Suchergebnisse

The United States and China have recently been called upon to exercise more leadership in developing an effective international policy response to climate change, but without giving attention to either the risks inherent in taking on such a role or the mechanism by which leading can mobilize others to act in response. Here, I understand leadership as action by a sufficiently powerful actor in a cooperative scheme that is capable of triggering reciprocal actions by followers on behalf of that scheme, and argue that such leadership can be coaxed by potential followers through pledges of reciprocal action that are made conditional upon prior action undertaken by a leader. In the context of the current international impasse over post-Kyoto climate change mitigation commitments, I identify means by which leadership by the U.S. or China might be induced by such conditional pledges, potentially allowing some obstacles to international collective action on climate change mitigation to be overcome.

Shortly after the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC, 1958), European countries accepted a far-reaching liberalization of their previously fairly protectionist external trade relations. I provide an explanation of this astonishing development that builds on the argument that the establishment of a customs union increases the bargaining power of its member countries in international trade negotiations. When facing discrimination from a customs union, exporters in excluded countries have an incentive to become politically active and lobby their governments for relief. This increase in exporter lobbying, in turn, weakens the negotiating position of excluded countries in international trade negotiations by making them more eager to achieve a negotiated agreement that lowers the external barriers of the customs union. The evidence presented backs this argument by showing that the EEC member countries accepted external trade liberalization in the 1960s because they could gain disproportionate concessions for European exporting interests in international trade negotiations.

International Relations scholars often treat international order as a byproduct of threats of military violence. Recent scholarship, however, has focused attention on security communities — nonviolent international orders that develop as a by-product of interstate collective identity. Yet it is unclear how these regimes could work during crises when collective identity is disrupted. This article argues that during such periods member states can use representational force, a form of power exercised through language, to stabilize their collective identity. Through an analysis of the Anglo-American security community during the 1956 Suez Crisis I demonstrate how both states relied on nonphysical but forceful expressions of power to `fasten' their identity against the disintegrating effects of their dispute. One effect was to stabilize the security community and preserve nonviolent order. While this illuminates one process by which security communities can weather crises, it also highlights that getting beyond guns does not necessarily mean getting beyond force.

States have long taken exception to the notion of humanitarian intervention because it threatens to undermine a bedrock principle of international order: national sovereignty. In the case of Kosovo, however, NATO's nineteen member states chose not only to put aside their concerns for national sovereignty in favor of humanitarian considerations, but also to act without UN authorization. This essay examines the ways in which states – European states in particular – are rethinking historic prohibitions against humanitarian intervention in the wake of the Kosovo war. It focuses on two approaches:Efforts to reinterpret international law so as to demonstrate the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention andEfforts to build a political consensus regarding when and how states may use force for humanitarian endsWhile efforts to weaken prohibitions may succeed, thereby facilitating future interventions, resolution of the tension between legitimacy and effectiveness in defense of human rights will continue to elude the international community unless a political consensus can be achieved.

In recent years, a great deal has been written about a `constructivist' approach in International Relations, which argues that international reality is socially constructed by cognitive structures that give meaning to the material world. Nevertheless, most of the epistemological, theoretical, empirical and methodological foundations of constructivism remain unclear. Nor are its potential contributions to a better understanding of International Relations widely appreciated. The present article seeks to fill some of these gaps. Constructivism occupies the middle ground between rationalist approaches (whether realist or liberal) and interpretive approaches (mainly postmodernist, poststructuralist and critical), and creates new areas for theoretical and empirical investigation. The bulk of the article lays out the social-epistemological basis of the constructivist approach; juxtaposes constructivism to rationalism and poststructuralism and explains its advantages; presents the concept of cognitive evolution as a way of explaining the social construction of reality; and suggests ways of expanding constructivist research agendas.

Changing definitions of security and the shift to multipolarity have prompted a move from a one-dimensional to a multidimensional international politics of security. States holding similar positions on traditional security concerns now often hold different positions on `new' security issues, which are themselves more multidimensional than traditional security issues. Our central argument is: the more that the politics of international security are perceived as multidimensional, the less stable will be coalitions. We deploy rational choice theory to argue that a United States-European Union coalition can provide leadership in confronting the instability and gridlock which are fomented by a multidimensional international politics. The alliance is closer than any other to a situation of perfect information and perfect attention and thus is durable in the face of collective action dilemmas. An US-EU alliance could offer both special benefits for its members as well as the political entrepreneurship required to promote multilateral conditional cooperation.

In 1991 the United Kingdom became a Party to the 1988 United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, one of the purposes of which is "to improve international co-operation in the suppression of illicit traffic by sea".1 Article 17 of that Convention has, as its central purpose, the establishment of international standards, procedures and practices designed to facilitate the obtaining of enforcement jurisdiction whereas Article 4 addresses the closely associated issue of prescriptive jurisdiction.2 The Criminal Justice (International Co-operation) Act 1999 contains a number of provisions of relevance in this latter context. These include the taking of extraterritorial jurisdiction over certain drugs offences taking place on board the vessels of other Convention parties.3

Preliminary Material /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- The International Seabed Authority Selected Documents Rules of Procedure of the Assembly of the International Seabed Authority (ISBA/A/6) /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Decision of the Assembly of the International Seabed Authority Relating to the Regulations on Prospecting and Exploration for Polymetallic Nodules in the Area (ISBA/6/A/18, the "Mining Code") /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Decision of the Assembly of the International Seabed Authority Relating to the Regulations on Prospecting and Exploration for Polymetallic Sulphides in the Area (ISBA/16/A/12/Rev.1, the "Mining Code") /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Regulations on Prospecting and Exploration for Cobalt-Rich Ferromanganese Crusts in the Area (ISBA/17/C/CRP.1) /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea Selected Documents Statute of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Rules of the Tribunal (ITLOS/8) /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf Selected Documents Rules of Procedure of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS/40) /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Guidelines Scientific and Technical Guidelines of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf, Adopted by the Commission on 13 May 1999 at its fifth session, CLCS/11 /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- International Fisheries Agreements Associated with the 1982 Convention Agreement to Promote Compliance with International Conservation and Management Measures by Fishing Vessels on the High Seas /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Statement of the Chairman, Ambassador Satya N. Nandan, on 4 August 1995, Upon the Adoption of the Agreement for the Implementation of the Provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 10 December 1982 Relating to the Conservation and Management of Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks (A/CONF.164/35) /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Convention on the Conservation and Management of High Seas Fishery Resources in the South Pacific Ocean /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Convention on the Conservation and Management of Highly Migratory Fish Stocks in the Western and Central Pacific Ocean /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Other Supplementary Documents and Materials Implications of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea for the International Maritime Organization, IMO Doc. LEG/MISC.6, 2008 /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska -- Charts Evolution of the Modern Law of the Sea /Myron H. Nordquist , Satya N. Nandan and James Kraska.

Reports on rise of private military companies in the 1990s; use by governments and international business enterprises, and potential role as peacekeeping forces. Whether private-sector military personnel are mercenaries, soldiers of fortune, or "dogs of war", role of companies including Executive Outcomes (EO) of South Africa, Sandline International and Defence Systems Limited of Great Britain, and Military Professional Resources Incorporated (MPRI) of the US.

Mobile Money is a booming industry in an increasing number of countries worldwide. The project results from increased demand for guidance and technical assistance from governments after the 2008 publication of an exploratory paper, Integrity in Mobile Phone Financial Services, which discussed mobile money and the application of international anti-money laundering (AML) and combating the financing of terrorism (CFT) standards. For most, how to craft a regulatory regime that expands access to financial services to the poor through the development of mobile phone financial services, but compliant with AML/CFT standards remains elusive. Specific AML/CFT regulations related to mobile money have not been issued in many jurisdictions, mainly due to the lack of awareness of the risks these services can pose if the right controls are not in place. Because the international standards for AML/CFT, the Financial Action Task Force's 40 + 9 Recommendations were designed and issued well before mobile money technology and business models became prevalent, even developed countries have begun to face challenges with their regulation. The project team aims to provide practical guidance to jurisdictions and the Industry on how to draft regulations and internal guidelines that allow them to comply with AML/CFT standards with enough flexibility for mobile money to thrive. Specifically, the paper (1) takes stock of new AML/CFT regulations and practices relevant to Mobile money, (2) design guidelines for drafting AML/CFT regulations that cover mobile money and (3) propose examples of best practices for the Industry to include AML/CFT in their own business model.

This exceptional volume deals with the hotly contested legal status of the Paracels and the Spratlys, two inhospitable archipelagos located in the South China Sea, sovereignty over which is disputed by several states. The author investigates the contribution which international law can make towards determining the rights of all parties involved. In order to do so she goes back into history to find out at each stage what the actual situation was and what its legal significance was in terms of the legal categories of the time. The originality of this work, compared to others already published on this topic, lies in its analysis of the valuable French archives. Not only these archives, but also existing legal writings have served as a basis for the investigation into the status of the archipelagos. The book sheds new and significant light on this important question

Aus der Einleitung: Früher forderten die Umweltschützer neue gesellschaftliche Tugen­den. Heute rufen sie nach besseren Managementstrategien. Früher drängten sie auf mehr Demokratie und lokale Eigenständigkeit, doch jetzt liebäugeln sie mit einer globalen Machtergreifung durch Regierungen, Konzerne und die Wissenschaft. Es ist lange her, daß sie sich für kulturelle Vielfalt einsetzten, inzwischen sehen sie kaum eine andere Möglichkeit, als auf eine weltweite Rationalisierung der Lebensstile zu bauen. Tatsächlich scheinen in dem Maße, wie immer häufiger Umweltthemen auf der Tagesordnung der internationalen Politik einen wichtigen Platz einnehmen, Teile der Umweltbewegung zahmer zu werden. So hat sich in den letzten Jahren ein Diskurs über globale Umweltpolitik eingespielt, der Betrachtungen über Macht, Kultur oder Moral nicht zuläßt und statt dessen die Bestrebungen einer aufsteigenden Ökokratie verrät, die Natur (und die Menschen dazu) wohlwollender Planung zu unterwerfen. Eine Bewegung, die einst die Menschen zur Demut mahnte, hat paradoxerweise Experten hervorgebracht, die der Versuchung zum Hochmut oft nicht widerstehen können. Verschiedene Beobachter hatten verschiedene Meinungen über die UN -Konferenz für Umwelt und Entwicklung (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro 1992. Einige sahen in ihr einen Erfolg, viele betrachteten sie wenigstens als einen befriedigenden Auftakt für eine lange Reise, und ein paar beurteilten sie als Fehlschlag. Es macht gewiß die Neuheit von Rio aus, daß die Regierungen der Welt zum ersten Mal gemeinsam die Bedrohung durch die ökologische Krise ernst nahmen und sich dazu bereit fanden, kollektive Verpflichtungen für den zukünftigen Kurs der Politik einzugehen.

"Das Ergebnis der Konferenz Rio+20 der Vereinten Nationen über nachhaltige Entwicklung in Rio de Janeiro ist bescheiden, und es wurde durch andere Geschehnisse auf der internationalen politischen Agenda in den Schatten gestellt. Der kontroverse Inhalt, der ungünstige Zeitpunkt und das ungewöhnliche Vorgehen Brasiliens bei den Verhandlungen führten zu einer Abschlusserklärung ohne Ambitionen. Hoffnung verbreiteten Initiativen und Selbstverpflichtungen, die im Umfeld der Konferenz verkündet wurden. Die Rolle von Städten und Kommunen erfuhr eine Aufwertung." (Autorenreferat)

"Investitionsschutz vs. Menschenrechte? – Aufbauend auf einer Analyse dieses Spannungsverhältnisses entwickelt die Arbeit konkrete Ansätze zur Harmonisierung dieser beiden Rechtsgebiete. Dabei wird untersucht, wie sich menschenrechtliche Standards sowohl verstärkend als auch abschwächend auf die Investitionssicherung auswirken können. So wird etwa der gewohnheitsrechtliche Investorenschutz gestärkt, wenn auch gegenüber dem Investor als zwingend anerkannte Menschenrechte einzuhalten sind. Ferner kann sich ein Investor vor internationalen Menschenrechtsgerichten wie dem EGMR auf sein Eigentum als Menschenrecht berufen. Hingegen muss der Schutz des Investors dort abgeschwächt werden, wo er mit den Menschenrechten Dritter kollidiert. Hier entwickelt die Arbeit sowohl auf Auslegung als auch auf Vertragsgestaltung gestützte Ansätze, um das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Investitions- und Menschenrechtsschutz aufzulösen."