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In this paper, I assume that global intergovernmental organizations (GIGOs) function as "enablers" of interstate liberal politics by way of their multilateral institutional frameworks. To support this view, I recall and adapt the classical concept of "polyarchy," coined in the early 1950s by Robert A. Dahl. It consists of a two-dimensional theoretical construct applicable for measuring the level of liberalization in modern political societies. It follows that the more actors who take part in politics, and the more that institutions allow political opposition, the more open a society (of states) is likely to be. I thus wish to assess and rate the level of "polyarchization" of 23 GIGOs that cover various issue areas and fit some specific criteria (for example, more than one hundred member states from at least three different continents). The methodology section includes a scorecard that I have specially developed to help achieve these research objectives.

While increasing numbers of Europeans are skeptical about the EU, the primary causes behind Euroskepticism vary widely from country to country. Our paper examines the differing sources of Euroskepticism within Hungary and the United Kingdom, using these examples as case studies for the broader EU. Hungarian Euroskeptics accuse the EU of suppressing Hungarian culture and violating the country's national sovereignty, fostering a growing sense that EU membership has not brought the promised benefits. The primary driving forces behind British Euroskepticism, however, are opposition to intra-EU immigration and a sense that the island nation is inherently separate from the Continent. The case studies of Hungary and the UK demonstrate that the motives behind Euroskepticism vary widely across the continent. If confidence in the EU is to be restored, the wide array of concerns held by various Euroskeptic groups must be specifically addressed.

As European society becomes more multiethnic and multiracial, Member States of the European Union are faced with the need to formulate adequate policy responses to immigration and integration issues. France has had a distinctive history, lasting over five decades, as a recipient country for non-European immigrants from the Maghreb region of Northern Africa. Over time, discrepancies in living conditions between Maghreb immigrants and the wider French society have only deepened. To investigate the current state of the Maghreb community in France, this analytical paper pursues the following questions: How does the persistence of political, economic, and social differences affect the position of Maghreb immigrants in French society? What efforts are being made by the French government to minimize disparities between the Maghreb population and the wider society? What is the relationship between the French model of integration and the policies of other EU states on immigrant integration?

This dissertation establishes a structural understanding of what is necessary to imagine in material terms the future of how education will be financed and how education knowledge will be circulated on a global scale. Making explicit a governmentality perspective for examining neoliberal constructions of education policy and practice first, this dissertation applies that perspective to understanding the trajectory of World Bank policies on financing and governing education over the last twenty years. While the first three chapters draw on existing conceptual and policy work, the chapters combine aspects of them in new ways which reveal a clear understanding of an economic government of education and how it is operationalized by World Bank policy. The latest iteration of this economic government of education is the World Bank's Systems Approach for Better Education Results, SABER, examined in detail in Chapter 4. Speculations on futures of education finance and knowledge circulation are made plausible because of the work of earlier chapters, when put side by side with emerging online social technologies examined in the final chapter. The dissertation concludes that a social economy for finance and policy construction may emerge, the distinction between education and economic knowledge will likely continue to collapse, but that the balance between social and economic capital could be rebalanced compared to its current dynamic in this field.