Suchergebnisse

In den letzten 40 Jahren ist Nordostasien zu einem der weltweit bedeutsamsten Zentren der verarbeitenden Industrie geworden, wobei sich gleichzeitig die Struktur der komparativen Kosten innerhalb der Region gewandelt hat. Die wirtschaftliche Dynamik dieser Länder verdankt sich vor allem dem hohen Grad der Internationalisierung ihrer Volkswirtschaften. Analysiert werden die Aussichten der Region auf stabiles Wachstum vor dem Hintergrund globaler und bilateraler Veränderungen im Welthandel. (DSE)

Dieser Artikel analysiert Verhandlungen zwischen der Schweiz und Deutschland im Bereich der Luftfahrtregulierung mit verhandlungs-theoretischen Ansätzen. Eine Anzahl von Faktoren, welche in der Literatur zu Verhandlungsprozessen und Verhandlungsergebnissen prominent vertreten sind, werden dabei kritisch beleuchtet. Insbesondere Machtargumente, welche in der Frage zwischenstaatlicher Kooperation oft nicht genügend Berücksichtigung finden, werden in den Vordergrund gerückt. Der Autor argumentiert, dass strukturelle Machtfaktoren das Verhandlungsergebnis determinieren sowie subnationale Politikfaktoren und Informationsasymmetrien Nichtratifikation der ausgehandelten Verträge erklären. Die vorliegende Fallstudie zeigt auf, dass Einflüsse internationaler Normen und Institutionen marginal und Erklärungen zur Rolle von Verhandlungsstrategien von untergeordneter Rolle sind. Weiter deutet der Artikel an, dass das gouvernmentale System auf Bundesebene für strategische Versuche des Schweizer Unterhändlers im Verhandlungsprozess zusätzliche Möglichkeiten zu nutzen nicht gerade förderlich war. Der Artikel endet mit Einschätzungen in einem breiteren Kontext Schweizer Aussenpolitik und wirft weitere Forschungsfragen auf. (Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft / FUB)

However unthinkable child-soldiers may be within a generalized conception of childhood, they are not imaginary figures; rather, they are a constant in almost every armed conflict around the world. The participation of children in wars may question the idea of childhood as a "once-upon-a-time story with a happy and predictable ending," disrupting the (natural) idea of a protected and innocent childhood and also eliciting fear, uncertainty, revulsion, horror, and sorrow. Using the perspectives of both childhood studies and critical approaches to international relations, Jana Tabak explores the constructions of child-soldiers as "children at risk" and, at the same time, risky children. More specifically, The Child and the World aims both to problematize the boundaries that articulate child-soldiers as necessarily deviant and pathological in relation to "normal" children and to show how these specific limits participate in the (re)production and promotion of a particular version of the international political order. In this sense, the focus of this work is not on investigating child-soldiers' lives and experiences per se but on their presumed threatening feature as they depart from the protected territory of childhood, disquieting everyday international life.

"This book provides an innovative contribution to the study of the Responsibility to Protect and Kantian political theory. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has been heralded as the new international security norm to ensure the protection of peoples against genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Yet, for all of the discussion, endorsements and reaffirmations of this new norm, R2P continues to come under fire for its failures, particularly, and most recently, in the case of Syria. This book argues that a duty to protect is best considered a Kantian provisional duty of justice. The international system ought to be considered a state of nature, where legal institutions are either weak or absent, and so duties of justice in such a condition cannot be considered peremptory. This book suggests that by understanding the duty's provisional status, we understand the necessity of creating the requisite executive, legislative and judicial authorities. Furthermore, the book provides three innovative contributions to the literature, study and practice of R2P and Kantian political theory: it provides detailed theoretical analysis of R2P; it addresses the research gap that exists with Kant's account of justice in states of nature; and it presents a more comprehensive understanding of the metaphysics of justice as well as R2P. This book will be of much interest to students of the Responsibility to Protect, humanitarian intervention, global ethics, international law, security studies and international relations (IR) in general."--Publisher's website

Abstract
Recent advances in artificial intelligence (AI), combined with a proliferation in use, have led to a newfound emphasis on strengthening the global governance of AI. In this article, we assess the prospects for stronger global AI governance and consider potential pathways forward. We map the nascent landscape of international regimes focused on AI governance and conclude that a governance deficit remains due to the inadequacy of existing initiatives, gaps in the landscape and difficulties reaching agreement over more appropriate mechanisms. First-order cooperation problems stemming from interstate competition and second-order cooperation problems from dysfunctional international institutions problematize overcoming current deficiencies in global AI governance. In light of these cooperation problems, we evaluate two pathways for strengthening global AI governance: (a) developing new centralized international AI institution(s); and (b) strengthening coordination between, and capacities of, existing institutions. We argue that strengthening the existing weak 'regime complex' of international institutions is the more politically legitimate and viable path forward. Improving coordination between, and capacities of, existing international institutions governing AI would support inclusive and mutually reinforcing policy change that can mitigate a range of risks associated with these technologies. As first steps for strengthening the weak AI regime complex, we recommend that the OECD is foregrounded as a centre of expert AI knowledge so that it can facilitate peer pressure among states and harmonization of policies. We also encourage scrutiny of different nodes in the regime complex to ensure that they are fulfilling appropriate functions based on their democratic mandates.

COVID-19 is the most invasive global crisis in the postwar era, jeopardizing all dimensions of human activity. By theorizing COVID-19 as a public bad, I shed light on one of the great debates of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries regarding the relationship between the United States and liberal international order (LIO). Conceptualizing the pandemic as a public bad, I analyze its consequences for US hegemony. Unlike other international public bads and many of the most important public goods that make up the LIO, the COVID-19 public bad not only has some degree of rivalry but can be made partially excludable, transforming it into more of a club good. Domestically, I demonstrate how the failure to effectively manage the COVID-19 public bad has compromised America's ability to secure the health of its citizens and the domestic economy, the very foundations for its international leadership. These failures jeopardize US provision of other global public goods. Internationally, I show how the US has already used the crisis strategically to reinforce its opposition to free international movement while abandoning the primary international institution tasked with fighting the public bad, the World Health Organization (WHO). While the only area where the United States has exercised leadership is in the monetary sphere, I argue this feat is more consequential for maintaining hegemony. However, even monetary hegemony could be at risk if the pandemic continues to be mismanaged.