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This case study is part of a series of in-depth reports on religiously motivated violent radicalisation - and resilience to it - in 12 countries. The series examines periods in which religious radicalisation and violence has escalated and analyses relevant policy and political discourses surrounding them. While seeking to identify factors that drove radicalisation and violence in each country, the case studies also critically assess programmes of prevention and resilience-building, identifying good practices. This series was produced by GREASE, an EU-funded research project investigating religious diversity, secularism and religiously inspired radicalisation. ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 770640.

UID/HIS/04209/2019 ; What were the means of religious regulation, and more specifically, what were the terms for the institutionalisation of the Catholic Church that the Portuguese authoritarian state adopted? This article adopts a new historiographic interpretation on these questions in order to emphasise both the experience of restructuring the separation and defending the persistence of secularism in the political and cultural debate over the course of the 20th century in Portugal. This argument moves away from the until recently dominant perspective that there was prevailing in Portugal that phenomenon termed "clerical fascism" that some of the literature deems to have been generalised across the dictatorial regimes of Europe between the World Wars. ; publishersversion ; published

An effort to separate religion from social and political role just goes on to explain that religion is private matter of human or it was an individual moral teaching. Religion is not a rule of organization, society and state, such as regulations for leadership, economic, social systems and so on. The view of secularism, which is the capitalist mainstream does not appear applying to Islam, because Islam still has tawâzun (balance) framework. One of the proofs of tawâzun, for example, is about political leadership which in Islamic perspective is in the corridor of muamalah, especially human relations with each other. For this reason, the author is interested in presenting a political leadership discourse in Islamic perspective.

One of the most noteworthy developments in Indian politics is the occurrence of a phenomenon often described as Hindu-Nationalism or Hindutva-movement (Bhatt 2001; Jaffrelot 2007, 1996; Zavos 2000). The movement refers to efforts to undertake dramatic changes within the political culture of India. This attempted transformation of state and society, which manifested itself through 'communal violence' – clashes between different religious communities especially between Hindus and Muslims (Engineer 2003; 1987) and actions aimed at challenging constitutional provisions such as secularism in combination with increasingly radical socio-political demands, have posed a threat to the Indian model of consensus democracy and have sadly lived up to bleak forecasts (Basu et.al. 1993).

We build on studies on integration and message effectiveness to test whether narrative versus statistical evidence is more effective in promoting openness to Western European norms among different subgroups of Muslim immigrants. We draw on an experiment in which Muslim immigrants living in the Netherlands ( N = 454) saw narrative or statistical messages about gender equality, sexual minority rights, and secularism in public life. We find that the Dutch-born were more receptive to a narrative, while statistical messages generated greater openness to the tested norms among those born in Muslim countries. We interpret these findings in light of different cultural orientations. The study offers a first step toward a framework for understanding evidence effectiveness in multiethnic societies.

This essay focuses on questions that pertain to the ideological, normative, symbolic, and epochal aspects of political Islam. Political theorists, historians, sociologists, and anthropologists have disagreed on whether political Islam is an exclusively modern political phenomenon or is indebted to long-standing Islamic religious commitments. More specifically, they have also disagreed on whether the shape and ambitions of political Islam are entirely determined by the powers and institutions of the modern, bureaucratic state, particularly its secular desire to control, regulate, and reshape religion. These interpretive debates have often sat uneasily with ongoing normative debates about what kind of secularism democracy requires and whether democracy has priority over liberal rights and freedoms.

The horrific attacks in Paris in January spurred a torrent of commentary, most of which addressed their specifically French context. Commentators, particularly in France itself, recalled the long traditions of French satirical writing behind Charlie Hebdo, which had published deliberately offensive cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed. They dissected the militant French form of secularism and the long history of French anti-Semitism—which seemed particularly relevant to the siege of a kosher market where a gunman killed four hostages after earlier murdering a policewoman. They discussed the legacies of French republicanism, French universalism, French racism, French colonization, French decolonization, French immigration, and French urban planning.This emphasis on France itself, however, has been misguided.

Abstract A leader is a core element of making and implementing foreign policy in a state. The study of "Individual Level" in international relations proves that ideas, emotions, psychology of a leader leave a deep impact on foreign policy and internal policies of a state. This aspect and school of thought is quite applicable in Pakistan where individuals have made more policies than governments. These leaders took those decisions as per their cognitive map and left deep, long lasting and relatively negative impacts at social level in Pakistan. These affects needs to be met and resolved on emergency footings or else they will further destabilize Pakistan in future.Key words: Cognitive paradigm, psychoanalysis, war, Islamization, Musharraf's secularism

Liberalism means here Orientalist attempt to attract even Islam conformity with the principles of Western liberalism in form and substance. Hence Zhardha in the Islamic world have to do Orientalism, which under his leadership became the U.S. currently wants Islam that corresponds to the values of modernity and secularism and Western liberalism. And this phenomenon coincides appearance in the Islamic world with its appearance Malay archipelago and Indonesia to face particular Alholanda since colonial days, and then taking this trend develops even have an influence on contemporary history in these islands. So this includes talking on two things: Orientalist role for the emergence of liberalism in the Islamic world, and its influence in the Malay islands.

Producción Científica ; Turkey has been an «imperfect democracy». Turkey has been knocking on the European Union's door for decades. Joining the Union is a long and arduous process-since it involves transforming the laws and economies of the applicant countries. In the case of Turkey, the accession process comes up against insurmountable obstacles like the lack of true democratic deepening or the weak protection of human rights (pluralism, freedom of expression, judicial independence, women's situation etc). However, the economic side is more advanced. Another major obstacle is the Turkey's attitude towards Cyprus. All these aspects hinder the EU's accession of a «torn country», struggling to overcome the conflict between secularism and Islamism.

Producción Científica ; Turkey has been an «imperfect democracy». Turkey has been knocking on the European Union's door for decades. Joining the Union is a long and arduous process-since it involves transforming the laws and economies of the applicant countries. In the case of Turkey, the accession process comes up against insurmountable obstacles like the lack of true democratic deepening or the weak protection of human rights (pluralism, freedom of expression, judicial independence, women's situation etc). However, the economic side is more advanced. Another major obstacle is the Turkey's attitude towards Cyprus. All these aspects hinder the EU's accession of a «torn country», struggling to overcome the conflict between secularism and Islamism.

In the young Turkish Republic which has rather adopted the French system of laicism as a model instead of the English secularism it is now necessary to evaluate the evolution of each of these systems. At the time of the centenary of the French laicism and the law of 2004, covering the ostentatious display of religious symbols at schools, the author looks into the history of laicism and its application in France so as to make it more understandable but also to criticise the system. He further analyses whether this system can be adapted to the Turkish Republic which is preparing to become a Member of the European Union.

This paper analyses the role of the principle of secularism with respect to the consolidation of the democratic 'host' nations which confront themselves with other cultural and religious identities. The aim is pursued by a revisitation of the concept, in the light of the philosophy of ideas. The core of the argumentation is the following: both liberal and liberal-democratic western states are grounded on what contemporary scholars, proving true John Locke, call the subtle art of distinction among spheres and dimensions of individual and collective life. This must be reconsidered nowadays in order to tackle properly the struggle among groups whose specific symbolic internal cohesion is based on forms of religious identity.

Contemporary German anti-Americanism is not a continuation of earlier anticapitalist, antimodern, and often anti-Semitic anti-Americanism. Rather, since the late 1960s a political anti-Americanism, which accepts capitalism and the extensive Americanization of German society, has emerged. It is a response to specific American foreign policies, but its roots lie in the uneven Americanization of twentieth-century Germany. Anti-Americanism has been fostered by Germany's nonliberal variety of capitalism, by its more egalitarian social policies, by its greater secularism, by its more influential environmental movements, and by memories of World War II. Political anti-Americanism is likely to last beyond the current Iraq War crisis.