Suchergebnisse

A review essay on books by (1) James L. Gelvin, Divided Loyalties: Nationalism and Mass Politics at the Close of Empire (Berkeley: U of California Press, 1998); (2) Steven Heydemann, Authoritarianism in Syria: Institutions and Social Conflict, 1946-1970 (Ithaca: Cornell U Press, 1999); & (3) Elie Podeh, The Decline of Arab Unity: The Rise and Fall of the United Arab Republic (Brighton: Sussex Academic, 1999). In considering some of the lesser-known political elements in Syria, Gelvin's book is well researched & persuasively written. Gelvin considers the various kinds of popular committees in Syria during the period 1918-20. These popular committees were formed to defend the interests of those traditionally neglected by the elite. Unfortunately, Gelvin is mainly focused on the events in Damascus, at the expense of other major cities. Nevertheless, Gelvin has chronicled the animation of the process of transition. Heydemann also concentrates on alternate ideas of Syrian politics. Instead of stressing the coercive aspects of Syrian politics, the book describes the period prior to the Ba'thist coup of 1963 in institutional & structural terms & considers the processes that shaped the authoritarian agenda. The book is well written & is theoretically grounded in the comparative literature. Nevertheless, this approach excludes other forms of explanation &, thus, Heydemann misses some insights. Podeh uses a more traditional historiographical approach to understanding of the United Arab Republic that occurred 1958-61. Podeh considers the structures of power that shaped the strategies of Egypt & Syria & how the understanding of national community affected the actors' political choices. Podeh's approach explains the dissolution of the UAR in which Arab nationalism had a part. Heydemann, on the other hand, considers the dissolution as a result of Syrian capitalists rejecting the socialist state transformations that came from Cairo. Therefore, Heydemann with his unconventional approach misses the Arab nationalism element. R. Larsen

Indigenous peoples throughout the world tenaciously defend their lands, cultures, and their lives with resilience and determination. They have done so generation after generation. These are peoples who make up bedrock nations throughout the world in whose territories the United Nations says 80 percent of the world's life sustaining biodiversity remains. Once thought of as remnants of a human past that would soon disappear in the fog of history, indigenous peoples-as we now refer to them-have in the last generation emerged as new political actors in global, regional and local debates. As cou.

THE AGRICULTURAL SECTORS OF BOTH TURKEY AND THE SUDAN EXPERIENCED SUBSTANTIAL TRANSFORMATION IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AS BOTH FOLLOWED CENTRALLY-PLANNED COURSES. THE GOALS OF THE TWO GOVERNMENTS IN SHAPING THE FUTURE OF AGRARIAN COMMUNITIES WERE SIMILAR IN PRINCIPLE, AND THEIR CENTRAL OBJECT WAS TO SUPPORT A STRATUM OF PEASANTRY INDEPENDENT OF LANDLORDS. BUT THERE WERE ALSO SOME MAJOR DIFFERENCES IN OBJECTIVES. AND, IN THE FINAL ANALYSIS, THE RESULTS WERE QUITE DIFFERENT. THIS PAPER OFFERS A HISTORICAL COMPARISON OF THE POLITICS OF AGRARIAN CHANGE IN THE TWO COUNTRIES AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE SEPARATE COURSES OF GOVERNMENT ACTION FOR THE SAME NOMINAL GOAL.

This paper analyses how the public policies of potable water distribution have influenced the perceptions people in Villa Chaquimayu, a marginalized neighbourhood of Cochabamba (Bolivia), have about the State. This analysis is based on the theoretical distinction between 'State-system' and 'State-idea' proposed by Abrams (1988). Following Abrams, this paper examines both the practices the Bolivian State has implemented to deliver potable water to Villa Chaquimayu (State-system), and the notions people in this neighbourhood have about the State (State-idea). By using ethnographic data, this investigation shows that a deficient public management of potable water distribution has negatively influenced people's ideas and perceptions about what is the State.

Against a background of past, limited examples of international cooperation, and ambitious hopes for extensive future efforts, this volume puts two related questions to the empirical test: under which conditions are states prepared to cooperate over international migration, and what form - bilateral, multilateral, formal, informal - will this cooperation take?

Examines the role of the state in the consolidation of democracy in the new South Africa after a brief historical overview of developments. Focuses principally upon the capacity of the state institutions and state autonomy. Both concepts have proven to be highly contentious and problematic issues, in particular with regard to the delivery of public goods to different population groups. Assesses the success thus far of change in South Africa. Also provides an appraisal of the autonomy of the state. (Original abstract - amended)

Suggests that the French socialist writers from the period 1830-48 illustrate a complex diversity of ideas and perspectives, but it is possible to discern a basic uniformity in their rhetorical objectives. When the movement is placed within a contemporaneous perspective, an interpretation arises that makes sense of early French socialist ideas and the techniques by which they expressed them. (JLN)

The conclusion reports major findings and discusses possible cross-country patterns. It shows that war's impact on welfare state development can be differentiated into several distinct conclusions, each highlighting specific effects or causal mechanisms. Next, the case study evidence of the long-term effects of war is confirmed with quantitative data. For a sample of eighteen countries (thirteen of which are presented in this volume) war is shown to contribute to a better understanding of several of the phenomena lying at the heart of comparative welfare state research (i.e. social expenditure, benefit generosity, the public–private mix in provision, and the timing of legislation). The impact on outcomes such as income inequality is briefly discussed, along with the impact of the Cold War on welfare state development. Due to changes in warfare and the size of the existing welfare state, the effect of war on welfare state-building has all but disappeared today.