Suchergebnisse

Целью исследования является выявление проблем реализации политики территориального развития в дотационных регионах. Исследование проводилось с позиции рассмотрения федеративных отношений, выступающих основой для реализации политики территориального развития. Авторы подчеркивают, что дотационность большинства российских регионов обусловлена существующей моделью федеративных отношений, что и предопределило предмет исследования. На основе изучения развития федеративных отношений в России и современных научных точек зрения по проведению федеральной политики авторами выделены проблемы реализации политики территориального развития: проблемы, связанные с последствиями практики договорных отношений 1990-х гг., заложившие основу развития федеральной политики территориального развития (неравенство статусов регионов, социальная и политическая дифференциация регионов, большая роль межличностных отношений при межуровневом взаимодействии органов власти, разнонаправленность в законодательном развитии регионов); проблема перераспределения полномочий между федеральным центром и регионами (проблема, связанная с перечнем полномочий, обоснование передачи полномочий, дублирование полномочий); проблемы бюджетного федерализма: горизонтальный и вертикальный дисбалансы (несовершенная система распределения дотаций, непрозрачность деятельности властей в области налогообложения и др.); проблемы бюджетной системы (несоответствие расходных обязательств и доходов регионов, неэффективность межбюджетных отношений, обусловленных несовершенством законодательства и территориальными различиями); отсутствие единого мнения в научных кругах по поводу выбора вектора развития федеративных отношений как основы для реализации политики территориального развития; отсутствие единого механизма проведения федеральной политики территориального развития. ; Research objective is identification of problems of realization of policy of territorial development in subsidized regions. Authors conducted research from a position of consideration of the federal relations acting as a basis for realization of policy of territorial development. Authors emphasized that the existing model of the federal relations, as predetermined object of research causes the dependence on subsidies of the majority of the Russian regions. Authors allocated problems of realization of policy of territorial development on the basis of studying of development of the federal relations in Russia and the modern scientific points of view on carrying out federal policy: the problems connected with consequences of practice of the contractual relations of the 1990s, the developments of federal policy of territorial development which laid the foundation (an inequality of the statuses of regions, social and political differentiation of regions, a big role of the interpersonal relations at inter-level interaction of authorities, divergence in legislative development of regions); a problem of redistribution of powers between the federal center and regions (the problem connected with the list of powers, justification of delegation of power, duplication of powers); problems of the budgetary federalism: horizontal and vertical imbalances (imperfect system of distribution of grants, opacity of activity of the authorities in the field of the taxation, etc.); problems of the budgetary system (discrepancy of account obligations and income of regions, an inefficiency of the interbudgetary relations caused by imperfection of the legislation and territorial distinctions); lack of a consensus in scientific community concerning a choice of a vector of development of the federal relations as bases for realization of policy of territorial development; lack of the uniform mechanism of carrying out federal policy of territorial development.

Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit dem Problem der intergenerationellen Gerechtigkeit in der wirtschaftlichen Nutzung von natürlichen Ressourcen. Dabei werden drei Fragen erörtert. 1) Ist nachhaltige Ressourcennutzung unter freiem Wettbewerb möglich.? 2) Was charakteri-siert intergenerationell gerechte Ressourcennutzung? 3) Welche politischen Maßnahmen sind geeignet, eine intergenerationell gerechte Ressourcennutzung durchzusetzen? Dazu wird zunächst ein dynamisches allgemeines Gleichgewichtsmodell mit überlappenden Gene-rationen und einer erneuerbaren Ressource vorgestellt. Es wird gezeigt, dass unter laissez-faire eine Konservierung des historisch gegebenen Pro-Kopf-Ressourcenbestands entlang eines Steady-State-Wachstumspfads im Allgemeinen nicht möglich ist. Außerdem kann es in diesem Modell zu einer exzessiven Nutzung der natürlichen Ressource kommen, sodass der Ressourcenbestand im intertemporalen Gleichgewicht stetig sinkt und schließlich erlischt, was für die Modellökonomie den Untergang bedeutet. In einem zweiten Schritt untersucht diese Arbeit, wie ein perfekt informierter sozialer Planer mit vollständiger Kontrolle über die Modellökonomie das Problem der intergenerationellen Gerechtigkeit lösen würde. Die vom sozialen Planer gewählte Allokation ist durch einen konstanten Pro-Kopf-Ressourcenbestand und intergenerationelle Effizienz gekennzeichnet. Dieses intergenerationelle ?First-Best? dient als Maßstab für die Evaluierung verschiedener ressourcenpolitischer Programme. Es werden vier Politikinstrumente diskutiert: Einkommensumverteilung zwischen den Genera-tionen via Pauschalsteuern und -transfers, Verstaatlichung des Ressourcenmanagements, eine Kombination von Ressourcenerntesteuern und Ressourceninvestitionssubventionen und Offenmarktinterventionen im Ressourcenmarkt. Die Analyse ergibt, dass nur eine Res-sourcenverstaatlichung zusammen mit der Entschädigung der ursprünglichen Ressourcenei-gentümer mit ungedecktem Geld das First-Best implementieren kann. ; This master thesis deals with the problem of intergenerational equity in the economic utili-zation of natural resources. Three questions are being addressed: 1) Is a sustainable use of resources feasible under free competition? 2) What characterizes an intergenerationally equitable use of resources? What resource policy instruments are capable of implementing an intergenerationally equitable use of resources? For the purpose of answering these ques-tions, this thesis introduces a dynamic general equilibrium model with overlapping genera-tions and a renewable natural resource. It is demonstrated that, under laissez-faire, the con-servation of the historically given per capita resource stock along a steady state growth path is impossible in general. It is further established that, in the special case of linear regenera-tion, sustainable growth, while feasible in theory, is unlikely if the model parameters are chosen realistically. In addition there is a possibility in this model of a steady decline and eventual depletion of the resource stock which entails the extinction of the model economy. In the second step this thesis examines how a perfectly informed social planner with com-plete control over the economy would solve the problem of intergenerational equity. The allocation chosen by the social planner is characterized by a constant per capita stock of re-sources and intergenerational efficiency. This intergenerational ?first best? is used as a benchmark for the subsequent evaluation of various resource policies. Four different policy instruments are being discussed: Redistribution of income between generations via lump-sum taxes and transfers, nationalization of the resource management, a combination of re-source harvest taxes and resource investment subsidies, and open market interventions in resource markets. The only policy capable of implementing the first best involves nationaliz-ing the resource and compensating its original owners by introducing fiat money. ; Maximilian Gödl ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. u. engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2011 ; (VLID)217447

On September 4, 1970 Salvador Allende became the first ever democratically elected Marxist president of Chile. In addition he headed a predominantly left-wing coalition government whose program entailed the achieving of socialism by peaceful means. During the first six months of his administration Allende began to carry out a number of his policies in the areas of agrarian reform, nationalization of industries, and redistribution of income. These policies were populist in nature and succeeded in raising the level of support for the Unidad Popular government as shown by the results of the April 1971 Municipal elections. I argue that the results of the Municipal elections were a "strong mandate" for Allende to progress from populism to a faster and more radical implementation of socialist policies. The reality of the situation, however, was one in which Allende became increasingly reformist and willing to compromise with the opposition. I try to describe and analyze the steadily increasing polarization process which was taking place in Chilean society. The Right, with help from the United States, was slowly beginning to organize itself against Allende by the use of constitutional and violent means. I argue that the United States in particular was instrumental in causing economic disruption and fueling dissatisfaction with the Unidad Popular. The Right's offensive against the government reached high points in the "Bosses Strike" of October 1972 and the abortive coup d'etat attempted by a section of the armed forces in June 1973. In response to these events, the workers mobilized themselves to defend their communities and factories. However, Allende failed to provide the workers' mobilizations with leadership. Instead, he became increasingly reformist and compromising with his opponents. During the last year of the Allende administration the polarization process continued to intensify, and it became clear that the Right was commited to the overthrow of the U.P. government. Even so, Allende came to rely increasingly on the armed forces for support, a policy which proved to be extremely naive as he was overthrown by this aforementioned group in September 1973. Throughout the paper I attempt to analyze the roles played by the respective political actors as the polarization process unfolded, intensified, and culminated in the coup d'etat. Those who come in for special attention include the United States and the M.I.R. (Movement of the Revolutionary Left). In addition I make a brief study of the left-wing parties in France and Italy at the present time (re: September 1977), and make some tentative comparisons with Chile under Allende, and some predictions for the future. My main sources of data are books, articles, and newspapers, though I also make use of United States government documents. This thesis is not an empirical study, but is based on closely reasoned arguments which are used to support a particular analytical viewpoint. These arguments are presented in the form of six hypotheses or propositions.

Dans son ouvrage Le capital au XXIe siècle, Thomas Piketty propose une analyse critique de la dynamique de l'accumulation du capital. L'auteur montre que si le rendement du capital (r) est plus élevé que la croissance économique (g), ce qui a pratiquement toujours été le cas dans l'histoire, alors il est presque inévitable que les patrimoines hérités dominent les patrimoines constitués et que la concentration du capital atteigne des niveaux extrêmement élevés. Le livre cherche ainsi des fondements macroéconomiques (r>g) aux inégalités alors que les explications habituelles sont d'ordre micro-économique. Nous soulignons que l'on peut interpréter les faits décrits selon une causalité différente où les inégalités découlent du fonctionnement (imparfait) des marchés, des rentes de rareté et de l'établissement des droits de propriété. Selon cette interprétation, ce n'est pas r>g qui a transformé les entrepreneurs en rentiers, mais la mise en place de mécanismes permettant l'extraction d'une rente perpétuelle qui explique la constance historique r>g. Cette interprétation différente des mêmes phénomènes a des conséquences en termes de politique publique. L'imposition ex post du capital, si nécessaire, ne peut être qu'un choix de second rang : il faut d'abord lever les contraintes de rareté et se préoccuper de la définition des droits de propriété ainsi que des droits des propriétaires et des non-propriétaires.

Dans son ouvrage Le capital au XXIe siècle, Thomas Piketty propose une analyse critique de la dynamique de l'accumulation du capital. L'auteur montre que si le rendement du capital (r) est plus élevé que la croissance économique (g), ce qui a pratiquement toujours été le cas dans l'histoire, alors il est presque inévitable que les patrimoines hérités dominent les patrimoines constitués et que la concentration du capital atteigne des niveaux extrêmement élevés. Le livre cherche ainsi des fondements macroéconomiques (r>g) aux inégalités alors que les explications habituelles sont d'ordre micro-économique. Nous soulignons que l'on peut interpréter les faits décrits selon une causalité différente où les inégalités découlent du fonctionnement (imparfait) des marchés, des rentes de rareté et de l'établissement des droits de propriété. Selon cette interprétation, ce n'est pas r>g qui a transformé les entrepreneurs en rentiers, mais la mise en place de mécanismes permettant l'extraction d'une rente perpétuelle qui explique la constance historique r>g. Cette interprétation différente des mêmes phénomènes a des conséquences en termes de politique publique. L'imposition ex post du capital, si nécessaire, ne peut être qu'un choix de second rang : il faut d'abord lever les contraintes de rareté et se préoccuper de la définition des droits de propriété ainsi que des droits des propriétaires et des non-propriétaires.

Machine generated contents note: Foreword -- by Uwe E. Reinhardt -- Acknowledgments -- Preface to the Second Edition --1 Introduction -- 1.1 Why Should the Economics of Health Be Reconsidered? -- 1.2 Purpose of the Book -- 1.3 Outline of the Book -- 2 Market Competition -- 2.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 2.1.1 Consumers -- 2.1.2 Producers -- 2.1.3 The Economy as a Whole -- 2.1.4 Pareto Optimality and Social Welfare -- 2.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 2.2.1 Negative Externality: Concern About Status -- 2.2.2 Positive Externality: Concern About Others -- 2.2.3 Consumer Tastes Are Predetermined -- 2.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 2.3.1 Does the Distribution of Income Affect the Health of the Population? -- 2.3.2 Equalizing Access to Health Services -- 2.3.3 What Comes First: Allocation or Distribution? -- 2.3.4 Competition and Prevention -- 2.3.5 Government-Sponsored Health Education -- 2.3.6 Should Cost Control Be a Public Policy? -- 3 Demand Theory -- 3.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 3.1.I Utility and Social Welfare -- 3.I.2 Revealed Preference -- 3.1.3 Demand Curves and Functions -- 3.1.4 The Meaning of Demand and Consumer Surplus --3.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 3.2.1 Social Welfare and Consumer Choice: A Syllogism -- 3.2.2 Are Individual Utilities Maximized When People Are Allowed to Choose? -- 3.2.3 Is Social Welfare Maximized When Individual Utilities Are Maximized? -- 3.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 3.3.1 Is Comprehensive National Health Insurance Necessarily Inefficient? -- 3.3.2 Should Patient Cost-Sharing Be Encouraged, or Should We Use Other Policies? -- 3.3.3 Should People Pay More for Price-Elastic Services? -- 3.3.4 Defined Contribution, Premium Support, and MSAS --4 Supply Theory 129 -- 4.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 4.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 4.2.I Are Supply and Demand Independently Determined? -- 4.2.2 Do Firms Have Monopoly Power? -- 4.2.3 Do Firms Maximize Profits? -- 4.2.4 Do Increasing Returns to Scale Exist? -- 4.2.5 Is Production Independent of the Distribution of Wealth? -- 4.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 4.3.1 Capitation and Incentive Reimbursement -- 4.3.2 Issues Surrounding Patient Cost-Sharing -- 4.3.3 Allowing Only Selected Hospitals to Provide Particular Services -- 4.3.4 Improving Productivity by Providing Insurance -- 5 Equity and Redistribution 171 -- 5.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 5.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 5.2.1 Overview of Utilitarianism -- 5.2.2 Problems with Ordinal Utilitarianism --5.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 5.3.I Providing Health Services Rather than Cash -- 5.3.2 Focusing on People's Health, Not Utility -- 5.3.3 National Health Insurance -- 6 The Role of Government 201 -- 6.1 Alternative Views on the Role of Government -- 6.1.1 Market Failure -- 6.1.2 Government Failure -- 6.2 Different Approaches to the Role of Government in the -- Health Services Sector -- 6.2.1 Structure of the System -- 6.2.2 Nature of Coverage and Delivery -- 6.2.3 Regulation of Prices and Expenditures -- 6.2.4 Regulation of Volume -- 6.2.5 Control of Input Supply -- 6.3 Cross-National Data on Health System Performance -- 6.3.1 Access -- 6.3.2 Utilization -- 6.3.3 Expenditures -- 6.3.4 Quality and Satisfaction -- 6.3.5 Equity of Financing System -- 6.3.6 Summary of Evidence -- 6.4 Ten "Lessons" on the Role of Government in Health Systems --7 Conclusion 271 -- Appendix: Overview of the Health Services Systems -- in Ten Developed Countries -- by Miriam J. Laugesen and Thomas Rice 275 -- References 306 -- Index 335 -- About the Author 342

The article considers theoretical and organizational-practical aspects of globalization of international information business. It is proved that the problem of globalization of the international information business, which is caused by rapid changes in the field of high technologies, has become especially relevant today. It is argued that in the context of globalization of international information business, inequality of economic development has intensified, which has exacerbated international competition and redistribution of spheres of political and economic influence in world markets. An important argument for the manifestations of economic globalization is the growing role of intellectual resources, the reorientation of world markets, the organization of the world market of information technology. It is established that under modern conditions the global exchange of information products and services affects world demand, coordinates their production, stimulates investment in the information and communication industry, creates new capacity for cooperation in various fields, introduces new technologies, intelligent, high-tech, which determine economic potential. of the future. According to expert forecasts, international competition will change due to the asymmetry of income growth in different sectors of the world economy, in different countries, especially in the sector of high technology information and communication, energy generating, integrated, biotechnology. Most developed countries and leading corporations in the world market seek to protect their commercial interests, increase their influence on the world economic situation, which, on the one hand, implies the need for cooperation in world politics, economics and business, and, on the other - less developed countries to overcome the inequality of development of individual countries, as such asymmetry mutually affects the economic opportunities of the world's leading economies.Keywords: globalization, information business, international relations of intellectual resources ; У статті розглядаються теоретичні й організаційно-практичні аспекти глобалізації міжнародного інформаційного бізнесу. Доведено, що нині особливу актуальність набула проблема глобалізації міжнародного інформаційного бізнесу, яка зумовлена швидкоплинними змінами у сфері високих технологій.Аргументовано, що у контексті глобалізації міжнародного інформаційного бізнесу посилилась нерівність економічного розвитку, яка загострила міжнародну конкуренцію та перерозподіл сфер політичного і економічного впливу на світових ринках. Важливим аргументом проявів процесів економічної глобалізації є зростання ролі інтелектуальних ресурсів, переорієнтація світових ринків, організація світового ринку інформаційних технологій. Встановлено, що за сучасних умов глобальний обмін інформаційними продуктами і послугами впливає на світовий попит, координує їх виробництво, стимулює інвестиції в інформаційно-комунікаційну індустрію, створюють нові потужності для співробітництва в різних сферах, запроваджуються нові технології, інтелектуальні, високотехнологічні, які визначають потенціал економіки майбутнього. За експертними прогнозами, міжнародна конкуренція буде змінюватися з огляду на асиметрію зростання доходів в різних секторах світової економіки, в різних країнах, особливо в секторі високих технологій інформаційно-комунікаційних, енергогенеруючих, інтегрованих, біотехнологій. Більшість розвинутих країн і провідних корпорацій на світовому ринку прагнуть захистити власні комерційні інтереси, збільшити вплив на світову економічну кон'юнктуру, що, одного боку, передбачає необхідність кооперації у сфері світової політики, економіки з та бізнесу, а з іншого – врахування інтересів менш розвинутих країн для подолання нерівності розвитку окремих країн, оскільки така асиметрія взаємно впливає і на економічні можливості провідних економік світу.Ключові слова: глобалізація, інформаційний бізнес, міжнародні відносини, інтелектуальні ресурси .

Mestrado em Finanças ; Este artigo reexamina a relação entre o sistema financeiro e o crescimento econômico. Inicia-se com uma revisão da literatura existente, destacando aquelas que a nosso ver foram as mais importantes. O âmbito deste trabalho é fazer uma reavaliação da relação entre sistema financeiro e crescimento económico, considerando que ainda estamos no pós-crise de 2007/2008, e avaliar a possibilidade de estarmos a caminhar para um novo colapso financeiro. Foi usado um painel de dados para o período de 2000-2017 contendo os 28 países da União Europeia e um modelo de regressão OLS simples para estudar esta relação. Usamos medidas de acesso, profundidade, estabilidade e eficiência para instituições e mercados financeiros. Adicionalmente, variáveis de controlo foram usadas para controlar outros efeitos que pudessem afetar nossa variável dependente - PIB, per capita. Embora os resultados não sejam tão robustos, demonstramos que, com os dados coletados, os resultados obtidos apresentam uma relação positiva entre o sistema financeiro e crescimento económico. Além disso, é possível concluir que o sistema financeiro dos países europeus é mais pesado do lado das instituições financeiras, o que implica que talvez os países devam diversificar seus sistemas financeiros de forma a tirar o máximo proveito dele, não apenas do seu papel de alocar de forma eficiente o capital, mas também do seu papel na redistribuição da renda e redução da pobreza. Em suma, o sistema financeiro está em constante evolução e cada vez mais complexo, o que pode facilitar a ocorrência de um novo colapso financeiro nos próximos anos. ; This paper re-examines the relationship between the financial system and economic growth. It starts with a revision of the existing literature, highlighting the ones that in our point of view were the most important. The scope of this work is to make a reassessment of the finance-growth relationship considering that we are still in post 2007/2008 crisis and analyze the possibility a new financial meltdown. A panel data for the periods of 2000-2017 containing the 28 countries of the European Union and a simple OLS regression model were used to study this relationship. We use measures of access, depth, stability and efficiency for each financial institutions and financial markets. Additionally, a conditional set was used to control for other effects that might affect our dependent variable - Growth. Although the results are not as robust as previous works done on this subject, we demonstrate that with the data collected the results obtained from panel data are of a positive relationship between finance and growth. Furthermore, it is possible to conclude that the financial system in European countries is heavier in the financial institutions side, which implies that perhaps countries should diversify their financial systems in order to take the most advantage of it, not only in its role in efficiently allocating capital but also on its role in redistribution of income and alleviation of poverty. Moreover, the financial system is forever evolving and becoming more complex which makes it possible for a new financial meltdown in the coming years. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The article determines that the key task of reforming the budget system is to stimulate the socio-economic development of territories, to expand their resource base and to increase the economic potential.The need for transformation of the budget system is caused by the high level of social tension in the state, which is connected, first of all, with the ineffective separation of administrative, organizational, financial and managerial powers, unproductive provision of services and redistribution of income between the state and the population.It is proved that in the context of the reform of the budgetary system in Ukraine, the mechanism of local budget management becomes an important direction of ensuring the sustainable development of the national economy. The article covers socio-economic problems at the national and local levels, as well as directions for their solution.It is determined, that the current problem for Ukraine is the lack of labor force caused by the demographic crisis and migration of the population, which is the main component of depopulation and deformation of the gender-age structure of population. High migration mobility is observed in almost all regions of Ukraine at almost the same size.The mechanism of local budget management by decentralization is improved, which is based on the identification of internal and external problem areas and strengths, and on the definition of so-called «points» of regional growth, that is, the possibilities for its qualitative improvement, the transition to a new level through appropriate socio-economic changes in the context of national interests. The article proves that the success of the reformation of the budget system will create the networks of real self-government of territorial communities, expand their capabilities and stimulate the development of the national economy.On the basis of theoretical and practical research, the authors concluded that the development of the state regional policy stems from European experience, where the provision of significant powers to territorial communities allowed the most effective use of the potential of territorial communities, increase the financial autonomy and fill up the local budgets, which positively influences the regulation of the national economy development as a whole. ; Визначено, що ключовим завданням реформування бюджетної системи є стимулювання соціально-економічного розвитку територій, розширення їх ресурсної бази та підвищення економічного потенціалу. Необхідність трансформації бюджетної системи викликана високим рівнем соціальної напруженості в державі, що пов'язано, в першу чергу, з неефективним розмежуванням адміністративних, організаційних, фінансових та управлінських повноважень, непродуктивним наданням послуг і перерозподілом доходів між державою і населенням.Доведено, що в контексті проведення реформи бюджетної системи в Україні механізм управління місцевими бюджетами стає важливим напрямом забезпечення стабільного розвитку національної економіки. В статті висвітлено соціально-економічні проблеми на національному та місцевому рівнях, а також запропоновано напрями їх вирішення.Визначено, що характерною проблемою для України на сьогодні є нестача робочої сили, яка викликана демографічною кризою і міграцією населення.Удосконалено механізм управління місцевими бюджетами в умовах децентралізації, що ґрунтується на виявлені внутрішніх та зовнішніх проблемних місць і сильних сторін та визначення на цій основі так званих «точок» регіонального зростання.

El Plan Semilla es una iniciativa que busca aumentar la productividad del agricultor, sin que ello represente la compra adicional de tierra para su producción a través del subsidio de semillas de alta calidad y pesticidas para el tratamiento de cultivos, esta iniciativa compagina con los objetivos del Gobierno Nacional sobre la redistribución de la riqueza y oportunidades para agricultores de menores recursos. Para la investigación se tomó como referencia poblacional, los agricultores del segmento del arroz, ya que en mayor proporción fue el sector que más representación tuvo en el presente plan; para el análisis de resultados se tomó a la investigación bibliográfica como referencia, tomando publicaciones, libros y estadísticas del Gobierno Nacional antes y después de la implementación del Plan Semilla. Con la implementación del proyecto se obtuvo un mayor rendimiento de las tierras, aumento de la productividad y la educación a los agricultores en nuevas técnicas de cultivo, enfocándose en la inversión de semillas como en el empleo de trabajadores para el cultivo. Dentro de los puntos destacados se pudo apreciar, la falta de educación técnica de los agricultores, puesto que sus métodos de cultivo son rústicos y no emplean equipo especializado para tecnificar su actividad, además de la presencia de intermediarios ante la ausencia de la banca privada para el financiamiento de los cultivos. Se concluye que los agricultores requieren de una entidad que gestione sus negocios, de manera que los conviertan en empresarios e inversionistas, para que puedan manejar sus emprendimientos. Si bien se reconoce el esfuerzo del Gobierno Nacional por el cambio de la matriz productiva, aun no es suficiente. ; The Seed Plan was an initiative that seeks to increase the productivity of the farmer, without representing the additional purchase of land for production, through the subsidy of high quality seeds and pesticides for the treatment of crops, this initiative combines with the objectives of the National Government on the redistribution of wealth and opportunities for low-income farmers. For the research, rice farmers were taken as a reference for the population, since in a greater proportion it was the sector that had the most representation in the present plan, for the analysis of results, bibliographic research was taken as a reference, they took publications, books and statistics of the National Government before and after the implementation of the Seed Plan, which resulted in greater yield of land, increase of crops to be sold and education of farmers to new cultivation techniques, which allowed them to be more productive, both in the investment of seeds and in the employment of workers for cultivation, among the highlights could be seen, the lack of technical education of farmers, since their cultivation methods are rustic and do not use specialized equipment to technified its activity, in addition to the presence of intermediaries in the absence of private banking for the f financing of crops. It is concluded that farmers require an entity to manage their businesses, so that they become entrepreneurs and investors, so they can manage their ventures.

The aim of the study is to examine how trade unions in the service sector in selected EU countries respond to new work-related challenges. In particular, those countries were considered where working time standards are mainly regulated by collective agreements. The starting points of the study are the dissolution of a formerly stable and regular distribution of working time through flexibly organised and increasingly atypical working hours and the discrepancies between desired working times of employees and their working time reality, which are expressed in the polarisation of working time between women and men and between different qualification groups, in the blurring of gainful employment and time off and in problems of reconciling work and family life. The study is based not only on the evaluation of a written survey of member unions of UNI Europa, the European trade union federation of service unions, but also on the analysis of selected collective agreements. The focus in terms of content will be on new and innovative regulations for the reorganisation and distribution of working time, on a life-phase-oriented, gender- and age-compliant work-promoting design of working time and the promotion of further training and lifelong learning through collective bargaining and working time policy. The documented and analysed collective agreements can be considered as organisational and social innovations. They offer many employees the choice between an increase in income or an increase in time off, and they promote a balance between work and family time requirements. In addition, they enable new qualifications to be acquired under learningfriendly time structures. Thus, they not only form the basis for a redesign and redistribution of working time. They also improve the chances of a life-phase-oriented design of working time; this is especially true with regard to age-compliant work, but less so with regard to a fair distribution of working time between the sexes. It was not possible to perform an adequate examination in terms of whether and how newer working time options are used by employees, whether they help to reduce existing companyrelated inequalities regarding the realisation of individual time preferences, and which factors and conditions promote or inhibit these. Many of the working time arrangements discussed are still in the first phase of their implementation. However, the results of the study show that the gap between the programmatic demands for a modern and sustainable working time policy and the workplace-related organisation and design of working time has narrowed in many sectors and companies. Further reducing this gap is a high priority for many trade unions. On the one hand, they are concerned with strengthening compliance with legal and collective working time standards and reducing the gap between actual and agreed working hours. On the other hand, they are concerned with strengthening the working time sovereignty of employees in gainful employment. They expect that union collective bargaining and working time policies will help them to have work arrangements that will give them security and reliability, distribute working time more equitably and enable them to better reconcile work life and private life.

The equalization system has long been considered a vital underpinning of the Canadian federation: a means to create some purported fairness or justice among the provinces, by redistributing the wealth of provinces with larger fiscal capacities to allow those with weaker fiscal capacities to provide roughly equivalent services to their citizens. However, the mechanics of the equalization formula have long been suspected of being flawed. Since grant-receiving provinces can adjust the way their fiscal capacities are calculated and reflected in the equalization formula — by adjusting tax rates and spending, for instance — governments are confronted with incentives to design their fiscal regimes in ways that maximize the size of the grants they receive, even if the fiscal policies are designed for less-than-optimal economic efficiency. The incentive for grant-receiving governments to "game" the formula, even unconsciously, is apparent; what has remained largely unresolved is to what extent is it actually occurring. This analysis shows that indeed it is occurring, and to a measurable degree. It finds that equalization grants provide recipient provinces with incentive to raise their business and personal tax rates. This is because when a government raises its own tax rate, it raises the national standard average tax rate, which is used in the equalization allocation formula. That, in turn, raises the individual "have-not" province's equalization-grant entitlement. Exacerbating the problem is that the tax-raising provincial governments tend to underestimate the deadweight cost that the tax hikes will have, potentially worsening the fiscal situation of a province that already faces difficult economic challenges. This analysis also finds that the equalization-grant allocation system encourages spending among recipient provinces, particularly on health-care services, resource conservation, industrial assistance, environment and housing. Results show that for every $1.00 increase in equalization grants, recipient provinces further increase spending by an additional $0.64 in total expenditure. Neither effect necessarily furthers the equalization program's idealistic intent. The promotion of higher tax rates especially would seem to work at odds with the program's conceptualization of a federal redistribution model. By potentially further repelling business and taxpayers from "have-not" provinces, the result could be making those provinces increasingly needy while continually reducing their citizens' wealth. The equalization formula is not unfixable. The arrangement can be made to work even better, in a way that maintains the principle of redistributing wealth from more privileged provinces to less privileged ones, while avoiding the perverse incentives that motivate "have-not" provinces to raise taxes. If equalization grants were substituted with block grants that are unrelated to taxing capacity, taxes in grant-receiving provinces may actually decline. A $100 per capita increase in block grants is potentially associated with an up to 2.6 percentage points drop in business tax and an up to 0.26 percentage point drop in personal income tax. The result would be an equalization arrangement that could help increase, rather than decrease, competitiveness in the very "have-not" provinces that most urgently need to attract investment. Switching to block grants would not only keep the integrity of the principles behind equalization in tact, it would actually make equalization work better for all provinces.

The equalization system has long been considered a vital underpinning of the Canadian federation: a means to create some purported fairness or justice among the provinces, by redistributing the wealth of provinces with larger fiscal capacities to allow those with weaker fiscal capacities to provide roughly equivalent services to their citizens. However, the mechanics of the equalization formula have long been suspected of being flawed. Since grant-receiving provinces can adjust the way their fiscal capacities are calculated and reflected in the equalization formula — by adjusting tax rates and spending, for instance — governments are confronted with incentives to design their fiscal regimes in ways that maximize the size of the grants they receive, even if the fiscal policies are designed for less-than-optimal economic efficiency. The incentive for grant-receiving governments to "game" the formula, even unconsciously, is apparent; what has remained largely unresolved is to what extent is it actually occurring. This analysis shows that indeed it is occurring, and to a measurable degree. It finds that equalization grants provide recipient provinces with incentive to raise their business and personal tax rates. This is because when a government raises its own tax rate, it raises the national standard average tax rate, which is used in the equalization allocation formula. That, in turn, raises the individual "have-not" province's equalization-grant entitlement. Exacerbating the problem is that the tax-raising provincial governments tend to underestimate the deadweight cost that the tax hikes will have, potentially worsening the fiscal situation of a province that already faces difficult economic challenges. This analysis also finds that the equalization-grant allocation system encourages spending among recipient provinces, particularly on health-care services, resource conservation, industrial assistance, environment and housing. Results show that for every $1.00 increase in equalization grants, recipient provinces further increase spending by an additional $0.64 in total expenditure. Neither effect necessarily furthers the equalization program's idealistic intent. The promotion of higher tax rates especially would seem to work at odds with the program's conceptualization of a federal redistribution model. By potentially further repelling business and taxpayers from "have-not" provinces, the result could be making those provinces increasingly needy while continually reducing their citizens' wealth. The equalization formula is not unfixable. The arrangement can be made to work even better, in a way that maintains the principle of redistributing wealth from more privileged provinces to less privileged ones, while avoiding the perverse incentives that motivate "have-not" provinces to raise taxes. If equalization grants were substituted with block grants that are unrelated to taxing capacity, taxes in grant-receiving provinces may actually decline. A $100 per capita increase in block grants is potentially associated with an up to 2.6 percentage points drop in business tax and an up to 0.26 percentage point drop in personal income tax. The result would be an equalization arrangement that could help increase, rather than decrease, competitiveness in the very "have-not" provinces that most urgently need to attract investment. Switching to block grants would not only keep the integrity of the principles behind equalization in tact, it would actually make equalization work better for all provinces.

In this dissertation, I develop theoretical models and an empirical study of the role of social interactions, the evolution of social norms, and their impact on individual behavior. Although my models are consistent with individual utility maximization, they generally emphasize social factors that channel individual decisions and/or shape individuals' preferences. I apply this approach to three different issues: labor supply, fertility decisions, and intergenerational transfers, generating predictions that are more consistent with observed empirical patterns of behavior than standard neoclassical approaches that assume independent preferences, perfect information, and efficient markets. In the first essay, I explain the long-run evolution of working hours during the 20th century in developed countries: the substantial decline for the first three quarters of the 20th century and the deceleration or even reversal of the fall in working hours in the last quarter. I develop a model of the determination of working hours and how this process is affected by both the conflict between employers and employees and the employees' desire to emulate the consumption standards of the rich reference group. The model also explores the effects of direct and indirect policies to limit hours advocated by political representations of workers such as trade unions or leftist parties. In the second essay, I study the coevolution of gender norms and fertility regimes. Since the 1990s, a new pattern of positive correlation between fertility rates and female labor force participation emerged in developed countries. This recent trend seems inconsistent with conventional economic approaches that explain fertility decline as a result of the increasing opportunity costs of childrearing, predicting a negative correlation between fertility and women's labor force participation. To address this puzzle, I develop a model of the evolution of gender norms and fertility in various economic environments influenced by the level of women's wages. Randomly matched spouses make choices related to fertility - labor supply and the division of household labor - based on their preferences shaped by gender norms. In the model, norm updating is influenced by both within-family payoffs and conformism payoffs from social interactions among the same sex. The model shows how changes in economic environments and the degree of conformism toward norms can alter fertility outcomes. The results suggest that the asymmetric evolution of gender norms between men and women could contribute to very low fertility, explaining the positive correlation between fertility and women's labor force participation. Finally, I estimate the effect of exogenously introduced public pensions for the elderly on the amount of private transfers they receive. There has been a long debate whether public transfers crowd out private transfers. Previous empirical studies on this issue suffer from the endogeneity of income that contaminates estimates. I use an exogenously introduced public transfer, the Basic Old Age Pension in Korea, to test the crowding out hypothesis. A considerable proportion of the elderly population, especially women living without a spouse, do not experience the crowding out effect and moreover, among those who do, the size of the effect is relatively small. The results support the redistribution effect of the Basic Old Age Pension targeting the poor elderly in Korea.

The article discusses poverty in Bulgaria through the prism of the correspondence between the unfavorable wellbeing rates, the implemented policy's measures and the state of analyses in the field. By presenting existing national and EU comparative statistics, analyzing policy documents and outlining limits and prevailing bias in the scientific research on the subject, it argues that the three aspects are functionally consistent and that overcoming the high levels of poverty in the country needs reconsidered and mobilizing actions aimed at: a) better consistency among policies in different fields (economic, social, tax, insurance, labor market, environmental, etc.); and b) knowledge-based development focused on adequate addressing of structural generators of poverty.