутність законодавчо визначених понять (насамперед, відсутність поняття об'єднаної територіальної громади), суперечливість та неузгодженість законодавства про місцеве самоврядуван-ня несе в собі підвищений рівень небезпеки започаткування та подальшого систематичного прояву негативних наслідків у практичній діяльності, а також певним чином гальмує завершення реформи децентралізації. З огляду на зазначене пропонується внесення змін до Основного Закону в частині міс-цевого самоврядування, що сприятиме більш якісній організації місцевого самоврядування в Україні.

The article attempts to investigate the constitutional obligation on the budget control by the supreme body of financial control in Ukraine. The author draws attention to the legal, economic and political factors that influence the activity of the Accounting Chamber of Ukraine at its current stage of the development. The research is based on the analysis of legislative acts of Ukraine and the standardized activity of the International Organization of Supreme Audit Institutions. The study revealed a lack of legal regulations that would allow the Accounting Chamber to develop and plan the budget in its establishment phase. Also, the attention is drawn to the functioning of the Accounting Chamber as a member of the international organization INTOSAI, and to a political factor through which the forms and methods of control of the supreme state body are improved. The compliance of the functions and performance of the Accounting Chamber with the documents of the international organization is determined. The article proposes to extend the authority of the Accounting Chamber not only as a legislative body, but also as a judiciary one, which will effectively influence the results of the audit. The author argues that the description of shortcomings by political, legal and economic factors allows solving the problems of the Accounting Chamber at different levels of government and with different approaches to improving constitutional duties on budget control. This particular way of presenting the material will facilitate a better understanding of the activities of the supreme bodies of financial control and their inapplicability to today's new realities which are subject to various changes in the budgetary process. Foreign and domestic experience of using international standards that would allow revealing the shortcomings of the national formation of the state apparatus of supreme audit institutions in a comparative perspective is analyzed. The Federal Accounting Chamber of Germany has been chosen as an example of a supreme audit institution with the most advanced status and functions enshrined in the law, and effective in practice. The chamber has a status that allows it to be an instrument for budgeting between the legislative and executive branches of the government. ; В статье предпринята попытка исследовать конституционную обязанность по контролю бюджета высшего органа финансового контроля в Украине. Автор обращает внимание на правовые, экономические и политические факторы, что на современном этапе развития государства влияют на деятельность Счетной палаты Украины. Исследования основываются на анализе законодательных актов Украины и Международной организации высших органов финансового контроля. В исследовании был выявлен недостаток, который касается отсутствия правовых норм, которые разрешали бы Счетной палате совершать разработку и планирование бюджета на этапе его создания. Также обращено внимание на функционирование Счетной палаты, как члена международной организации INTOSAI, и на влияние политического фактора, благодаря которому усовершенствуются формы и методы контроля высшего органа страны. Определено, насколько Счетная палата соответствует по функциям и результативности деятельности документам международной организации. В статье предложено расширить полномочия Счетной палаты не только как законодательному органу, но и судебному, что позволит эффективно влиять на результаты проверок. По мнению автора, описание недостатков по политическим, экономическим и правовым факторам позволяет решить проблемы деятельности Счетной палаты на разных уровнях власти и разных подходах к усовершенствованию конституционных обязанностей по вопросам контроля бюджета. Именно эта особенность изложения материала поможет лучше понять деятельность высших органов финансового контроля и их неприспособленность к современным реалиям в бюджетном процессе, которые видоизменяются под влиянием разных причин. Проанализировать зарубежный и отечественный опыт использования международных стандартов, которые бы позволили в сравнительном аспекте определить недостатки национального формирования государственного аппарата высшего финансового контроля. Как пример высшего финансового органа, который имеет более совершенный статус и функции, закрепленные законом и эффективные на практике, имеет Федеральная счетная палата Германии. Она имеет статус, который позволяет ей быть инструментом формирования бюджета между законодательной и исполнительной ветками власти. ; В статті здійснена спроба дослідити виконання конституційного обов`язку з контролю бюджету вищим органом фінансового контролю України. Автор звертає увагу на правові, економічні та політичні чинники, що на сучасному етапі розвитку держави впливають на діяльність Рахункової палати України. Дослідження ґрунтуються на аналізі законодавчих актів України та стандартизованому досвіді Міжнародної організації вищих органів фінансового контролю. У дослідженні було виявлено недолік, що стосується відсутності правових норм, які б дозволяли Рахунковій палаті здійснювати розробку та планування бюджету на етапі його створення. Також звернено увагу на функціонування Рахункової палати, як члена міжнародної організації INTOSAI, та на вплив політичного чинника, завдяки якому вдосконалюються форми та методи контролю вищого органу держави. Визначено, наскільки Рахункова палата відповідає у своїх функціях та результативності діяльності документам міжнародної організації. В статті запропоновано надати повноваження Рахунковій палаті не лише як законодавчому органу, а й судовому. Це дозволить ефективно впливати на результати перевірки. На думку автора, опис недоліків за політичним, правовим та економічним чинниками дозволяє вирішити проблеми діяльності Рахункової палати на різних рівнях влади та різних підходах в удосконалені конституційного обов`язку з контролю бюджету. Саме ця особливість викладення матеріалу допоможе краще зрозуміти діяльність вищих органів фінансового контролю та їх непристосованість до сучасних реалій в бюджетотворчому процесі, які видозмінились під впливом різних причин. Проаналізувати зарубіжний та вітчизняний досвід використання міжнародних стандартів, які б дозволили в порівняльному аспекті виявити недоліки національного формування державного апарату вищого фінансового контролю. Як приклад вищого фінансового органу, що має найбільш досконалий статус та функції, закріплені законом та ефективні на практиці, має Федеральна рахункова палата Німеччини. Вона має статус, який дозволяє бути їй інструментом формування бюджету між законодавчою та виконавчою гілкою влади

This publication reports findings from the first empirical study on public opinion on the death penalty in Ghana. The research was inspired by the work of the Constitutional Review Commission, which recommended in its final report to Government the abolition of the death penalty. The Commission advanced four main arguments for its recommendation: the current de facto abolition position does not adequately punish death penalty convicts; the lack of justification for the state arrogating to itself the right to take life; current international trends towards abolition; and belief in utilitarian principles which emphasise reformation as the fundamental aim of the justice system. As can be seen, none of these reasons makes reference to public sentiments about the death penalty. The Commission's work involved a 'public' consultation, but opinion leaders and key stakeholders such as professional bodies and local advocacy groups dominated the process. For various reasons – for example, the structure of the process, lack of awareness of the consultative meetings, and the structure of people's routine activities – a large section of Ghanaians was unable to participate in the Commission's work. Yet, a wider public engagement would seem important given the peculiar history of the death penalty in Ghana and concerns about backlash effects in the form of vigilante violence. Moreover, Articles 3(3) and 13(1), which concern the death penalty, are entrenched provisions in the Ghanaian constitution. Therefore, notwithstanding Government's acceptance of the Commission's recommendations, a referendum is required to decide whether or not the death penalty should be abolished. Research evidence on the nature of public opinion on the death penalty will contribute to debate preceding the referendum. The research began following a presentation by the authors at the invitation of the European Union Delegation in Ghana and the French Embassy on the 11th World viii Day Against the Death Penalty in 2013. The research was funded by the Smuts Memorial Fund and the Cambridge-Africa Alborada Research Fund, University of Cambridge. The Centre of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Ghana) carried out the study based on a face-to-face survey of 2460 people randomly selected from four communities in Accra. The selected communities reflect the varying socio-economic and ethnic compositions of the capital city and country. The fieldwork was conducted in April and May 2014, and covered a broad range of issues in relation to the death penalty. The results showed that views about the death penalty do not appear to be polarized. The majority of Ghanaian respondents (48.3%) expressed strong opposition to the death penalty. Only 8.6% indicated strong endorsement of this form of punishment. Almost 6 out of every 10 respondents supported abolition of the death penalty in cases of murder. Among those opposed to abolition, 7 in 10 would support a discretionary death penalty in place of the current mandatory death penalty. The most preferred replacement for the death penalty was life imprisonment without the possibility of parole. Approximately, 71% of people interviewed chose life imprisonment without the possibility of parole as the alternative to the death penalty. This is consistent with the recommendations of the Constitutional Review Commission. Popular commentary on the death penalty suggests that Ghanaians support retention of the death penalty for reasons of deterrence. The evidence from this study revealed a tripod of reasons: deterrence; retribution; and justice for victims' families. Among proponents of abolition, sanctity of life and the possibility of executing innocent people were the two prominent reasons. The data show very little evidence of potential backlash in the form of support for vigilante violence or lynching; 26% said they would take the law into their own hands if the death penalty was abolished. The ix findings from a detailed analysis showed that traditional religious beliefs about supernatural punishments were a powerful force shaping attitudes to the death penalty. People who believed in these punishments were more likely to endorse the death penalty and to resist abolition for murder. This is novel finding in the academic literature on the death penalty. However, more research is required to establish more fully the mechanisms that link these beliefs to anti-abolition attitudes. There is evidence of hotspots of death penalty views from this study. Residents of high-class neighbourhoods were likely to oppose the death penalty and to support its abolition for murder. Support for the death penalty was concentrated in low-class migrant areas. An interesting finding emerged that low-class indigenous areas were more opposed to the death penalty than middle-class areas. Finally, a key issue in death penalty research concerns the role of scientific evidence, especially evidence on deterrence effects and wrongful conviction. The findings show that evidence has both transformative and reinforcement effects. While scientific evidence does not lead to a complete rejection of the death penalty, the findings showed that some anti-abolitionists are open to a reasoned debate, and will reconsider their views in the face of scientific evidence. Taken together, the findings from this public opinion survey show a weak public support for the death penalty in Ghana. On the issue of abolishing the death penalty and possible backlash effect, the evidence suggests this is unlikely to be the case. Importantly, the survey reveals the complexity of public opinion on the death penalty and the need for evidence-based approach to understanding the roots of public concerns in order to prevent any possible backlash effects that might lead to pressure to reinstate the death penalty.

Book reviewed in this article:CLASS AND POLITICS: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890–1910. By John KickardLABOR AND THE CONSTITUTION 1972–1975 Essays and Commentaries on the Constitutional Controversies of the Whitlam Years in Australian Government. Edited by Gareth Evans (Melbourne: Heinemann, 1977).DESIGN FOR DIVERSITY: Library Services for Higher Education and Research in Australia. Edited by Harrison Bryan and Gordon GreenwoodLEGISLATIVE, EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL POWERS IN AUSTRALIA. By W. Ansteq Wynes.SOCIAL POLICY IN AUSTRALIA: Some Perspectives 1901–1975. Edited by Jill Roe (Sydney: Casseil Australia, 1976).OPPORTUNITY AND ATTAINMENT IN AUSTRALIA. By Leonard Broom and F. Lancaster Jones (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976).AUSTRALIA IN WORLD AFFAIRS 1966–1970. Edited by Gordon Greenwood and Norman Harper (Melbourne: Cheshire, for Australian Institute of International Affairs 1974).THE GOVERNMENT OF VICTORIA. By Jean HolmesTHE GOVERNMENT OF TASMANIA. By W.A. TownsleyTHE GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA. By D.H. JaenschPOLICE IN AUSTRALIA: Development, Functions and Procedures. Written and edited by Kerry L. Mike, assisted by Thomas A. WeberTHE AUSTRALIAN PRICES JUSTIFICATION TRIBUNAL. By J.P. Nieuwenhuysen and A.E. DalyGANDHI AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: The Mahatma in Indian Politics 1928–34. By Judith M. BrownPANCHAYATI RAJ AND EDUCATIONAL ADMINISTRATION. By Iqbal Narain, K.C. Pande and Mohan Lal Sharma (Jaipur: Aalekh Publishers, 1976)CHINA: THE IMPACT OF REVOLUTION: A Survey of Twentieth Century China. Edited by Colin MackerrasINSIDE MAO TSE‐TUNC THOUGHT: An Analytical Blueprint of His Actions. By Yeh Ch'ing, translated and edited by Stephen Pan, T.H. Tsuan and R. MortensenSINO‐SOVIET DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS, 1917–1926. By Sow‐Theng LeongJAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY, 1869–3942 Kasumigaseki to Miyakezaka. By Ian NishORIGINS OF THE WAR IN THE EAST: Britain, China and Japan 1937–39. By Aron ShaiINDONESIA. Second edition. By J. D. LeggeTHE LESSONS OF VIETNAM. Edited by W. Scott Thompson and Donaldson D. Frizzell (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1977).THE MYTH OF THE LAZY NATIVE A Study of the Image of the Malays, Filipinos and Javanese from the 16th to the 20th Century and its Function in the Ideology of Colonial Capitalism. By Syed Hussein AlatasINTELLECTUALS IN DEVELOPING SOCIETIES. By S. H. AlatasOCEANIA AND BEYOND Essays on the Pacific Since 1945. Edited by Frank P. KingTHE POLITICS OF CHANGE IN A ZAMBIAN COMMUNITY. By George C. BondECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LATIN AMERICA: Historical Background and Contemporary Problems. Second Edition. By Celso FurtadoTHE HISTORIAN AS DIPLOMAT Charles Kingsley Webster and the United Nations 1939–1946. By P.A. Reynolds and E.J. HughesYOUTH, EMPIRE AND SOCIETY: British Youth Movements 1883–1940. By John SpringhallSYSTEMS OF STATES. By Martin Wight. Edited by Hedley BullEYE‐DEEP IN HELL: The Western Front 1914–18. By John EllisLORDSHIP AND FEUDALISM IN THE MIDDLE AGES. By Guy FourquinPLANNING, POLITICS AND PUBLIC POLICY: The British, French and Italian Experience. Edited by Jack Hayward and Michael WatsonMODERN SOCIAL POLITICS IN BRITAIN AND SWEDEN: From Relief to Income Maintenance. By Hugh HecloINTERVENTION IN THE MIXED ECONOMY: The Evolution of British Industrial Policy 1964–72. By Stephen Young and A.V. LoweTHE YUGOSLAV EXPERIMENT, 1948–1974. By Dennison Rusinow (London: C. Hurst & Company, for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1977).THE DE LORENZO GAMBIT The Italian Coup Manque of 1964. By Richard CollinTHE EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL CATHOLICISM IN ITALY: Partito Popolare 1919–1926. By John N. MolonySOCIAL THOUGHT IN TSARIST RUSSIA: The Quest for a General Science of Society, 1861–1917. By Alexander VucinichIRON AND STEEL IN THE GERMAN INFLATION 1916–1923. By Gerald D. Feldman (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1977).THE SPANISH ARMY AND CATALONIA: The 'Cu‐Cut! Incident' and the Law of Jurisdictions, 1905–1906. By Joaquin Rornero‐MauraDIE ZElT DER WELTKRIEGE: Handbuch der Deutschen Geschichte, Band 4. By Karl Dietrich Erdmann (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag, 1976).PARLIAMENT, POLICY AND POLITICS IN THE REIGN OF WIILIAM III. by Henry Horwitz (Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1977).CHARLES STEWART PARNELL The Man and His Family. By R. F. FosterKING LABOUR: The British Working Class 1850–1914. By David KynastonESSAYS IN LABOUR HISTORY 1918–1939. Volume 3. Edited by Asa Briggs and John Saville (London: Croom Helm, 1977).THE POST OFFICE ENGINEERING UNION: The History of the Post Office Engineers, 1870–1970. By Frank Bealey (London: Bachman and Turner, 1976).MACAULAY AND THE WHIG TRADITION. By Joseph HamburgerTHE HOLLAND HOUSE DIARIES 1831–1840: The Diary of Henry Richard Vassall Fox, Third Lord Holland, with Extracts from the Diary of Dr. John Allen.THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: Extracts from The Times 1789–1794. Introduced and edited by Neal AschersonTHE FRENCH POPULAR FRONT: A Legislative Analysis. By Paul WarwickFRANCE 1870–1914 Politics and Society. By R.D. AndersonSTUDIES ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Edited by Neville MeaneyFROM NATIONALISM TO INTERNATIONALISM: U.S. Foreign Policy to 1914. By Akira IriyeTHE IMPERIAL YEARS The United States Since 1939. By Alonzo L. HambyMASS SOCIETY AND POLITICAL CONFLICT Toward a Reconstruction of Theory. By Sandor HalebskyCRIME AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN SOCIETY. By Howard ZehrOLD AGE IN EUROPEAN SOCIETY: The Case of France. By Peter N. StearnsPOWER AND CONTROL: Social Structures and Their Transformation. Edited by Tom R. Burns and Walter BuckleyRULING CLASS, RULING CULTURE Studies of Conflict, Power and Hegemony in Australian Life. By R.W. ConnellJOHN STUART MILL, By R.J. HallidayMEASUREMENT AND ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL SYSTEMS: A Science of Social Behavior. By Stephen ColemanLANGUAGE AND POLITICS. Edited by William M. O'Barr and Jean F. O'BarrTHE SOCIOLOGY OF POWER. By Roderick MartinORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FRANKFURT SCHOOL A Marxist Perspective. By Phil SlaterHOBBES AND AMERICA: Exploring the Constitutional Foundations. By Frank M. Coleman

David Boaz


Here we go again. Another "obituary" for libertarianism. While Salon Magazine declares that we all live in a "libertarian dystopia," and a new brand of big‐​government conservatives promise to free the Republican party and American government from their libertarian captivity, Barton Swaim declares in the Wall Street Journal that a new book "works as an obituary" for libertarianism. That's not a characterization that I think the authors—Matt Zwolinski and John Tomasi—would accept of their book, The Individualists: Radicals, Reactionaries, and the Struggle for the Soul of Libertarianism.
Swaim notes that the book surveys many different kinds of self‐​styled libertarians over the past two centuries, and that the authors lay out six "markers" that libertarians share: property rights, individualism, free markets, skepticism of authority, negative liberties, and a belief that people are best left to order themselves spontaneously. Not a bad list, significantly overlapping with the list of seven key libertarian ideas that I laid out in the first chapter of my own book, The Libertarian Mind.
He goes on to argue, following the authors, "In the 21st century, the movement in the U.S. has consisted in an assortment of competing, often disputatious intellectual cadres: anarchists, anarcho‐​capitalists, paleo‐​libertarians (right‐​wing), 'liberaltarians' (left‐​wing) and many others." Somehow he leaves out actual libertarians, such as those who populate the Cato Institute, Reason magazine, the Objectivist world, and much of the Libertarian Party. Indeed, a few lines later he cites the "diversity" of "the priestess of capitalism Ayn Rand, the politician Rand Paul and the billionaire philanthropist Charles Koch"—none of whom would fall into any of the esoteric categories that he suggests make up modern libertarianism and in fact belong to actual libertarianism or its penumbras.
The whole review is ahistorical. Swaim never mentions classical liberalism, the revolutionary movement that challenged monarchs, autocrats, mercantilism, caste society, and established churches beginning in the 18th century. Liberalism soon swept the United States and Western Europe and ushered in what economic historian Deirdre McCloskey calls the "Great Enrichment," the unprecedented rise in living standards that has made us moderns some 3,000 percent richer than our ancestors of 1800. The ideas of the classical liberals, including John Locke, Adam Smith, and the American Founders, are those that animate modern libertarianism: equal rights, constitutional government, free markets, tolerance, the rule of law. Zwolinski and Tomasi say that "what sets libertarians apart is the absolutism and systematicity" with which we advocate those ideas. Well, yes, after 200 years of historical observation and philosophical and economic debate, many of us do believe that a firmer adherence to liberal/​libertarian ideas would serve society well. We observe that the closer a society comes to consistent tolerance, free markets, and the rule of law, the more it will achieve widespread peace, prosperity, and freedom.
Swaim insists that libertarians do not engage "with ultimate questions—questions about the good life, morality, religious meaning, human purpose and so on." He's wrong about that. Adam Smith wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments. F. A. Hayek stressed the importance of morals and tradition. Ayn Rand set out a fairly strict code of personal ethics. Thomas Szasz's work challenged the reductionists and behaviorists with a commitment to the old ideas of good and bad, right and wrong, and responsibility for one's choices. Charles Murray emphasizes the value and indeed the necessity of community and responsibility. Libertarian philosophers of virtue ethics find the case for limited government to be based on the search for the good life. Swaim would be on more solid ground to say that libertarianism does not presume to tell individuals what to believe and how to live. Separation of church and state and all that. As I wrote in a letter to the Journal (not yet published), Swaim refers to the "studiously amoral philosophy of libertarianism." A popular summary of libertarianism, "don't hit other people, don't take their stuff, and keep your promises," is just the basic morality that allows human beings to live together in peace.
As for his claim that libertarianism is dead, that this book is an obituary, I refer Swaim again to all the people who complain that we're living in some sort of libertarian world. Libertarians often feel depressed; they believe the world is on "the road to serfdom." But in fact the world is far freer in this century than ever before in history. Free markets and free trade, an end to slavery and caste societies, representative government, and the rule of law now govern the Western world and much of the rest. Most of the Cato Institute's website comprises complaints about the malfeasance of the U.S. government. But in the bigger picture, libertarians have had much success. In the roughly 50 years since I started thinking about politics, one could point to such successes as:
the end of conscription in the United States
social, economic, and political equality for women
dramatically lower marginal tax rates
freer trade
deregulation of major industries such as airlines, trucking, communication, and finance
the almost total demise of communism
and the consequent discrediting of socialism and central planning
the reorientation of antitrust policy to a consumer welfare standard
expanded First Amendment protections
expanded Second Amendment protections
the progress of gay rights and gay marriage
growing opportunities for school choice
a slow erosion of the war on drugs
I could go on. None of these are total victories. No ideology achieves all of its sweeping vision, at least not without a military conquest of the government and the ability to rule by decree—and those experiments are nothing to emulate. In various parts of the world bad ideas are back—socialism, protectionism, ethnic nationalism, anti‐​Semitism, even industrial policy. The libertarian challenge is to join with other liberals—Reaganite conservatives, free‐​speech liberals, people who are "fiscally conservative and socially liberal"—to push back against these bad resurgent ideas. But this record of accomplishment is no obituary.

The article considers a number of socio-legal and criminological problems that have arisen in Ukraine as a result of the spread of the global pandemic COVID-19, which has become a challenge to the epidemic security and social wellbeing of mankind. It is emphasized that the most severe consequence of this pandemic is high mortality. Along with this, a number of negative consequences for the vital activity of society have been formed in various spheres (for example, in the sphere of human rights, legal regulation of public relations, state economy, social life and information space, state of law and order). The spread of the coronavirus pandemic in the world and the introduction of quarantine measures of varying sever- ity contributed to a certain degree of restriction of constitutional rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of human and citizen (eg freedom of movement, free choice of residence, right to leave Ukraine, right to health, medical care, the right to hold meetings, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to conduct business, etc.). The main directions of legal regulation of counteracting the spread of COVID-19 and overcoming the consequences caused by the epidemic in various spheres of public life are: prevention of the emergence and spread of coronavirus disease; providing treatment for coronavirus disease; providing state support in various spheres and socio-economic rights of citizens in connection with the spread of coronavirus disease; strengthening legal responsibility for violating quarantine rules. It is emphasized that the inconsistency of legislative changes in the regulation of responsibility for violation of quarantine rules has caused a number of law enforcement problems. It is established that the degree of correlation of coronavirus disease with the state of socio-economic development in Ukraine is ambiguous. In the socio-psychological sphere of Ukrainian society the main consequence of the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic is the strengthening of the state of social isolation. A natural consequence of social isolation is an increase in the danger of infodemic chaos. The main changes in the state of law and order of the state are determined. It is noted that quarantine measures and increased social interest in overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic and its consequences have contributed to the emergence of new types of criminal behavior and the adaptation of existing ones to new conditions. ; В статье рассмотрен ряд социально-правовых и криминологических проблем, возникших в Украине вследствие распространения мировой пандемии COVID-19, которая стала вызовом для эпидемической безопасности и социального благополучия человечества. Подчеркнуто, что самым тяжелым последствием рассматриваемой пандемии является высокая смертность. Наряду с этим сформировался ряд негативных для жизнедеятельности общества последствий в различных сферах (например, в сфере прав человека, правовом регулировании общественных отношений, экономике государства, социальной жизни и информационном пространстве, состоянии правопорядка). Распространение в мире пандемии коронавируса и введение карантинных мероприятий разной степени строгости способствовали возникновению ограничения в определенной степени конституционных прав, свобод и законных интересов человека и гражданина (например, свободы передвижения, свободного выбора места жительства, права свободно покидать территорию Украины, права на охрану здоровья, медицинскую помощь, права проводить собрания, митинги, походы и демонстрации, права на осуществление предпринимательской деятельности и др.).Основными направлениями правового регулирования противодействия распространению COVID-19 и преодоления последствий, вызванных эпидемией в различных сферах общественной жизни, являются: предупреждение возникновения и распространения коронавирусной болезни; обеспечение лечения от коронавирусной болезни; обеспечение государственной поддержки различных сфер и социально-экономических прав граждан в связи с распространением коронавирусной болезни; усиление юридической ответственности за нарушение карантинных правил. Акцентировано на том, что несогласованность и непоследовательность законодательных изменений в нормативном регулировании ответственности за нарушение карантинных правил вызвали ряд правоприменительных проблем. Установлено, что степень корреляции болезни коронавируса с состоянием социально-экономического развития в Украине имеет неоднозначный характер. В социально-психологической сфере украинского общества главным следствием распространения пандемии COVID-19 является усиление состояния социальной изоляции. Закономерным следствием социальной изоляции является повышение опасности инфодемичного хаоса. Определены главные изменения в состоянии правопорядка государства. Отмечено, что карантинные меры и повышенный социальный интерес к проблеме преодоления пандемии COVID-19 и ее последствий способствовали как возникновению новых видов уголовно противоправного поведения, так и адаптации уже существующих к новым условиям. ; У статті розглянуто низку соціально-правових та кримінологічних проблем, що виникли в Україні внаслідок поширення світової пандемії COVID-19, яка стала викликом для епідемічної безпеки й соціального благополуччя людства. Підкреслено, що найтяжчим наслідком розглядуваної пандемії є висока смертність. Поряд із цим сформувалася низка негативних для життєдіяльності суспільства наслідків у різних сферах (наприклад, у сфері прав людини, правовому регулюванні суспільних відносин, економіці держави, соціальному житті та інформаційному просторі, стані правопорядку). Поширення у світі пандемії коронавірусу та введення карантинних заходів різного ступеня суворості сприяли виникненню обмеження у певній мірі конституційних прав, свобод та законних інтересів людини і громадянина (наприклад, свободи пересування, вільного вибору місця проживання; права вільно залишати територію України; права на охорону здоров'я, медичну допомогу; права проводити збори, мітинги, походи і демонстрації; права на здійснення підприємницької діяльності та ін.). Основними напрямами правового регулювання протидії поширенню COVID-19 та подолання наслідків, спричинених епідемією в різних сферах суспільного життя, є: запобігання виникненню і поширенню коронавірусної хвороби; забезпечення лікування від коронавірусної хвороби; забезпечення державної підтримки різних сфер та соціально-економічних прав громадян у зв'язку з поширенням коронавірусної хвороби; посилення юридичної відповідальності за порушення карантинних правил. Акцентовано на тому, що неузгодженість та непослідовність законодавчих змін у нормативному регулюванні відповідальності за порушення карантинних правил спричинили низку правозастосовних проблем. Установлено, що ступінь кореляції хвороби коронавірусу зі станом соціально-економічного розвитку в Україні має неоднозначний характер. У соціально-психологічній сфері українського суспільства головним наслідком поширення пандемії COVID-19 є посилення стану соціальної ізоляції. Закономірним наслідком соціальної ізоляції є підвищення небезпеки інфодемічного хаосу. Окреслено головні зміни у стані правопорядку держави. Зазначено, що карантинні заходи та підвищений соціальний інтерес до проблеми подолання пандемії COVID-19 та її наслідків сприяли як виникненню нових видів кримінально протиправної поведінки, так і адаптації вже існуючих до нових умов.

The article considers a number of socio-legal and criminological problems that have arisen in Ukraine as a result of the spread of the global pandemic COVID-19, which has become a challenge to the epidemic security and social wellbeing of mankind. It is emphasized that the most severe consequence of this pandemic is high mortality. Along with this, a number of negative consequences for the vital activity of society have been formed in various spheres (for example, in the sphere of human rights, legal regulation of public relations, state economy, social life and information space, state of law and order). The spread of the coronavirus pandemic in the world and the introduction of quarantine measures of varying sever- ity contributed to a certain degree of restriction of constitutional rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of human and citizen (eg freedom of movement, free choice of residence, right to leave Ukraine, right to health, medical care, the right to hold meetings, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to conduct business, etc.). The main directions of legal regulation of counteracting the spread of COVID-19 and overcoming the consequences caused by the epidemic in various spheres of public life are: prevention of the emergence and spread of coronavirus disease; providing treatment for coronavirus disease; providing state support in various spheres and socio-economic rights of citizens in connection with the spread of coronavirus disease; strengthening legal responsibility for violating quarantine rules. It is emphasized that the inconsistency of legislative changes in the regulation of responsibility for violation of quarantine rules has caused a number of law enforcement problems. It is established that the degree of correlation of coronavirus disease with the state of socio-economic development in Ukraine is ambiguous. In the socio-psychological sphere of Ukrainian society the main consequence of the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic is the strengthening of the state of social isolation. A natural consequence of social isolation is an increase in the danger of infodemic chaos. The main changes in the state of law and order of the state are determined. It is noted that quarantine measures and increased social interest in overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic and its consequences have contributed to the emergence of new types of criminal behavior and the adaptation of existing ones to new conditions. ; В статье рассмотрен ряд социально-правовых и криминологических проблем, возникших в Украине вследствие распространения мировой пандемии COVID-19, которая стала вызовом для эпидемической безопасности и социального благополучия человечества. Подчеркнуто, что самым тяжелым последствием рассматриваемой пандемии является высокая смертность. Наряду с этим сформировался ряд негативных для жизнедеятельности общества последствий в различных сферах (например, в сфере прав человека, правовом регулировании общественных отношений, экономике государства, социальной жизни и информационном пространстве, состоянии правопорядка). Распространение в мире пандемии коронавируса и введение карантинных мероприятий разной степени строгости способствовали возникновению ограничения в определенной степени конституционных прав, свобод и законных интересов человека и гражданина (например, свободы передвижения, свободного выбора места жительства, права свободно покидать территорию Украины, права на охрану здоровья, медицинскую помощь, права проводить собрания, митинги, походы и демонстрации, права на осуществление предпринимательской деятельности и др.).Основными направлениями правового регулирования противодействия распространению COVID-19 и преодоления последствий, вызванных эпидемией в различных сферах общественной жизни, являются: предупреждение возникновения и распространения коронавирусной болезни; обеспечение лечения от коронавирусной болезни; обеспечение государственной поддержки различных сфер и социально-экономических прав граждан в связи с распространением коронавирусной болезни; усиление юридической ответственности за нарушение карантинных правил. Акцентировано на том, что несогласованность и непоследовательность законодательных изменений в нормативном регулировании ответственности за нарушение карантинных правил вызвали ряд правоприменительных проблем. Установлено, что степень корреляции болезни коронавируса с состоянием социально-экономического развития в Украине имеет неоднозначный характер. В социально-психологической сфере украинского общества главным следствием распространения пандемии COVID-19 является усиление состояния социальной изоляции. Закономерным следствием социальной изоляции является повышение опасности инфодемичного хаоса. Определены главные изменения в состоянии правопорядка государства. Отмечено, что карантинные меры и повышенный социальный интерес к проблеме преодоления пандемии COVID-19 и ее последствий способствовали как возникновению новых видов уголовно противоправного поведения, так и адаптации уже существующих к новым условиям. ; У статті розглянуто низку соціально-правових та кримінологічних проблем, що виникли в Україні внаслідок поширення світової пандемії COVID-19, яка стала викликом для епідемічної безпеки й соціального благополуччя людства. Підкреслено, що найтяжчим наслідком розглядуваної пандемії є висока смертність. Поряд із цим сформувалася низка негативних для життєдіяльності суспільства наслідків у різних сферах (наприклад, у сфері прав людини, правовому регулюванні суспільних відносин, економіці держави, соціальному житті та інформаційному просторі, стані правопорядку). Поширення у світі пандемії коронавірусу та введення карантинних заходів різного ступеня суворості сприяли виникненню обмеження у певній мірі конституційних прав, свобод та законних інтересів людини і громадянина (наприклад, свободи пересування, вільного вибору місця проживання; права вільно залишати територію України; права на охорону здоров'я, медичну допомогу; права проводити збори, мітинги, походи і демонстрації; права на здійснення підприємницької діяльності та ін.). Основними напрямами правового регулювання протидії поширенню COVID-19 та подолання наслідків, спричинених епідемією в різних сферах суспільного життя, є: запобігання виникненню і поширенню коронавірусної хвороби; забезпечення лікування від коронавірусної хвороби; забезпечення державної підтримки різних сфер та соціально-економічних прав громадян у зв'язку з поширенням коронавірусної хвороби; посилення юридичної відповідальності за порушення карантинних правил. Акцентовано на тому, що неузгодженість та непослідовність законодавчих змін у нормативному регулюванні відповідальності за порушення карантинних правил спричинили низку правозастосовних проблем. Установлено, що ступінь кореляції хвороби коронавірусу зі станом соціально-економічного розвитку в Україні має неоднозначний характер. У соціально-психологічній сфері українського суспільства головним наслідком поширення пандемії COVID-19 є посилення стану соціальної ізоляції. Закономірним наслідком соціальної ізоляції є підвищення небезпеки інфодемічного хаосу. Окреслено головні зміни у стані правопорядку держави. Зазначено, що карантинні заходи та підвищений соціальний інтерес до проблеми подолання пандемії COVID-19 та її наслідків сприяли як виникненню нових видів кримінально протиправної поведінки, так і адаптації вже існуючих до нових умов.

Американская философия права ХХ века касается самых проблемных вопросов по правам человека. В первую очередь это права женщин и права национальных меньшинств. В связи с этим зарождаются новые философские движения и школы, которые выработали свое толкование философии плюрализма в контексте прагматизма. Среди известных были движения феминизма и Критики расовых теорий. Философское наследие указанных движений имеет большое значение для развития правовой системы Украины и других стран Европы, поскольку в наших государствах на сегодняшний день возникает много дискуссий относительно правового обеспечения соблюдения и защиты прав различных слоев общества. Особенно такая проблема возникает при осуществлении конституционной и судебной реформы. В статье автор дает общую характеристику философско-правовым взглядам движения феминизма и Критики расовых теорий. Автор делает выводы о том, что принципом реализации правового плюрализма является обязательный учет интересов всех слоев населения в процессе законотворческой деятельности. ; American philosophy of law in the XX century deals with most problematic issues in human rights. In the first place, these are women rights and rights of national minorities. In this connection, new philosophical movements appear, with their own interpretation of philosophy of pluralism within the pragmatic context. Among the most well-known of these movements, there were the feminist movements and the critical race theory. The philosophical heritage of the said movements is very important for development of legal systems in Ukraine and other European countries, as there are numerous discussions as to legal groundwork for ensuring and protecting rights of people from various strata of society. The problem becomes especially relevant when performing constitutional and judicial reforms. Gradually, the American society developed a feeling of the growing injustice in practices of legal decision-making concerning certain groups of population. The thesis of American laws applied and interpreted in the course of delivery of justice more and more in favor of dominating government agencies instead of precedents and principle-based requirements, was now viewed in a different way. Events and the nature of life and legal experience have been ignored before in regard to repressed groups of population, in particular all kinds of minorities and women, and now has become the subject of public attention. Analysis and discussion of issues related to this general problematics have become of much legal value. Requirements of both feminism and racial protests are directly opposed to the idea that one person or group has the right to impose their understanding of reality onto other people. This issue is of high priority in the U.S. public debate. Over the last 20 years the U.S. Congress and public forums held debates regarding "positive action" or "priority of minorities". No one would doubt nor deny that from the XVII to the XX century, Native Americans and African Americans were subject to most violent oppression within unjust legal standards of the dominant white culture. The agenda is now focused on the question of what legal instrument should be designed to fix the former injustice. In the debate on reparations, which resumed in the recent years, it was emphasized that in America there is a tradition of compensating damage to those who underwent a significant adverse impact as a result of brutal acts of violence, such as the recent payment of federal funds to the victims of 9/11. Yet these are one-time examples of restoration of social justice. The demands of new legal movements motivate the need to adopt and enforce laws that would set institutionally and systematically the legal and social equality of all members of society without exception. The heated topical discussions indicate that the situation is far from being solved in the positive way by now. Philosophers and lawyers, acting within the philosophy of feminism, base their research on pragmatic ideas by Jane Addams who has worked over 20 years with famous philosophers of law, John Dewy and G. Mid and actively participated in discussions on women's rights. The pragmatic turn in feminist movement was due to the fact that the ideas of pragmatism are a kind of the opposite to the dominant forms of traditional legal reasoning, the abuse of which contributed to unjust treatment and pressure exerted on marginal and disadvantaged strata of society, including preservation of legitimately justified restrictions on the rights of women and minorities of various types. Especially popular was the postulate of the inextricable link between theory and its practical implications of responsibility for them in reality, given the inevitable and often unpredictable changes in the social and political situation. Within the context of this postulate, social reality was perceived in terms of pluralistic variability, plasticity and capacity for positive change through human activity and intelligence. Feminists, as well as CRT, based their theory on deconstruction, i.e. rethinking the basic concepts of notions, not just on a superficial interpretation of their verbal expressions. Historically, the American feminist movement in the context of criticism of the legal system is divided into three periods, or waves, each characterized by a particular legal idea. The first wave dated to the beginning of the XX century and including not only American, but also European public, struggled for the rights of women to participate in electoral campaigns and achieved this goal. In this article the author gives a general characteristic to philosophical and legal views of the feminist movement and the critical race theory movement. The author concludes that the principle for implementation of legal pluralism must be obligatory consideration of interests of all strata of society in the course of law-making activities. Therefore, we can see that in the early XX century and in the middle of the XX century philosophical and legal understanding of the principles and forms of implementing pluralism were considered by philosophical movements in the context of two directions: 1. Protection of women's rights; 2. Protection of national minorities' rights. The basic postulate aimed at practical implementation of the principle of legal pluralism is consideration of rights and interests of all groups in creation of laws and regulations to prevent them from having discriminatory norms. This position must be taken into account in the course of legislative activity both in Ukraine and in other European countries.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

With the purpose of providing assistance to government efforts in justice sector reform and modernization, the World Bank conducted two surveys. The first survey was conducted in 2010 in order to collect baseline information on perceptions of the court and prosecutorial performance and expectations from the reform implemented in January 2010. The second, follow-up, survey was conducted in 2013 in order to identify the impact of the first four years (2010 - 2013) of reforms and the expectations from the new national strategy of reform for the period 2014-2018. The surveys aimed to measure perceptions of judicial performance against five core values (efficiency, quality, fairness, accessibility, and integrity - independence and presence of corruption), and to compare the views of multiple stakeholders (court services users - general public and business sector, court services providers -judges, prosecutors and providers of court administrative services, and lawyers as intermediaries between users and providers of court services). The survey also focused on costs of judicial services, with respect to perceptions of accessibility of court services, and views of cost, with respect to quality of the delivered services, from the point of view of users with experience with court cases. Surveys can map experiences, perceptions, and expectations from the point of view of various stakeholders, thus providing an indication of the judiciary's popular legitimacy that cannot be measured in other ways. The introductory section contains an overview of perceptions of the five dimensions of judiciary performance across survey groups and across time. The second section on quality, besides perceptions of overall quality of judiciary services, encompasses the perceptions of fairness, integrity (presence of corruption and independence) and impartiality, and public trust in judiciary, while the cost issue is presented in the section on accessibility. Third section presents access to judicial services. Perceptions of performance of court administrative services alongside the five dimensions by users and providers of the services are presented in a separate section four. Section five is perceptions of the reform launched in January 2010 and new national judicial reform strategy for the period 2014-2018. The final section deals with the perceived role of media in shaping the public opinion on judiciary system in Serbia.

ÖZET Tarihte gerçekleşmiş teknolojik devrimler arasında en büyük sosyal ve kültürel değişiklikleri meydana getiren ve kendini sürekli artan bir hızla yenilemeyi sürdüren, dijital devrim olmuştur. Egemenliğin bileşenlerinden olan siyasal iktidar da insan yaşamındaki ve paradigmasındaki bu global ölçekli ve bütüncül değişime karşı kayıtsız kalamamaktadır. Dijital devrimin siyasal iletişim ve siyasal katılım alanındaki katkılarının, anayasal fonksiyonları yerine getiren kişi ve kurumlar üzerinde de etki yaratması beklenmekte ve hâlihazırda gözlemlenmektedir. Bunun yanında yurttaşlar da kolektif karar alma süreçlerine etki edebilecek yeni teknolojik olanakları gözlemleyerek artık daha aktif katılımcılar olabileceklerini düşünmekte ve hatta çoğu zaman kamusal kararlara doğrudan yön verebileceklerine inanmaktadır. Bu tez yasama, yürütme ve yargı organlarının yapısının ve işleyişinin bilişim teknolojilerindeki gelişmeler ile birlikte dönüşümünü incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu dönüşüm incelenirken ayrıca bilişim teknolojilerinin siyasal iktidarın kullanılmasına ve denetlenmesine yurttaşları dâhil etme biçimine de değinilecektir. Çalışma boyunca Türkçe ve İngilizce literatürün yanı sıra karşılaştırmalı hukuktan uygulamalı örneklere de başvurulacaktır. İÇİNDEKİLER Sayfa No. ÖZET…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………i ABSTRACT…………………………………………….…………………………………………………….…ii İÇİNDEKİLER…………………………………………………………………………………………….…iii KISALTMALAR…………………………………………………………………….……………….….…vii GİRİŞ…….1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM: DEMOKRATİK EGEMENLİĞİN KULLANILMASINDA ERKLER ARASINDA DEĞİŞEN DENGELER VE GELİŞEN TEKNOLOJİNİN ROLÜ I.ANAYASAL FONKSİYONLAR ve ERKLER AYRILIĞI……………………….…………11 A.Erkler Ayrılığı Kuramı ve Tarihsel Gelişim İçinde Olgunlaşan Düşünsel Temelleri………………………………………………………………………….…….14 1."Erkler Ayrılığı" Kavramı……………………………………………………….…14 2.Kuramın Bilimsel ve Teknik Gelişmeler ile Birlikte Dönüşümü…………………………………………………………………………………….15 3.Kuramın Düşünsel Temelleri……………………………………………….….18 a.John Locke……………………………………………………………………….20 b.Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Bréde et de Montesquieu…………………………………………………………………….……21 c.Jean-Jacques Rousseau……………………………………………….…23 d.Hans Kelsen……………………………………………………………….…….25 e.Carl Schmitt………………………………………………………………….….26 B.Farklı Hükümet Modellerinde Erkler Ayrılığı Ve Yürütmenin Güçlendirilmesi Yönelimleri…………………………………………………………….……27 1.Parlamenter Hükümet Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Birleşik Krallık Örneği………………………………………………………………….34 2.Rasyonelleştirilmiş Parlamenter Hükümet Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Federal Almanya Örneği…………………….…….37 3.Yarı-Başkanlık Hükümet Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Fransa Örneği………………………………………………………….….38 4.Başkanlık Hükümeti Modelinde Güçlü Yürütme Yönelimi: Amerika Birleşik Devletleri Örneği………………………………………….41 C.Demokratik Egemenliğin Kullanılmasında Dönüşüm Ve Erkler Ayrılığı Kuramı Üzerine Yeni Fikirler……………………………………………….….44 1.Egemen "Halk"……………………………………………………….…….……………46 2.Egemen "Ulus"……………………………………………………………………….….48 3.Temsil Kurumunun Sorgulanması…………………………………….….49 4.Erkler Ayrılığı Kuramı Üzerine Bazı Yeni Fikirler……………….…51 a.Dördüncü Bir Erkin Gerekliliğine Değinen Yazarlar….52 b.Dördüncü Erk Olarak "Halk"ı Düşünen Yazarlar…….….55 i.Bruce Ackerman……………………………………………….………55 ii.Ethan Leib…………………………………………………………….….56 5.Katılıma Dair Bazı Eleştiriler…………………………………………….…….57 II.GELİŞEN TEKNOLOJİ ve DEĞİŞEN TOPLUM……………………….…………………62 A.Teknoloji–Toplum Etkileşimi Üzerine…………………………………………….62 B.Bilişim, İnternet Ve Ağ……………………………………………………………….…….69 C.Çevrimiçi Siyasal İletişim………………………………………………………….….….75 1.Tekno-Kötümser Yaklaşım………………………………………………….….76 2.Tekno-İyimser Yaklaşım…………………………………………………….……81 İKİNCİ BÖLÜM: ANAYASAL FONKSİYONLARIN BİLİŞİM TEKNOLOJİLERİ İLE DÖNÜŞÜMÜ VE DEĞİŞEN DENGE-DENETİM ARAÇLARI I.ANAYASAL FONKSİYONLARIN DÖNÜŞÜMÜ………………………….…………………84 A.Parlamentoların Yerine Getirdiği Fonksiyonların Dönüşümü…….85 1.Temsil Fonksiyonu Bakımından………………………………………….….89 2.Müzakere Fonksiyonu Bakımından…………………………………….….96 3.Hükümeti Denetleme Fonksiyonu Bakımından……………….….98 4.Yasa Koyuculuk Fonksiyonu Bakımından……………………….….103 5.Aslî Kuruculuk Fonksiyonu Bakımından………………………….….113 B.Yürütme Erkinde Hükümet Fonksiyonunun Dönüşümü…….…….119 1.Elektronik Devlet (E-Devlet)……………………………………………….124 2.Kitle Kaynaklı Çalışma (Crowdsourcing)……………………….……126 3.Yenilenen Sosyal Sözleşmede Hükümet………………………….…129 4.Dijital (Akıllı) Hükümetler……………………………………………….…….136 C.Yargı Fonksiyonunun Dönüşümü…………………………………….…………….144 1.Mahkemenin Fiziksel Dönüşümü…………………………………….….144 2.Yargılamanın Aktörlerinin Geçirmekte Olduğu Dönüşüm.145 II. SİYASAL İKTİDARIN SINIRLANDIRILMASINDA DENGE VE DENETİM MEKANİZMALARININ DÖNÜŞÜMÜ……………………………………………………….…….154 A.Siyasal İktidarın Anayasal Denge ve Denetim Araçları ile Sınırlandırılması………………………………………………………………………………….155 B.Siyasal İktidarın Yurttaşların Etkin Olduğu Denge ve Denetim Araçları ile Sınırlandırılması……………………………………………………………….159 1.Siyasal Katılım………………………………………………………………….…….159 2.Yönetişim………………………………………………………………………….………165 3.Etkin Muhalefet…………………………………………………………………….…168 a. Dijital Aktivizm……………………………………………………….….168 i.Slaktivizm…………………………………………………………….….168 ii.Kampanya Aktivizmi…………………………………………….169 iii.Yurttaş Gazeteciliği…………………………………………….169 iv.Hacktivizm……………………………………………………….……169 v.Whistleblowing ve Leaking……………………………….…170 b.Çevrimiçi Vasıtalar ile Örgütlenen Toplumsal Hareketler……………………………………………………….………………….171 4.Medya………………………………………………………………….…………………….175 5.Yerel Yönetimler…………………………………………………….……………….178 6.Sivil Toplum Örgütleri…………………………………………….………………182 SONUÇ………………………………………………………………………………………….………….…186 KAYNAKÇA……………………………………………………………………………….……….…….190 --- ABSTRACT Among all technological breakthroughs that the history has seen, the digital revolution is the one that has led to the largest social and cultural alternation and maintained a constantly accelerating self-renewal. Political power as a component of sovereignty also fails to ignore this holistic shift in human life and paradigm. It is expected and already observed that the contribution made by the digital revolution to political communication and political participation is soon to have an impact on the persons and institutions practicing the constitutional functions as well. At the same time, citizens, as they observe the new technological opportunities that may affect collective decision-making processes, assume that they can become more active participants and often believe that they can dominate public decisions. This dissertation aims to examine the structural and functional transformation of the legislative, executive and judicial bodies along with the developments in information technologies. At the same time, it will be explained how information technologies support citizens' participation in processes of enjoying and controlling the political power. Besides applied examples from comparative law, references will also be made to the reviewed literature in Turkish and in English throughout the study. LIST OF CONTENTS Page No. CHAPTER ONE: THE CHANGING BALANCE BETWEEN POWERS IN PRACTICING SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ROLE OF THE DEVELOPING TECHNOLOGY I.CONSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS AND THE SEPARATION OF POWERS……….…11 A.The Separation of Powers Theory and Its Philosophical Roots In History……….……….14 1.The Concept of "Separation of Powers"……….………………………….……14 2.The Transformation of the Theory Along with the Scientific and Technical Changes……………………………………………………………………………….15 3.Intellectual Foundations of the Theory………………………………….…….18 a.John Locke……………………………………………………………………….…20 b.Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Bréde et de Montesquieu……………………………………………………………………………….…21 c.Jean-Jacques Rousseau…………………………………………………….……23 d.Hans Kelsen……………………………………………………………….…….25 e.Carl Schmitt…………………………………………………………………….26 B Separation of Powers and Strengthening the Executive in Different Government Models ……………………………………………………………………………….…….27 1.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Parliamentary Government Model: Case of the United Kingdom …………………………………………….….34 2.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Rationalised Palrliamentarism: Case of Federal Germany …………………….……….…37 3.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Semi-Presidency: Case of France …………….…….38 4.Seeking a Stronger Executive in a Presidency: Case of the United States of America……………………………………………………………….….41 C.Transformation in Practicing Sovereignty and New Ideas on the Idea of Separation of Powers………………………………………………………………….……….44 1.The Sovereign "People"…………………………………………….……………….46 2.The Sovereign "Nation" …………………………………………….…………….48 3.Questioning the Idea of Representation………….………………….……….49 4.New Ideas on the Theory of Separation of Powers…………….….……51 a.Writers Who Mention the Need for a Fourth Power…….……52 b.Writers Who Call the Fourth Power "the People"………….….55 i.Bruce Ackerman…………………………………………………….………….55 ii.Ethan Leib…………………………………………………………….………….56 5.Criticism on Participation……………………………………….……………………….57 II.IMPROVING TECHNOLOGY and the CHANGING SOCIETY…….…………………….61 A.On the Interaction of Technology and Society ………………….……………….62 B.Informatics, Internet and the Web………………………………….……………….…….69 C.Online Politic Communication……………………………………………………….….…….75 1.The Techno-Pessimistic Approach………………………………………….…….76 2.The Techno-Optimistic Approach…………….………………………………….….81 CHAPTER TWO: THE TRANSFORMATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS ALONG WITH INFORMATION TECHNOLOGIES AND THE CHANGING MECHANISMS OF CHECKS AND BALANCES I.TRANSFORMATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL FUNCTIONS………………….………….…84 A.Transformation of Functions Undertaken by Parliaments………………….85 1.In Terms of Representation………………………………………………………….….89 2.In Terms of Deliberation…………………………………………………………….…….96 3.In Terms of Oversight on the Government…………………………….….98 4.In Terms of Legislation……………………………………………………….………….103 5.In Terms of Primary Constitutent Power……………………………….113 B.Transformation of the Governing Function in the Executive Power.118 1.Electronic Government…………………………………………………………….….….123 2.Crowdsourcing……………………………………………………………………………….…125 3.Government in a Re-shaped Social Contract……………………….……128 4.Smart Governments………………………………………………………………….…….135 C.Transformation of the Judicial Function……….……………………………….…….143 1.The Physical Transformation of the Court……………………………….….143 2.The Transformation of the Actors of Judiciary…………………….….144 II. TRANSFORMATION OF THE MECHANISMS OF CHECKS AND BALANCES IN CONSTRAINING POLITICAL POWER………………………………………………………….……….153 A.Constraining the Political Power by Tools of Checks and Balances Deriving from the Legal System……………………………………………………….….….154 B.Constraining the Political Power by Tools of Checks and Balances Dominated by the Citizens…………………………………………………………………….……158 1.Political Participation…………………………………….…………….………….158 2.Governance…………………………………………………………………….…………164 3.Active Online Opposition………………………………………………….………167 a. Digital Activism…………………………………………………….………….….167 i.Slacktivism……………………………………………………………….….….167 ii.Campaign Activism…………………………………………………….…168 iii.Citizen Journalism…………………………………………………….….168 iv.Hacktivism………………………………………………………….………….168 v.Whistleblowing ve Leaking……………………………………….…169 b.Social Movements Organised by Online Tools…………….….170 4.Media…………………………………………………………………….………………….174 5.Local Governments………………………………………………….……………….176 6.Non-Governmental Organisations…………………………….…………….……180 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………….…….…185 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………………………….…….189