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Abstract
The liberal international legal order faces a legitimacy crisis today that becomes visible with the recent anti-internationalist turn, the rise of populism and the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine. Either its authority or legitimacy has been tested many times over the last three decades. The article argues that this anti-internationalist trend may be read as a reaction against the neoliberal form taken by international law, not least over the last three decades. In uncovering the intricacies of international law's legitimacy crisis, the article uncovers the paradox of global constitutionalism: that its need to adopt a sectoral form of integration may cause a legitimacy gap/deficit because international authorities, resting their legitimacy primarily on instrumental grounds, may face problems in compensating for the legitimacy deficit caused by the erosion of domestic sovereignty and extending their legitimacy to non-instrumental grounds. This paradox has one necessary structural and two contingent content-related implications for domestic democracies: (1) it necessarily narrows down the regulatory space of nation-states; and this may in turn (2) impair democratic stability and solidarity, and (3) provide a fertile ground for populism. Drawing on Raz's service conception, the article focuses on the interaction between international and domestic authorities and highlights the problematic aspects of the neoliberal constitutionalization of international law.

ABSTRACTIntegrating the demands raised by those most affected by poverty into international campaigns is important for safeguarding ethical integrity and encouraging mobilization. This article examines the case of the international non‐governmental organization (INGO) ActionAid, which managed, although not without challenges, to integrate the tax complaints of market traders — such as multiple taxation — into its international tax justice campaign in Nigeria. The case provides an example of an INGO‐driven campaign that created and nurtured bottom‐up processes. The author argues that more could have been done to channel additional claims from traders — such as steep tax increases and tax harassment — and to support their actions, their visits and letters to the government, and their tax strikes. Overall, however, the INGO retained relevance by identifying campaign frames and targets at local, national and international levels while ensuring the campaign remained unified. The article contributes to debates about tokenism in international advocacy and argues that the use of social movement theory enriches the international advocacy literature as it promotes an understanding of campaigning processes. However, social movement theory still proves insufficient to fully understand political voice. Theories about hidden forms of resistance play a complementary role, unveiling more concealed political action, especially in repressive settings or contexts with weak civil societies.

The international governance of freedom of speech involves a few moving parts: The UN Guiding Principles on Corporate Responsibility (UNGPs), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), governments who legislate on restricting speech, and companies who are tasked with reconciling the conflicting directions of the three sources. The UNGPs direct companies to adhere to international human rights standards governing freedom of speech, and the ICCPR provides that international human rights standard. Though the ICCPR is directed to ratifying governments who implement laws to restrict speech rather than companies, as stated by many scholars, the ICCPR is most prominent standard and is the international human rights standard that companies should abide by per the UNGPS direction. Additionally, it is this standard companies should have in mind when a government enacts a misinformation law that heavily restricts freedom of expression. However, the UNGPs are not a legally binding framework and the U.S. government has only encouraged, not mandated, their implementation. The lack of influential enforcement is one of the framework's major pitfalls, which may call for change. This post was originally published on the Cardozo International & Comparative Law Review on April 25, 2022. The original post can be accessed via the Archived Link button above.

The article outlines the special features of the UK foreign policy described as an outcome of the request for a new international role after the withdrawal from the EU. Proceeding from the theory of rational choice, the author concludes that the UK uses relations with Washington to adapt the idea of "Global Britain" to the changes in the international environment, taking into account the reduction of its own weight in international politics. It is highlighted that the synchronization of the UK and the US international agendas is taking place against the backdrop of deteriorated UK-EU relations. Atlanticism, along with disengagement from the EU, became the ideological basis of a new British foreign policy aimed at ensuring Western unity, while increasing its fragmentation. The significance of the new Atlantic Charter and the military-political alliance AUKUS for the foreign strategy of the UK is assessed. Despite the global nature of the articulated goals, the United Kingdom operates in the logic of a middle power in the face of intense international competition. It is concluded that the special emphasis on "hard" power and the strengthening of military-political alliances based on liberal values does not solve the strategic dilemmas of Britain, which will still have to balance between the major international actors.

ABSTRACTNorm diffusion scholarship analyzes how states come to agree and adopt new international norms. Yet, formal adoption of a new norm does not in itself guarantee that a government will also implement it domestically, and very little international relations scholarship drills down deep enough to examine whether and how new international norms are subsequently integrated, incorporated, and translated at sub-state level. This article initiates a research agenda on norm "domestication" through the first in-depth study of how international norms in the field of global health are locally incorporated by community-based organizations (CBOs). Drawing upon multi-sited international fieldwork in Uganda, Ukraine, and El Salvador, the paper uncovers three norm domestication strategies used by CBOs of people affected by HIV/AIDS: harnessing political divisions within national governments, circumventing government policy with international help, and mounting legal challenges to government policy. The article argues that these CBO strategies represent "glocal" forms of power capable of forging local–global connections through combined practices of norm allying, norm implementation, and norm intertwining. These subtler processes of norm domestication, the article concludes, ultimately require a reconceptualization of norm diffusion not just as a transnational phenomenon, but as a "multi-local" process during which norms are concurrently localized across diverse geographic locales.

The responsibility to protect ('R2P') principle articulates the obligations of the international community to prevent conflict occurring, to intervene in conflicts, and to assist in rebuilding after conflicts. The doctrine is about protecting civilians in armed conflicts from four mass atrocity crimes: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. This book examines interventions in East Timor, Sri Lanka, Sudan and Kosovo. The chapters explore and question UN debates with respect to the doctrine both before and after its adoption in 2005; contrasting state attitudes to international military intervention; and what takes place after intervention. It also discusses the ability of the Security Council to access reliable information and credible and transparent processes to enable it to make a determination on the occurrence of atrocities in a Member State. Questioning whether there is a need to find a closer operational link between the responsibilities to prevent and react and a normative link between R2P and principles of international law, the contributions examine the effectiveness of the framework of R2P for international decision-making in response to mass atrocity crimes and ask how an international system to deal with threats and mass atrocities can be developed in the absence of a central authority. This book will be valuable to those interested in international law, human rights, and security, peace and conflict studies.

We are excited to announce the publication of the secondissue of the journal Beyond Borders, advances in Global Welfare. The journal is supported by Boston College School of Social Work in collaboration with the International Social Science Research Group of the International Federation of Catholic Universities (IFCU). This special issue draws upon manuscripts coming out of the bi-annual conference of the International Social Science Research Group of the International Federation of Catholic Universities (IFCU). In keeping with the journal's global orientation and vision of promoting a stronger evidence base to inform practice and policies decisions, this issue highlights the work of leading scholars, policy makers, and practitioners involved in the research on the various topics related to ecologic and social justice. Manuscripts included this issue cover a broad range of topics including factors, improved cooking stoves and environmental/household wellbeing, pathways to child food security, environmental protection and internal population displacement, dissemination and democratization of access to knowledge as well as the discussion on the relation between Human and Environment. The issue also highlights the work carried out by the International Social Science Research Group of the International Federation of Catholic Universities. We thank you for your readership and hope you find this issue informative.

Norm diffusion scholarship analyzes how states come to agree and adopt new international norms. Yet, formal adoption of a new norm does not in itself guarantee that a government will also implement it domestically, and very little international relations scholarship drills down deep enough to examine whether and how new international norms are subsequently integrated, incorporated, and translated at sub-state level. This article initiates a research agenda on norm "domestication" through the first in-depth study of how international norms in the field of global health are locally incorporated by community-based organizations (CBOs). Drawing upon multi-sited international fieldwork in Uganda, Ukraine, and El Salvador, the paper uncovers three norm domestication strategies used by CBOs of people affected by HIV/AIDS: harnessing political divisions within national governments, circumventing government policy with international help, and mounting legal challenges to government policy. The article argues that these CBO strategies represent "glocal" forms of power capable of forging local–global connections through combined practices of norm allying, norm implementation, and norm intertwining. These subtler processes of norm domestication, the article concludes, ultimately require a reconceptualization of norm diffusion not just as a transnational phenomenon, but as a "multi-local" process during which norms are concurrently localized across diverse geographic locales.

The article explores the interconnection between the discourse over national identity and attempts by the UK authorities to design new foreign policy priorities in a post-Brexit environment. Proceeding from the book of the British historian D. Reynolds ―Island Stories: Britain and Its History in the Age of Brexit‖, the author highlights debates about the UK's position on the international stage using different methodological approaches to international relations such as the role theory. Moreover, the article contributes to the constructivist discourse that interstate relations are defined by a set of norms, values and identity. The author analyses international narratives of the ―Anglosphere‖, ―free trade‖ and ―European question‖. It is concluded that there is a certain historic continuity which manifests itself in all the discussions over the UK objectives on the global stage. The re-design of the UK international strategy and its search for new priorities as a result of Brexit and global shifts in the international system are driven by attempts to identify a new global role through the alliance-based approach in the Euro-Atlantic and Asia-Pacific regions. The article concludes that the search in the UK of a new international identity deeply rooted in British history now comes to the fore, as the idea of Global Britain is being fit into real life.

This study outlines the international legal regime on environmental protection and then examines the link between the environment and human rights by reference to the applicaion of human rights law as a legal remedy for environmental issue. Several decades ago, Public International Law not concerned with environmental protecion. The Stockholm conference of 1972 and subsequent international instruments have enriched the international community on the subject. Undoubtedly environmental rights are self executing and they need positive State intervention for their fulfillment. The human fights both procedural and substantive human rights, found in the international Bill of Rights are being applied in relation to environmental issues. The procedural rights must be distinguished from substantive rights recognized in international human rights instruments such as the right to life, the right to health or the right to decent standard of living. The invocatin of substantive human rights in relation to environmental issues has become popular at the national level. The efforts made by Sri Lanka and several South Asian countries are of considerable value. The right to a healthy environment on the other hand denotes the identification of a separate indepedent human right not dependent on existing human rights in the incorporation of a human right to healthy environment into the fundamental rights chapter of our Constitution.

As human activity in outer space continues to boom, 50-year-old United Nations treaties on space law no longer address all of the current issues of international space law. The commercialization and privatization of outer space, potential harm to the cosmic environment, and a looming arms race in outer space are vital issues which encourage the international community to take serious actions. However, these issues are far more complicated than they appear. States and private companies are rushing to get involved in a new field with enormous potential, which makes reaching a consensus difficult and creates a barrier for international law-makers aiming to create new legally binding agreements for space. Nowadays, the international community addresses these legal issues by issuing non-legally binding recommendations. Meanwhile, nation states adopt laws at the national level. Accordingly, this Master Thesis consists of five main structural parts. The first part analyzes the concept of international space law as well as its history, and explores key UN space treaties and space law principles. The second, third, fourth and fifth parts address the main issues of international space law. These chapters address the legal issues on space commercialization, space resource utilization, space debris, and space militarization and weaponization.

As human activity in outer space continues to boom, 50-year-old United Nations treaties on space law no longer address all of the current issues of international space law. The commercialization and privatization of outer space, potential harm to the cosmic environment, and a looming arms race in outer space are vital issues which encourage the international community to take serious actions. However, these issues are far more complicated than they appear. States and private companies are rushing to get involved in a new field with enormous potential, which makes reaching a consensus difficult and creates a barrier for international law-makers aiming to create new legally binding agreements for space. Nowadays, the international community addresses these legal issues by issuing non-legally binding recommendations. Meanwhile, nation states adopt laws at the national level. Accordingly, this Master Thesis consists of five main structural parts. The first part analyzes the concept of international space law as well as its history, and explores key UN space treaties and space law principles. The second, third, fourth and fifth parts address the main issues of international space law. These chapters address the legal issues on space commercialization, space resource utilization, space debris, and space militarization and weaponization.

As human activity in outer space continues to boom, 50-year-old United Nations treaties on space law no longer address all of the current issues of international space law. The commercialization and privatization of outer space, potential harm to the cosmic environment, and a looming arms race in outer space are vital issues which encourage the international community to take serious actions. However, these issues are far more complicated than they appear. States and private companies are rushing to get involved in a new field with enormous potential, which makes reaching a consensus difficult and creates a barrier for international law-makers aiming to create new legally binding agreements for space. Nowadays, the international community addresses these legal issues by issuing non-legally binding recommendations. Meanwhile, nation states adopt laws at the national level. Accordingly, this Master Thesis consists of five main structural parts. The first part analyzes the concept of international space law as well as its history, and explores key UN space treaties and space law principles. The second, third, fourth and fifth parts address the main issues of international space law. These chapters address the legal issues on space commercialization, space resource utilization, space debris, and space militarization and weaponization.

During the past decade, China has been striving for a more prominent status in the international community. In doing so, China undertook several measures that indicate its willingness to become a supportive collaborator in the international politics, including taking a part in the Six Party Talks regarding to the North Korean nuclear issue as well as striving for the Market Economy Status (MES). However, the recent development of the South China Sea dispute seems to show a contrasting circumstance. As one of the claimant states, China showed a fairly aggressive gesture in expanding and exploiting the disputed territory. Recently, China even declared a refusal against the verdict from the international law which stated that China had no legal base in claiming the territory. This situation sparked a puzzle as the non-compliance against the international law seemed to be violating China's on- going efforts to win the broader acceptance in the international community. Thus, using two different perspectives, namely structural realism and social constructivism, this study analyses puzzle and finds the contextual relevance behind China's non- compliance policy. The overall findings show that the rational interest of pursuing the hegemony in the disputed region becomes the primary goal that China is pursuing beyond the interest of adhering to the international law.

As human activity in outer space continues to boom, 50-year-old United Nations treaties on space law no longer address all of the current issues of international space law. The commercialization and privatization of outer space, potential harm to the cosmic environment, and a looming arms race in outer space are vital issues which encourage the international community to take serious actions. However, these issues are far more complicated than they appear. States and private companies are rushing to get involved in a new field with enormous potential, which makes reaching a consensus difficult and creates a barrier for international law-makers aiming to create new legally binding agreements for space. Nowadays, the international community addresses these legal issues by issuing non-legally binding recommendations. Meanwhile, nation states adopt laws at the national level. Accordingly, this Master Thesis consists of five main structural parts. The first part analyzes the concept of international space law as well as its history, and explores key UN space treaties and space law principles. The second, third, fourth and fifth parts address the main issues of international space law. These chapters address the legal issues on space commercialization, space resource utilization, space debris, and space militarization and weaponization.