Search results

Considerado internacionalmente como un grupo terrorista, el Estado Islámico (EI) ha proclamado su Califato que de momento se extiende por amplias zonas dentro de Irak y varias ciudades sirias, pero que aspira a asentarse en el conjunto de territorios alguna vez sometidos a la influencia musulmana. El éxito de su ofensiva se debe en gran medida a su poderío militar, pero también a una cuidada estrategia en los ámbitos económico, social y mediático. Respecto a este último, el EI está realizando una agresiva campaña de propaganda, a través de diversos medios de difusión y fundamentalmente utilizando las redes sociales. Gracias a ello ha logrado que ciudades enteras se rindan a sus pies, que grupos de personas se desplacen buscando refugio ante la amenaza de su llegada y que musulmanes radicales de occidente se interesen por la organización, se conviertan en simpatizantes o incluso se unan a sus filas. En el presente trabajo trataremos de analizar la problemática jurídica de las actividades ciberterroristas del EI, enmarcándolas en la lucha internacional contra el terrorismo de alcance global y teniendo en cuenta la protección de derechos fundamentales como la libertad de expresión y el acceso a la información. ; Considered as a terrorist group from an international point of view, the Islamic State (ISIS) has proclaimed a Caliphate. This new territorial entity occupies for the moment wide areas of Iraq and some Syrian towns, but it aims to establish itself in all the territories sometime under Islam. To a large extent the success of its offensive is due not only to its military force, but also to a careful propaganda strategy, carried out through different media and essentially through the social networks. Thanks to this, the ISIS has achieved the surrender of entire towns, the displacement of peoples seeking refuge prior to its advance, and the interest of extreme Western Muslims towards the organization, turning them into supporters or even combatants. This paper aims to analyze the legal aspects of the ISIS cyberterrorism within the fight against global terrorism, taking into account the protection of human rights as the freedom of speech and the right to information.

The states of West Asia continue to grapple with dramatic changes taking place in the domestic and regional environment. Security has emerged as a significant concern for them. Political upheavals, civil strife, sectarian violence and terrorism in the area have implications on a regional and global order. As the region grapples with myriad socio-economic problems, many extra-regional players and non-state actors, and a few regional ones, are attempting to carve out their own areas of influence. These developments across West Asia demand constant monitoring and careful analyses. This book is a collection of essays exploring various aspects of the changing security paradigm in West Asia and the regional and international responses. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

Dieser Artikel bietet eine neue Analyse von Hobbes' Argument zu Gunsten des Leviathan und bezieht dieses auf einen veränderten sicherheitspolitischen Kontext im nationalen und internationalen Bereich. Es wird gezeigt, dass Hobbes' Prämissen komplex sind und dass seine Argumentation sowohl von der realistischen als auch von der weltstaatlichen Theorie der internationalen Beziehungen abweicht. Eine strenge Anwendung der hobbesschen Methode führt vielmehr zu einer rationalen Begründung der Ergänzung von Staatenbildung und multilateraler Institutionenbildung. Der neue sicherheitspolitische Kontext, der das Argument zu Gunsten multilateraler Institutionenbildung verstärkt, ergibt sich aus der Kapazität gewisser Staaten zum massiven nuklearen Gegenschlag und aus dem transnationalen Terrorismus. (Swiss Political Science Review / FUB)

This essay examines the failure to anticipate the terrorist attacks of September 11 from four perspectives: cognitive biases of government analysts & policy makers concerned with terrorism, organizational pathologies of key bureaucracies such as the CIA & the FBI, political & strategic errors of senior government officials, & the unusual nature of al Qaeda. Drawing on past studies of strategic surprise, it argues that agencies such as the CIA at times did impressive work against the terrorist organization, but that in general the US government, & the US intelligence community in particular, lacked a coherent approach for triumphing over the skilled terrorists it faced. In hindsight, it is clear that numerous mistakes at all levels of the US government & the broader US analytic community made strategic surprise more likely. 85 References. Adapted from the source document.

It is argued that multiculturalism & the recognition of minority states has been made significantly more complicated by the war on terror & by terrorism. The history of conflicts between national governments & nationalist, ethnic, & religious movements is traced, from colonial liberation movements & apartheid, to autochthonous groups. With the growth of international institutions such as NATO & the European community, many scholars have suggested that nation states are no longer important. However, the importance of minority cultures has persisted for two reasons: to provide groupings between the state & family that give an individual a sense of belonging; & to provide the organizational basis through which the minority community can defend itself. However, the war against terror & the ensuing mistrust of potential terrorists living within society have brought a further level of complexity to migration & the multicultural societies that develop. 32 References. R. Prince

This article presents a panoramic about chemical weapons, their historical antecedents, classification, action, & consequences. It also mentions cases of their employment in armed conflicts, both intra- & international. It points out 20th-century efforts to prohibit such arms, culminating in the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, the Production, the Storage, & the Employment of Chemical Weapons & Its Destruction, which started in 1996. Some of the difficulties that will face this convention when it would be fully effective are analyzed, as well as some considerations of ecological character related to the transport, the isolation, & the destruction of existent arsenals. Additionally, complexities that represent the easiness with which international terrorism can consent to this type of chemical product are addressed, urging all to action in seeking the proscription of these singular weapons. Adapted from the source document.

Despite the development of the political violence and terrorism literature, which has moved strongly forward in the past decade, scientific works on the consequences of armed groups are still rare. This article encourages cross-fertilization between the sparse studies of the consequences of political violence and the growing body of research on how social movements matter. First, we show the variety of potential outcomes of armed groups' violent repertoires. We then review works on the consequences of social movements and highlight lessons for the study of armed groups. Specifically, we urge scholars to look for the interplay of internal and external factors in studying the impact of armed groups. We call for a comparative focus that dwells less on conditions and more on the processes and mechanisms affecting the impact of political violence. At the same time, we acknowledge that the literature on political violence and terrorism can inform social movement scholarship. In particular, students of social movements should pay more attention to the potential economic consequences of protest activities, the international factors constraining their impact, and the life-course patterns of movements' targets. Adapted from the source document.