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The Situation In The Middle East This Record Contains The Text Of Speeches Delivered In English And Of The Translation Of Speeches Delivered In Other Languages. ; United Nations S/PV.8195 Security Council Seventy-third year 8195th meeting Wednesday, 28 February 2018, 10.35 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Ms. Guadey France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Tumysh Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Orrenius Skau United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Allen United States of America. . Ms. Eckels-Currie Agenda The situation in the Middle East Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of Security Council resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) and 2393 (2017) (S/2018/138) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-05507 (E) *1805507* S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 2/22 18-05507 The meeting was called to order at 10.35 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of Security Council resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) and 2393 (2017) (S/2018/138) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary- General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, and Mr. Jeffrey Feltman, Under- Secretary-General for Political Affairs. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of the members of the Council to document S/2018/138, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of Security Council resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) and 2393 (2017). I now give the floor to Mr. Lowcock. Mr. Lowcock: We have received a lot of questions about resolution 2401 (2018), which the Security Council adopted on Saturday, 22 February, and its demand for a cessation of hostilities without delay for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria. I want to start today by answering the questions we have received. Is the United Nation ready to deliver to people who need humanitarian assistance? Yes. We have convoys ready to go to 10 besieged and hard-to-reach locations, including a 45-truck convoy with aid for 90,000 people to Douma and eastern Ghouta. Are you ready to support medical evacuations from eastern Ghouta? Yes, we are working very closely with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and other health partners on that. Has resolution 2401 (2018) been implemented? Is there a ceasefire in Syria? No, and no. Have you got any inter-agency cross-line convoys through to hard-to-reach or besieged areas? No. Have you been given permission to access any of those locations? No. Have you received the necessary facilitation letters for convoys? No. Have there been any medical evacuations? No. Have any civilians left eastern Ghouta? No. Is there any actual improvement in the humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta since the adoption of the resolution demanding, as it did, unimpeded access? No. Can you deliver assistance in eastern Ghouta during a humanitarian pause between 9 a.m. and 2 p.m. local time? To quote the ICRC Middle East Director, who spoke about that yesterday: "It is impossible to bring a humanitarian convoy in five hours." Agencies now have years of experience in that area, and it can take a day simply to pass checkpoints, even when the parties have agreed. The goods then have to be offloaded. If there has been no humanitarian access since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) on Saturday, what has happened in the past few days? More bombing, fighting, death, destruction, maiming of women and children, hunger and misery — in other words, more of the same. On 26 February, two days ago, airstrikes, barrel bombs and artillery shelling were reported across eastern Ghouta, including in Harasta, Shafuniyeh, Otaya, Hosh Eldawahreh, Al-Ashari, Jobar, Beit Sawa, Hazerma, Hannnura, Nashabiyeh, Sagba and Douma. Reports indicate that at least 30 civilians, including women and children, were killed. In Shafuniyeh, 14 people, including three women and four children, were reportedly killed and many others injured by airstrikes. Eighteen civilians, including drivers of ambulances, women and children, were reportedly received at health facilities in Shafuniyeh with difficulties breathing, consistent with the use of chlorine. One child reportedly died as a result. On the same day, two workers from local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) were reportedly killed as a result of shelling on the besieged enclave. It was also reported that two health-care facilities in Saqba were taken out of service by airstrikes. In the past few days, shells have also reportedly continued to fall on Damascus city from eastern Ghouta. Since 18 February, more than 580 people are now reported to have been killed due to air and ground strikes in eastern Ghouta, with many more than 1,000 people injured. At the same time, hundreds of rockets fired from eastern Ghouta into Damascus have reportedly killed 15 people and injured more than 200. I now want to update the Security Council on the situation in other parts of the country. 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 3/22 In Idlib, fighting continues to kill and injure civilians, destroy civilian infrastructure and result in large population movements. Since December, an estimated 385,000 people have been displaced, with many civilians moving north. Half of Idlib's population was already displaced. People are being forced to move yet again, with each disruption increasing their vulnerability. Civilians are concentrated in an ever-smaller area. Many are forced to live in makeshift camps or in the open air. Formal camps are overwhelmed, operating at up to 400 per cent of their capacity. The response is being stretched to its limits. We are receiving reports of civilian deaths and injuries and of restriction on the movement of many civilians as a result of military operations in Afrin. Those who risk moving continue to be stopped at exit points by the local authorities in Afrin, preventing them from accessing safer areas. We believe that, so far, approximately 5,000 people have reached the surrounding villages and Aleppo city. Tens of thousands are believed to be displaced within Afrin. The Turkish authorities have emphasized to us their willingness to facilitate humanitarian access. We would like to see aid convoys operated from Damascus. However, to date that has not been agreed by the Syrian side. In Raqqa city, conditions remain unsafe for the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs). Among those trying to return home, 637 people have been injured and more than 125 killed by unexploded ordinance since last October. Medical and other essential services are absent and access for humanitarian workers to the city remains precariously limited because the conditions are so dangerous. As I have said before, demining activities need to be accelerated as a matter of urgency. Humanitarian access for the United Nations and its implementing partners in Hasakah was limited for much of January due to the increased restrictions placed by the local authorities. United Nations convoys were blocked from travelling to the northeast from elsewhere within the country. The delivery of aid already in local warehouses was also blocked. While an agreement to resume humanitarian deliveries was reached on 30 January, that agreement will end in March. NGO partners continue to deliver goods and services across the north-east. However, sustainable access for the United Nations is critical. Any protracted interruption of humanitarian assistance and services in the IDP sites may drive the displaced people back to areas where they are not safe. Earlier this month, the United Nations received clearance for the first assessment visit to Deir ez-Zor after it had been under the control of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) for three and a half years. More than 100,000 people live in the town despite that fact that it is estimated to be 80 per cent destroyed. The infrastructure is almost completely destroyed, particularly in the central and the eastern areas, where ISIL was in control. In coordination with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, the United Nations has dispatched 78 trucks carrying food, health, nutrition, protection, shelter, education, water and sanitation items since last September, when ISIL was driven out. Finally, we remain concerned about the tens of thousands of people stranded in Rukban, in south-eastern Syria. We continue to seek the necessary agreements for convoys of life-saving assistance to them. As I said last week (see S/PV. 8186), there was a severe reduction, of nearly 40 per cent, in cross-line access to besieged and hard-to-reach areas in 2017 as compared to 2016. On average in 2017, over the entire 12-month period, we reached 165,000 people a month with cross-line convoys. That was completely inadequate. So far this year, we have reached a total of only 7,200 people through a single small convoy earlier this month. In other words, we were reaching more than 50 times as many people in besieged and hard-to-reach areas last year as to date this year. The main reason for the reduction in the number of convoys has been the consistent refusal by the Government of Syria to provide the necessary approvals and facilitation letters to support delivery. As the Secretary-General's report (S/2018/138) details, while we continue to reach millions of people in urgent need in areas controlled by the Government of Syria and through the cross-border programmes mandated in resolution 2393 (2017), assistance across conflict lines to millions of people in hard-to-reach and besieged areas has completely collapsed in recent months. Unless that changes, we will soon see even more people dying from starvation and disease than from the bombing and shelling. The United Nations remains focused on reaching those most in need throughout the country, including the 5.6 million people considered to be in acute need. The needs-based approach means that the United Nations will continue to seek to deliver aid and to S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 4/22 18-05507 provide services to millions of people in a principled manner regardless of where they are located. More than half of those in need are in Government-controlled areas. However, millions more people are not. What the Syrian people need has been made abundantly clear — protection, access to basic goods and services, an end to sieges and respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law. The Security Council has unanimously supported all such needs in adopting resolution 2401 (2018). I started today by answering questions that we have received regarding resolution 2401 (2018). I would like to end with a question for the Security Council. When will the resolution be implemented? The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Lowcock for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Feltman. Mr. Feltman: I am grateful for this opportunity to brief the Security Council following the comprehensive briefing by Under-Secretary-General Mark Lowcock. In two weeks, we will mark the beginning of the eighth year of the Syrian conflict. There are no words to express our frustration over the collective failure of the international community to end this war, but that frustration is nothing compared to the suffering and destruction visited ceaselessly upon the Syrian people. We are here again today because the brief respite that the Council unanimously demanded only days ago in resolution 2401 (2018) has not materialized, as Mr. Lowcock just described. The air strikes, shelling and ground offensives continue. There are even reports of yet another chlorine gas attack. What we need is the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), and that is not happening. Nearly seven years since the peaceful protests in Dar'a and the reaction that set in motion what would eventually become all-out war, we are still grasping for a political solution, which is the only way to end the bloodletting. The Secretary-General has called eastern Ghouta a hell on Earth. The United Nations will continue to work with Syrians and the international community to help bring about a durable political solution. We will also continue to demand that all the parties involved in the conflict respect international humanitarian law — the rules of war — and protect civilians. We will continue to demand the release of those who have been arbitrarily detained and the end of enforced disappearances. We will continue to forcefully call for justice and accountability. Those responsible for the catalogue of horrors that mark daily life in Syria, including chemical and terrorist attacks, torture and sexual violence, sieges and attacks on hospitals, schools and other civilian infrastructure, must be held accountable. Those outrages continue in large part because the perpetrators have so far enjoyed impunity. As the Secretary-General said earlier this week, "Security Council resolutions are only meaningful if they are effectively implemented". The United Nations acknowledges Russia's announcement of a daily five-hour pause for eastern Ghouta. In addition to Mr. Lowcock's briefing and what the International Committee of the Red Cross has stated, we respectfully remind all parties that resolution 2401 (2018) demands the sustained delivery of humanitarian aid for a minimum of 30 consecutive days. The Secretariat and relevant agencies are united and pulling in one direction towards the immediate and continuous cessation of hostilities that can be sustained beyond 30 days for unimpeded aid delivery. We also urgently need to get humanitarian aid and services in and the sick and critically wounded evacuated from besieged eastern Ghouta and other locations. We are ready to deliver. The Secretary-General has repeatedly reminded parties of their absolute obligation under international humanitarian law and human rights law to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure. Earlier this month, Emergency Relief Coordinator Lowcock told the Council (see S/PV.8186) in no uncertain terms that that is an obligation, not a favour. He has just updated us all on the humanitarian situation and provided an update on the United Nations readiness to deliver aid and services, and the tireless efforts of humanitarians to reach all in need, wherever they are. But right now we must address the particular needs of those in besieged eastern Ghouta. Resolution 2401 (2018) affirms that the cessation of hostilities shall not apply to military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), Al Qaida, the Al-Nusra Front, and "all other individuals, groups, undertakings and entities associated with Al-Qaida or ISIL, and other terrorist groups, as designated by the Security Council". (resolution 2401 (2018), para. 2). In our view, that rightly maintains the parameters set out in resolution 2254 (2015), but there must be 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 5/22 a frank assessment of what that means in relation to the humanitarian tragedy that we are witnessing in eastern Ghouta. First, we condemn all violations of international law by all parties, including shelling from eastern Ghouta, which has injured or killed civilians in Damascus. The scale of the Government's indiscriminate military attacks against eastern Ghouta — an area with a civilian population of 400,000 — cannot be justified based on targeting Jabhat Al-Nusra fighters. Efforts to combat terrorism do not supersede obligations under international humanitarian law and human rights law. Secondly, the United Nations has not seen any confirmation by the Government of Syria of its commitment to implement resolution 2401 (2018), although at the resolution's adoption Syria's Permanent Representative to the United Nations said, "As a State, we bear a responsibility towards our citizens and we have a sovereign right to counter terrorism" (S/PV.8188, p. 12). Thirdly, yesterday the Head of the Syrian Negotiations Committee transmitted to the Secretary- General a letter on behalf of the three major non-State armed opposition groups — Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and Ahrar Al-Sham — and civil groups in eastern Ghouta regarding their full commitment to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Specifically, they committed to ensuring the necessary environment for United Nations humanitarian access as well as, "to expel all elements of Hay'at Tahrir Al-Sham, Jabhat Al-Nusra and Al-Qaida and all who belong to these groups from eastern Ghouta". Fourthly, the United Nations has no independent verified reports that those three non-State armed opposition groups in eastern Ghouta created a coordination centre, as has been alleged regarding Jabhat Al-Nusra, nor has the United Nations seen any public announcement by those groups of such a centre. Jaysh Al-Islam has denied that claim. What the United Nations can verify is that non-State armed opposition groups in eastern Ghouta, over the past 24 hours, have expressed their readiness in writing to evacuate Jabhat Al-Nusra fighters. Previous negotiations on that issue among those groups and key members of the International Syrian Support Group humanitarian task force in Geneva and Damascus have not resulted in success. Alleviating the tragic situation in eastern Ghouta has the Council's full attention. Yet we cannot forget that resolution 2401 (2018) demands a cessation of hostilities throughout Syria. Violence continues in Afrin, Idlib and the eastern part of the country. Council members have heard about the humanitarian challenges and suffering of the people in those areas as well. I would like to take this opportunity to emphasize that developments in those areas will undoubtedly render the situation in Syria even more complex. There will be no sustainable solution if the Council's resolutions are not implemented. That will require that the parties step back from the brink and fulfil their obligations to end the fighting in Syria. All our efforts will be in vain if there is no serious investment in a political solution. As Council members are aware, resolution 2401 (2018) calls on all Member States to use their influence with the parties to ensure the implementation of the cessation of hostilities. The United Nations calls for a renewed commitment by all concerned Member States to work seriously to implement the cessation of hostilities. The United Nations also cautions against drawing the Organization into monitoring exercises. That has been tried in the past without success — not for lack of trying — but in the absence of political will among Member States to underpin United Nations efforts. Member States, especially those working within the Astana and Amman arrangements, should use their resources and clear influence over the parties to ensure the implementation of a sustained cessation of hostilities throughout Syria. The conflict in Syria continues to threaten regional and international stability because the warring parties believe there is a military solution. There is not. The United Nations remains convinced that a political solution is the only way forward. Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura is pressing forward on facilitating the establishment of a constitutional committee in Geneva, as part of the overall intra-Syrian political process towards the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015), for which the United Nations requires the positive and constructive engagement of both negotiating delegations. Special Envoy De Mistura will need the full support of the Council and the international community as a whole if the United Nations efforts are to have a chance of reinvigorating a serious and meaningful political process. I trust that he will have that support. S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 6/22 18-05507 The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Feltman for his briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements. Mr. Orrenius Skau (Sweden): I make my remarks today on behalf of Sweden and Kuwait as co-penholders for the humanitarian track of the Security Council's work on the situation in Syria. I would like to thank Mr. Mark Lowcock once again for a very sobering update. We share his sense of urgency following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) last weekend to fully take advantage of the 30- day pause so that the United Nations and its partners can dispatch life-saving aid convoys and begin medical evacuations. Since the resolution's adoption, we have been asked, as penholders, when the resolution would take effect and to whom it would apply. We are very clear: the resolution took effect upon its adoption and applies to all parties across the entire country. The clock is ticking. There is no time to lose. Let me also sincerely thank Mr. Jeffrey Feltman for his briefing today. We share his deep concern concerning reports of the flagrant lack of compliance with the ceasefire in eastern Ghouta. We would like to extend our sincere appreciation to all members of the Council for their constructive cooperation, which enabled the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). The resolution represents decisive and meaningful action by the Council in response to the calls from the United Nations, the humanitarian community and, above all, the civilian population in Syria. However, the value of a resolution is not in its adoption, but in its implementation. We must now all build on the spirit of cooperation that led to the resolution's adoption and work together to ensure that it is enforced. Compliance with the resolutions of the Security Council is not optional; it is an obligation of all Member States. The humanitarian community stands ready to do its part. Having adopted this resolution, the Council must do its part. For the next few weeks, let us seize the opportunity that this resolution represents and focus on its implementation. We would like to make four concrete recommendations on the way forward. First, existing de-escalation agreements must be complied with most urgently in eastern Ghouta. We call on the three Astana guarantors to spare no effort to achieve this end. Resolution 2401 (2018) clearly demands that all parties cease hostilities; air strikes, the ground offensive and shelling must stop. We take note of the initial positive indications from armed opposition groups in eastern Ghouta that they are ready to comply with the resolution. We also note their commitment to expel the Al-Nusra Front from the area. We must build on this, and we call on those with influence over armed opposition groups to secure their commitment to the cessation of hostilities. Clearly the Council has demanded in resolution 2401 (2018) that the Syrian Government cease all military operations without delay. Secondly, as Mr. Lowcock has told us, the United Nations and its implementing partners in the field are ready to commence life-saving convoys and medical evacuations. We urge the Syrian authorities to immediately issue facilitation letters for the convoy to Duma to proceed this week as a necessary first step. It can no longer be business as usual; the Council has demanded weekly convoys to all areas and populations in need. Thirdly, existing structures to strengthen compliance with and monitoring of the cessation must urgently be activated. We look to the Chairs of the Task Force on the Ceasefire of the International Syria Support Group to undertake more frequent meetings, which are needed at least on a weekly basis. The Amman operations room should also be utilized. We see merit in making a clearer link between monitoring mechanisms and the Security Council. Fourthly, the Council must remain actively seized of this matter. Sweden and Kuwait will request an open briefing from the incoming presidency on the Secretary-General's report on implementation and compliance that is due 15 days after the resolution's adoption. We should also stand ready to meet and take appropriate action at any time necessary so as to ensure implementation of this resolution. Finally, we welcome any efforts to de-escalate violence and to allow and facilitate humanitarian access in Syria, but let us be clear — resolution 2401 (2018) demands a 30-day, nationwide ceasefire, with immediate access for weekly convoys and medical evacuations. A five-hour ceasefire does not meet the requirements of the resolution. The resolution is not primarily about the evacuation of civilians, but demands humanitarian access to civilians and medical evacuations. The 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 7/22 cessation of hostilities must be implemented fully and without delay. It is imperative that all parties uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law at all times. Last Saturday's unanimous action reinforced the legitimacy and credibility of the Security Council (see S/PV.8188). Today's briefings demonstrate that there is no time to rest on the laurels of this achievement. We must now move without delay to ensure our action here last Saturday is translated into the relief and assistance expected by the millions of people affected by this conflict. It is now incumbent on all the parties and all those with influence over the parties to spare no effort and use all channels available in order to advance the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): First of all, I want to thank Mark Lowcock and Jeffrey Feltman for their very clear briefings. I would like today to focus my remarks on our shared road map, namely, the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), which we adopted unanimously last Saturday (see S/PV. 8188). On behalf of France, I would like to express three main messages today. My first message is that we must not pay lip service. The situation on the ground remains dramatic and has not improved in recent days. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), the offensive against the eastern Ghouta has continued relentlessly. France, of course, strongly condemns these indiscriminate bombings, which affect inhabited areas and civil infrastructure. In this context, the disastrous humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate. No United Nations convoy has been able to reach the eastern Ghouta or any of the other besieged areas, no emergency medical evacuation has been carried out, no siege has been lifted. The Syrian regime is maintaining its stranglehold on the civilian population and is methodically pursuing its policy of destruction. More than 400,000 people remain under siege in eastern Ghouta, including 130,000 children. The demand sent by the United Nations to authorize a priority convoy for Duma, the main city in eastern Ghouta, has not received any response from the Syrian authorities to date. My second message is this. The resolution adopted by the Security Council on 24 February makes very specific demands on the parties. Hostilities must cease without delay in order to establish a lasting humanitarian truce for at least 30 days, in order to allow both the delivery of humanitarian aid and the evacuation of the wounded and sick. Let me stress this point. These demands are perfectly clear and cannot be distorted or reinterpreted. Contrary to what some would have us believe, the demands made by the resolution are absolutely clear. Our responsibility today is to implement, fully and in their totality, the provisions that we have unanimously adopted. If we do not that, what credibility can be given to our commitments? What credibility can be given to Security Council resolutions? The United Nations and its partners tell us that they are ready to deliver aid to the people of eastern Ghouta and other priority areas. There is therefore not a minute to lose because every minute that passes can turn lives upside down. At the conclusion of difficult negotiations, the Council managed to unite in the face of the gravity of the humanitarian situation and the escalation of the Syrian conflict in recent months. We must now work together, in the same spirit of unity, to effectively implement on the ground the resolution we unanimously adopted. This is my third message. Following yesterday's meeting in Moscow with French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian and his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, France is putting forward four concrete proposals for making progress and for doing so without delay. The first is to ensure that all parties implement the cessation of hostilities that resolution 2401 (2018) demands. I note that the three main opposition groups present in eastern Ghouta as well as Nassar Al Hariri, head of the High Negotiations Committee of the Syrian opposition, have written to the Secretary-General and to the President of the Council to state that they would respect the truce. It is therefore urgent in the extreme — if I can put it that way — that the Damascus regime also unambiguously express its willingness to respect the Council resolution and to formalize it in writing. We have taken note of the Russian proposal of a daily five-hour humanitarian truce. It is a positive first step, but it is insufficient. We must go further. Resolution 2401 (2018) demands of the parties a minimum period of 30 consecutive days of cessation of hostilities. Respecting that demand is non-negotiable. That goal requires more than just symbolic declarations or political posturing. At a minimum, it requires that humanitarian personnel be allowed to do their work. S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 8/22 18-05507 These workers are used to taking risks on a daily basis, but the parties must allow them to do their work. Given that the opposition groups have formally committed to doing just that, the regime must do so as well, and without delay. To that end, supporters of the regime, beginning with Russia, must bring the necessary pressure to bear. Our second proposal, by way of a demand, pertains to the need to immediately open the relevant, clearly identified checkpoints — beginning with Wafideen — in order to allow the access of priority convoys of the United Nations. We therefore demand that the Syrian authorities submit without delay the necessary letter to facilitate the deployment of humanitarian convoys. Thirdly, it is extremely urgent to allow medical evacuations for the most critical cases, giving priority to children. The Syrian Arab Red Crescent indicates that 1,065 people need emergency medical evacuations. We have not a minute to lose. Finally, France considers it essential to create a monitoring mechanism to ensure the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and compliance with the resolution by the parties. We are working diligently to establishing that mechanism now. Those are the French proposals to address the urgent need to put an end to the bombing and protect civilians, who beyond resolution 2401 (2018), are protected under international humanitarian law. It is also crucial to intensify our efforts to reach a political solution in the framework of the Geneva process and resolution 2254 (2015). It is the only way out of the conflict and the only way to prevent a looming escalation of tensions. France will not deviate from that path. The overall credibility of the Security Council and the responsibility of each of its members are crucially at stake today in the context of the Syrian tragedy. Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I would like to thank Under-Secretary-Generals Lowcock and Feltman for their clear, factual briefings and for reiterating to all of us on the Security Council the ongoing horror of the conflict in Syria — and in particular in eastern Ghouta, because that is where it is clear the situation is most dire by a huge order of magnitude. It was five days ago (see S/PV.8188) that we sat in this Chamber and all of us raised our hands in support of a 30-day ceasefire, which we hoped would provide some relief to Syria's people. That was a desperately needed step, one that came too late for many. In eastern Ghouta alone, Médecins Sans Frontières reported that at least 630 people were killed and 3,000 injured in the week before resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted, with women and children representing nearly 60 per cent of the wounded and 50 per cent of the deceased. We also continue to condemn attacks on Damascus from eastern Ghouta. Let us recall the demands of our resolution. It called for at least a 30-day ceasefire without delay to allow for the delivery of humanitarian aid and medical evacuation. "Without delay" means right now, immediately — that there should be no delay. We all voted for those demands and we committed to using our influence to ensure that. In response, Russia has declared a five-hour daily humanitarian window. That is not what the Council demanded, nor what Russia agreed to use its influence to ensure. A five-hour window has not delivered and cannot deliver any meaningful improvement on the ground. Under-Secretary-General Lowcock has made clear that the United Nations cannot get humanitarian convoys in and out within that time frame, as has the International Committee of the Red Cross. Humanitarian pauses of a few meagre hours are no substitute for a sustained ceasefire, which is vital to ensuring the delivery of life-saving humanitarian assistance and medical evacuations. If Russia is able to deliver a five-hour pause, let it deliver a 24-hour pause, as it agreed on Saturday. Let us now take stock of the situation in Syria, and specifically in eastern Ghouta, where the situation is at its most desperate. Let us review if any real change has occurred in the past five days. Has the resolution been implemented? Has there been a ceasefire? Has there been any delivery of humanitarian aid or any medical evacuations? Has the adoption of the resolution brought any relief to the people of Syria? The fighting has not stopped. All of the main armed opposition groups have committed to the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). The Al-Assad regime has not, and has in fact ignored the resolution we adopted. Reports of attacks and air strikes by pro-regime forces continue. Twenty-two air strikes reportedly took place even during Russia's so-called humanitarian pause. And, as if it could not get any worse, there have been disturbing reports of the use of chlorine gas. Doctors in eastern Ghouta reported to the Syrian-American Medical Society that 16 patients, including six children, were suffering from symptoms 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 9/22 indicative of exposure to chemical compounds, following an alleged regime attack on Sunday — only one day after the resolution was adopted. Since Saturday not a single aid convoy has been able to access eastern Ghouta to provide relief to the desperate civilians. The World Health Organization estimates that 1,000 people are now in need of medical evacuation from eastern Ghouta. None have been evacuated since the resolution was adopted. The consequences of the failure to implement the resolution are clear: the casualties continue to rise and the horror continues. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reports at least 14 civilians, including three children, were killed on Sunday. In short, in the words of one doctor from eastern Ghouta, "Nothing has changed." It is the responsibility of us all to ensure that resolution 2401 (2018) is enacted in full. In the words of my Foreign Secretary, the Al-Assad regime must allow the United Nations to deliver humanitarian aid, in compliance with resolution 2401 (2018), and we look to Russia and Iran to make sure this happens, in accordance with their own promises. I implore all those with influence over the Syrian regime to act now to ensure that the ceasefire that they supported in the Chamber is implemented in full and immediately. To do anything less is an affront to the Council, the United Nations and the international system that we live by. We will continue to monitor the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and commit to returning to the Council regularly until we see it respected. Ms. Eckels-Currie (United States of America): Every time the Security Council attempts to address the humanitarian crisis in Syria, we take a small leap of faith. I say "we" in reference to the Security Council. I speak of faith because all Council members and most States Members of the United Nations still genuinely try to uphold the responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations, including abiding by and fully implementing Security Council resolutions. Despite the grim updates we heard today, we must maintain the hope that we can help the Syrian people. If we do not have that hope, we are wasting our time here. Just four days ago, the Security Council took another leap of faith. We adopted resolution 2401 (2018), demanding a 30-day ceasefire for all of Syria, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access to deliver desperately needed food and medical supplies, and immediate and unconditional medical evacuations based on need and emergency. Our goal was clear and simple. The Al-Assad regime and its supporters have been pummelling eastern Ghouta, where 400,000 people live under siege and constant bombardment. Resolution 2401 (2018) demanded that the assault stop. That was the Council speaking in one, clear voice. The opposition groups operating in eastern Ghouta have made clear their commitment to the ceasefire. The Free Syrian Army, Jaysh al-Islam, the Al-Rahman Legion and Ahrar al-Sham all committed to implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Against all odds, we hoped that Mr. Al-Assad might respect the resolution, cease hostilities and allow unfettered humanitarian access to all those who need it. Against all odds, we hoped that Russia would use its influence to ensure Mr. Al-Assad's commitment to resolution 2401 (2018). Once again, that hope has been crushed because so far, for the people of eastern Ghouta, nothing has changed. Despite the unanimous call for a ceasefire, the regime's attacks continue unabated. Hundreds of Syrians have been killed or injured since we adopted the resolution on Saturday. What is worse is that less than 24 hours after we demanded the ceasefire, there were reports that the Al-Assad regime again used chlorine gas as a weapon. Such attacks demonstrate Syria's complete and utter contempt for the Council and the United Nations. On Monday one human rights organization reported 18 attacks that defied the Council's demands. On Tuesday another organization reported at least 23 air strikes and four barrel bombs in eastern Ghouta. Syrians on the ground are reporting that Tuesday was worse than Monday with regard to strikes from the regime. How can that be? On the humanitarian front, as Mark Lowcock stated, the Al-Assad regime has allowed no deliveries of assistance into eastern Ghouta — not one. Opposition groups in the area have expressed their commitment to allowing aid in, but the Al-Assad regime still says no. Since we adopted resolution 2401 (2018), Russia has announced a daily five-hour humanitarian pause in the aerial bombing of civilians in eastern Ghouta, which is cynical, callous and in flagrant defiance of the demands of resolution 2401 (2018). The cessation of hostilities is for at least 30 days — every day, all day. Russia does not get to unilaterally rewrite the terms of the resolution. It negotiated it and voted for it. Russia, S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 10/22 18-05507 Iran and the Al-Assad regime are not even trying to hide their intentions. They are asking civilians to leave eastern Ghouta on the false premise that they can then attack anyone left in the area as much as they would like. Let us call the actions what they are. Mr. Al-Assad and his allies want the civilians of eastern Ghouta to walk into the arms of a regime that has been attacking and starving them for the past seven years. That is not a humanitarian gesture. They do not care if the 400,000 people of eastern Ghouta suffer, as long as they can continue to pursue their military and political objectives. We know what Iran, Syria and the Al-Assad regime are doing because they have done the same thing in the past. It is the same playbook they used for Aleppo in 2016. Once again, we, including Russia, demanded in the Security Council Chamber that Mr. Al-Assad stop the bombing, and yet Russia, Iran and Mr. Al-Assad continue their attacks, defying the wishes of the Council and of the international community. Because we have been through this before, we know what Russia will say today. It will say that there are terrorists in eastern Ghouta so that the Al-Assad regime can bomb as ferociously and indiscriminately as it wants and kill as many civilians as it wants. That defies the principles governing the laws of war. The Al-Assad regime should not be allowed to bomb and starve its own people into submission under the guise of counter-terrorism. That Russian argument makes a mockery of the Council and of international law. Russia also accuses the United States of somehow being responsible for humanitarian crises in Syria, but such accusations are ludicrous. The United States does not block humanitarian aid in any area. In fact, the United States has provided more than $7 billion in humanitarian aid in response to the crisis. The Council must not fall for Russia's misdirections. When the ceasefire was adopted unanimously on Saturday, including by the Russians, Ambassador Haley stated that our resolve to stand by our demands in the resolution would be tested. It has come to pass. Despite everything that has happened since Saturday, we are not casting aside the ceasefire in Syria; just the opposite. We would like to redouble our efforts in the Security Council to implement it, but the only way to change the situation on the ground is for all of us — every single one of us — around the table and each State Member of the United Nations to speak the truth about what is happening. The past four days should show us that when it comes to demanding a ceasefire, it is not enough to say that all parties should show restraint or commit to the ceasefire because in eastern Ghouta there is only one party dropping barrel bombs, gassing the Syrian people and denying deliveries of food and medical assistance. It is the Al-Assad regime, operating with the full support of Russia and Iran. On Saturday we stated that the only way to restore the credibility of the Council was to make the ceasefire a reality. Russia, Iran and the Al-Assad regime have not complied with the Council's demands and have not silenced their guns. Unless we take action, they will stop at nothing to destroy eastern Ghouta and we will again fail to help the Syrian people. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): First, let me thank Under-Secretaries-General Lowcock and Feltman for their briefings. In my statement I will address three points: implementation, implementation and implementation. First, I will speak about the implementation of the cessation of hostilities. Since the Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018) on Saturday, civilians are still dying in eastern Ghouta and elsewhere in Syria. The humanitarian disaster continues worsen. We need a full, nationwide cessation of hostilities and we need it now. The Russian proposal for a humanitarian corridor and pauses of five hours per day cannot be a substitute for a humanitarian pause of 30 consecutive days, as demanded in resolution 2401 (2018). Those five hours do not meet the obligations under the resolution and are not enough for the United Nations to be effective in delivering aid to the entire area of Ghouta, as Under- Secretary-General Lowcock just stated. We call upon the parties to the conflict and on those with influence on the parties to show decisive action and stop the violence. As Under-Secretary- General Feltman stated, three armed opposition groups in eastern Ghouta have announced that they are committed to fully implementing resolution 2401 (2018). We expect the regime to do the same. The air strikes, the shelling and the shooting must stop. For the credibility of the Council, it is crucial that its resolutions be fully implemented. That is the obligation of all States Members of the United Nations, under the Charter. 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 11/22 The Kingdom of the Netherlands repeats the call made by the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Federica Mogherini, to the Astana guarantors. She called on the Foreign Ministers of Russia, Iran and Turkey to "take all necessary steps to ensure that the fighting stops, the Syrian people are protected and that urgent humanitarian access and necessary medical evacuations are taking place". My second point is about the implementation of humanitarian access. Resolution 2401 (2018) calls for sieges of populated areas, including eastern Ghouta, to be lifted immediately, and demands safe, unimpeded and sustained access for humanitarian convoys. As Under-Secretary-General Lowcock just explained, the United Nations stands ready with 45 trucks to deliver essential aid to eastern Ghouta. But the necessary facilitation letters are still lacking, and the security conditions do not permit those deliveries. At this point, more than 1,000 people are in urgent need of medical care, but they are still trapped in eastern Ghouta. If they are not given the care they need in hospitals in Damascus or elsewhere, they may die. The United Nations and the Security Council have consistently pleaded for these medical evacuations, and yet there are still no developments with regard to them. We also need to see access to aid for those fleeing the fighting in Afrin. More generally, there should be delivery of humanitarian aid to the areas that are not under Government control. As Mr. Feltman just said, we should reach all who are in need, wherever they are. My third point is about implementing the protection of civilians. The exception on the cessation of hostilities in paragraph 2 of the resolution allows targeted action against terrorists who are designated as such by the Council. However, that does not mean that absolutely anything is allowed. International humanitarian law applies to all military combat operations and counter-terrorism actions. The principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution must be respected in all circumstances. The civilians in the conflict must be protected. There is talk of humanitarian corridors for civilians who want to leave eastern Ghouta, but evacuations should always be voluntary. We are concerned about the possibility that humanitarian corridors will be used for forced population transfers. Civilians cannot be forced to leave, and neither should they be forced to stay. If voluntary evacuations do take place, we will call on the United Nations to monitor them. Currently, the most urgent humanitarian situation is in eastern Ghouta and Idlib, but needs remain high elsewhere in Syria as well. We welcomed the January delivery of aid to Rukban, but we want to stress the importance of sustained access and a durable solution. As others have said today, the demining activities in Raqqa should be increased, and the Kingdom of the Netherlands is doing its part in that regard. The media coverage of the issue of the exploitation of Syrian women in exchange for aid is very disturbing. There should be no tolerance of such behaviour, as the Secretary-General and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs have already said. The probity of any United Nations implementing parties should be beyond any doubt. In conclusion, we must ensure that resolution 2254 (2015) is fully implemented. There can be no military solution to the conflict, and we call on all the parties to engage seriously in the United Nations-led political process as a matter of urgency. The suffering of the people of Syria has lasted for more than seven years. For the sake of the millions of women, children and men trapped in this horrendous war, it is high time that all parties started putting the protection, interests and well-being of the Syrian people on the top of their agenda. Yesterday, my Minister, Ms. Sigrid Kaag, said that humanitarian access and the protection of civilians are cornerstones of international humanitarian law. They are part of our shared values and shared humanity. The Security Council must do justice to those values and to our shared humanity. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We thank you for convening today's meeting, Mr. President, and for the briefings by Mr. Lowcock and Mr. Feltman on the situation in Syria. On Saturday, when we adopted resolution 2401 (2018) after long and complex negotiations, we highlighted the commitment that Council members have shown to achieving a humanitarian ceasefire in Syria. As we said at the time, it will be crucial to closely monitor its proper implementation and to maintain the Council's unity with regard to its responsibility to protect the civilian population, in line with international law and international humanitarian law. Four days in, we are still being forced to lament and condemn the attacks on civilians and to reiterate S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 12/22 18-05507 our calls for the immediate and comprehensive implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). As the Secretary-General has pointed out, Council resolutions make sense only if they are effectively implemented. The credibility of the Security Council as a whole, and of those of its members with the greatest potential influence on the ground in particular, is at stake. In the light of this, we want to emphasize that the cessation of hostilities that the Council has demanded clearly covers the whole of Syrian territory, including eastern Ghouta and Afrin, and should last for a minimum of 30 days. If we are to ensure that, in our view we should mobilize the International Syria Support Group's Ceasefire Task Force. It is essential to ensure that all the parties to the conflict comply with the ceasefire provided for in resolution 2401 (2018), and that the Council is able to closely monitor that compliance. In that regard, we support the four recommendations outlined by Sweden and Kuwait. We must remind the Syrian authorities of their responsibility to protect their people, and we firmly condemn the military operations in eastern Ghouta and other areas of the country that have continued even after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). However, we welcome the strenuous efforts of the Organization, and of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in particular, to prepare 45 trucks carrying supplies and ready to enter eastern Ghouta as soon as the necessary permits are granted. The first report on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) will be presented in less than two weeks, and we hope that it will be able to inform us that the humanitarian crisis caused by the Syrian conflict has been alleviated, because we cannot wait any longer. It is the Security Council's duty to continue working relentlessly to achieve what we have all unanimously agreed on. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): I very much appreciate today's clear and informative briefings by Mr. Lowcock and Mr. Feltman, and I would like to share a few thoughts from Poland's point of view. Since the Council's adoption on Saturday of resolution 2401 (2018), we have been seeing yet more extremely worrying developments on the ground. As I said in my last statement on the subject (see S/PV.8188), the heavy fighting in Syria has unfortunately not only continued but is increasing. In that context, we should persist in our efforts to take every possible action to ensure the resolution's full and safe implementation. We call on all to work to alleviate the suffering of civilians, including children, by giving them free and safe access to humanitarian assistance. That should include voluntary evacuation, which should be strictly overseen by the United Nations and its implementing partners and based solely on medical need, in order to ensure that the process is genuinely voluntary. We would like to stress that all the relevant actors should use all their influence to help to improve the conditions on the ground immediately. We urgently call for a cessation of hostilities throughout all of Syria for 30 days, as stipulated in resolution 2401 (2018). In that context, it is also important to note that the cessation of hostilities may also offer an opportunity for the talks being held under United Nations auspices in Geneva to gain momentum, so that a political solution can finally be reached. For that reason, we call on all parties to fulfil their commitments to the existing ceasefire agreements. It should be emphasized that the implementation of the ceasefire announced by resolution 2401 (2018) should ensure the safe entrance and stay of humanitarian and medical personnel without prejudice to their health or life. When such personnel enter hard-to-reach areas, we should know precisely how long they can stay while delivering assistance under the ceasefire, otherwise their lives could also be in danger. In conclusion, let me stress the importance of maintaining the unity of the Council on the question of the implementation of humanitarian resolutions. The unanimous adoption of the resolution is just the beginning of the process. We call on all actors with influence on the ground to take all steps necessary to ensure that the fighting stops, that the Syrian people are protected and, finally, that urgent humanitarian access is enabled and that the necessary medical evacuations can take place. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We thank Mr. Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, and Mr. Jeffrey Feltman, Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, for their respective briefings. Once again, we would like to say how appalled we are at the terrible situation suffered by the Syrian people, as the past two months have been the most violent since the start of the conflict, and civilians, primarily women and children, are the ones that are suffering the gravest consequences of this intensification of the war. We call the attention of the Security Council to the continuing 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 13/22 violations of international law, especially international humanitarian law and international human rights law, as these attacks have targeted civilian infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and homes. My delegation would like to express once again its gratitude to the delegations of Sweden and Kuwait for their work in promoting the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which imposes a cessation of hostilities throughout Syria, which is as urgent as it is necessary. We urge the parties to implement the resolution immediately in order to speed up access of humanitarian assistance without any restrictions, allow urgent medical evacuations and the entry of humanitarian convoys, and ensure the protection of hospitals and medical facilities, especially in eastern Ghouta, Idlib and north of Hama. We wish to underscore once again the need for continued cooperation and coordination among the Syrian Government and the various humanitarian assistance agencies, so that the delivery of humanitarian assistance can be effective, especially in hard-to-reach areas, and to prevent administrative obstacles from derailing or negatively affecting the deployment of the required humanitarian assistance. We also stress the need to begin, as soon as possible, humanitarian mine-clearing in areas that require it, in particular in the city of Raqqa, to allow the return in dignified and safe conditions of people who were forced to flee their homes because of the conflict. As we have stated previously, we believe that if our aim is to alleviate the suffering of the Syrian people in the face of armed violence, the Security Council has the major challenge of maintaining its unity so as to ensure that this organ's decisions are implemented. We reiterate that the solution to this conflict can be found only through an inclusive political process based on dialogue and coordination, led by the Syrian people and for the Syrian people, that will make it possible to reach a peaceful solution among all parties involved. With this in mind, we wish to highlight the various forums for dialogue, specifically the Astana process, at which de-escalation zones were agreed on that must be respected by all parties. We will be closely following the next round of the process. We wish also to highlight the other opportunities for dialogue that could make it possible to reach further compromises to achieve a definitive end to hostilities, such as the Sochi national dialogue, which is aimed at strengthening the Geneva political process, with respect for the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria and its right to choose its own political, economic and social system without any external pressure or interference. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): Côte d'Ivoire thanks Mr. Jeffrey Feltman and Mr. Mark Lowcock for their respective briefings on recent developments in the situation in Syria following the adoption by the Security Council of resolution 2401 (2018), on the humanitarian situation in Syria. My delegation commends the Secretary-General for his unstinting efforts as part of the political dialogue among the Syrian parties with the aim of arriving at a lasting solution to the protracted crisis ravaging that country. In that regard, my country welcomes the holding of intra-Syrian peace talks on 25 and 26 January in Vienna in the framework of the Geneva process, followed by the talks held in Sochi on 29 and 30 January. My delegation cherishes the hope that the proposals stemming from the Sochi talks, including the establishment of a committee tasked with drawing up a new constitution, will receive consistent attention from the international community, as part of the concerted quest to find a lasting solution to the crisis in Syria. The situation on the ground is deeply alarming. Military operations that include the use of non-conventional weapons are leading to mass displacements of people, the loss of human lives, injuries and the destruction of public infrastructure, including hospitals and schools. The grave humanitarian crisis spawned by the fighting led to the adoption by the Security Council this past Saturday, 24 February, of resolution 2401 (2018), with a view to the cessation without delay of hostilities for a 30-day period to enable the delivery of humanitarian assistance to people in need as well as medical evacuations. My delegation notes with regret that the adoption of the resolution did not contribute to restoring calm on the ground. The ceasefire proposed was short-lived, despite the numerous appeals for a cessation of hostilities. Even the very minimum one called for by the Russian Federation, an ally of the Damascus Government, on Monday 26 February did not lead to a positive response. Air raids and rocket launches continue on the ground, thereby obstructing the work of humanitarian personnel. S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 14/22 18-05507 We deplore the ongoing loss of life among humanitarian workers — 22 United Nations personnel and 66 staff members or volunteers of the International Red Cross — and we deplore also the material damage that has been wrought, which includes the destruction of 25 vehicles and 44 facilities, according to the information we have received. Nonetheless, Côte d'Ivoire welcomes the fact that United Nations humanitarian agencies and their partners have managed to assist people in need by conducting 1,567 deliveries. My country reaffirms that a resolution of the crisis in Syria must be part of an inclusive dialogue and political process, as set out in the road map under resolution 2254 (2015). In that regard, my country calls for full compliance with the 30-day ceasefire, in accordance with resolution 2401 (2018), which will not only allow humanitarian actors to respond to critical emergencies but also create the conditions for a return to the negotiating table by all parties to the Syrian crisis. To that end, Côte d'Ivoire urges the members of the Security Council to unite and surmount their differences in order to send a message of hope and solidarity of the international community to the Syrian people. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): As usual, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Mark Lowcock and Under- Secretary-General for Political Affairs Jeffrey Feltman just gave us detailed briefings on the humanitarian and political situation in Syria. Those were the first briefings to be delivered to the Security Council following the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), on 24 February. I take this opportunity to thank both Under-Secretaries-General, as well as to acknowledge the willingness of the United Nations and its partners to send convoys of trucks with the necessary humanitarian aid and begin medical evacuations as soon as conditions on the ground allow. As Secretary-General António Guterres said two days ago in his statement before the Human Rights Council, "Security Council resolutions are only meaningful if they are effectively implemented". The Republic of Equatorial Guinea hopes resolution 2401 (2018) is meaningful in that way in order to relieve the affected population of the suffering it has endured, especially in eastern Ghouta, that is, we hope for it to be immediately implemented. We want to reiterate that the Syrian conflict has no military solution. The opponents therefore must take a seat at the negotiating table to engage in direct and frank dialogue, without exclusions, however complicated it may be to do so. It must be the Syrians who determine the future they want for their country. The international community must redouble its efforts in making sure the opponents engage in negotiations, and the countries that have influence need to wield it to establish trust, with the ultimate goal of achieving lasting and just peace in Syria. We commend the intention expressed by the largest opposition groups — Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and Ahrar Al-Sham — to respect the ceasefire, and we invite all the other parties involved to take the same decision. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that the only reason that the humanitarian situation remains of concern is because the opponents do not agree on negotiating to reach a peace agreement, which consequently causes more civilian victims, leads to the destruction of hospital facilities and hampers humanitarian aid operations. The conflict has recently intensified around the town of eastern Ghouta and some other parts of Syria, which has resulted in civilian casualties, the destruction of a considerable number of medical and relief facilities and the obstruction of humanitarian relief operations led by the United Nations. Equatorial Guinea is very touched and horrified by the critical situation the Syrian people are experiencing, and we must not show indifference to so much pain and suffering. It is therefore imperative that the parties to the conflict implement and uphold the relevant Security Council resolutions, especially the most recent, resolution 2401 (2018), including allowing access to humanitarian aid, halting hostilities and ultimately, cooperating with the United Nations in its efforts to assuage the conflict and make humanitarian operations effective by ensuring aid deliveries reach the affected populations and evacuating the sick and seriously injured so that they can receive the necessary medical care. The international community, while striving to help Syria, must not forget the neighbouring countries that have welcomed refugees and shown a spirit of solidarity worthy of praise. I would like to conclude my statement by expressing well-deserved tribute to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and all those who work with it on the ground for their bravery and determination in fulfilling their humanitarian mission to deliver aid to 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 15/22 those in need. We encourage them to persist in their noble efforts. Mr. Tumysh (Kazakhstan): I join others in thanking Under-Secretary-General Lowcock and Under- Secretary-General Feltman for their comprehensive and sobering briefings. Kazakhstan welcomed the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). That document should be urgently implemented to ensure a comprehensive ceasefire in Syria. The ceasefire regime should be implemented fully, especially in the areas of eastern Ghouta, southern Idlib and northern Hama, to resolve their long-accumulated acute humanitarian problems, deliver aid to the most difficult regions and evacuate the wounded and sick. Turning to the situation on the ground in the country, according to our humanitarian colleagues, over the past 78 hours and to our deep regret, military operations continued to be reported in besieged eastern Ghouta, resulting in deaths, including women and children. Attacks on Damascus from eastern Ghouta are also continuing. To our great disappointment, a Syrian Arab Red Crescent warehouse in a Damascus suburb was reportedly struck by shelling. During the same period, attacks on the city of Damascus and the governorate resulted in 14 deaths and 214 injured. We are glad to know that the United Nations has mobilized and is ready to immediately support life-saving aid convoys in several areas in eastern Ghouta. We therefore call on the Council members and the wider United Nations membership to assist the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in operationalizing the delivery of humanitarian assistance in eastern Ghouta, as well as in carrying out hundreds of medical evacuations. We echo the United Nations calls on all parties to facilitate unconditional, unimpeded and sustained access to all people in need throughout the country and take all measures to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, including schools and medical facilities, as required by international law. It is equally important to ensure, in close coordination with OCHA, the protection of medical and humanitarian workers. We must also insist that parties support United Nation agencies in the fulfilment of their mandates. In that context, Kazakhstan proposes that all-round assistance be provided to the inter-Syrian negotiations through the Astana process and that positive developments be taken advantage of to improve the humanitarian situation. My country stands for a solution in Syria based on resolution 2254 (2015), the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and agreements on the de-escalation zones reached through the Astana process. We regret the lack of full agreement and close coordination among the key stakeholders in managing the Syrian crisis. We also attach great importance to strengthening the inter-Syrian political dialogue with greater support from the world community. Lastly, Kazakhstan notes the need to establish closer interaction among the leading stakeholders in Syria, in particular between the Russian Federation and the United States, to improve the political process and ensure positive changes on the humanitarian track. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Lowcock and Under-Secretary-General Feltman for their briefings. China commends the United Nations aid agencies for their humanitarian relief efforts in Syria. The security situation in various parts of Syria, including Damascus and eastern Ghouta, has escalated recently, causing significant civilian casualties. We sympathize profoundly with the suffering of the Syrian people and condemn all acts of violence against innocent civilians. The parties concerned should take immediate measures to de-escalate the tensions in line with the relevant Security Council resolutions. The Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) demonstrates the consensus and unity of its members on the humanitarian issue in Syria. We appreciate the positive efforts of the parties concerned. China welcomed Russia's announcement by Russia that it will implement the ceasefire measures and assist with the evacuation of people from conflict areas. We call on the parties in Syria to put an immediate end to hostilities in accordance with the resolution, actively coordinate with United Nations relief efforts and ensure safe humanitarian corridors in the relevant areas. A political settlement is the only viable solution to the Syrian issue. The Syrian National Dialogue Congress was recently held successfully in Sochi and has had positive results. Special Envoy de Mistura is making ongoing efforts to advance the Syrian political process. The international community should support the Syrian parties in resuming dialogue and negotiations under the auspices of United Nations mediation as soon S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 16/22 18-05507 as possible and in seeking a solution that is acceptable to all parties through a Syrian-owned and -led political process. That is the only way to fundamentally ease the humanitarian situation in Syria and end the suffering of the Syrian people without delay. Terrorist organizations are still launching attacks in Syria, causing significant civilian casualties and impeding United Nations humanitarian relief efforts. The international community should strengthen its cooperation on counter-terrorism, adopt unified standards and resolutely combat all terrorist organizations that are designated as such by the Security Council. Ms. Guadey (Ethiopia): We thank Under-Secretary- General Mark Lowcock and Under-Secretary-General Jeffrey Feltman for their comprehensive briefings. We would like to express our gratitude to the United Nations and its humanitarian partners for their continuing efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to millions of Syrians. As Mr. Lowcock said, the humanitarian crisis in Syria continues to be a devastating one. Military activities in various parts of the country, including eastern Ghouta, have affected the ability of the United Nations to deliver lifesaving assistance to all in need. As the report of the Secretary- General (S/2018/138) says, the conflict and other obstacles have had a disastrous effect on the level of humanitarian access. In order to address those challenges and to alleviate the Syrians' suffering, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018), demanding the institution without delay of a cessation of hostilities for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria so as to ensure the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services and medical evacuations. As we all emphasized on Saturday after welcoming the resolution's adoption (see S/PV.8186), what is now required is its full and comprehensive implementation with the immediate engagement of all parties and those with influence on them. Of course, we understand and appreciate the fact that the United Nations is ready to provide immediate humanitarian aid across the country. However, as Mr. Lowcock just highlighted, there are still military activities in various areas. In that regard, we call on all the parties to fully implement resolution 2401 (2018) for the sake of the Syrian people, who have continued to bear the brunt of the conflict for almost eight years. We appreciate any measure taken by Member States to facilitate the implementation of the ceasefire, including the humanitarian pause and humanitarian corridor announced by the Russian Federation. At the same time, it is obvious that more needs to be done to fully implement the resolution. It is therefore imperative to take urgent and coordinated action to bring about an immediate ceasefire, thereby ensuring that the United Nations and its humanitarian partners have safe, sustained and needs-based access in order to deliver humanitarian aid to all Syrians in need of assistance. In conclusion, it is ultimately a comprehensive, Syrian-led political solution, facilitated by the United Nations on the basis of resolution 2254 (2015), that can sustainably end the humanitarian tragedy in Syria. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We thank Under-Secretary-General Lowcock and Under-Secretary-General Feltman for their briefings. By the way, at the outset I would like to take advantage of this opportunity to ask Mr. Lowcock where the United Nations is getting its evidence and data on deaths in Damascus, for instance. According to the Syrian authorities' information, for example, just since 22 January, 12 people have died in Damascus, while the United Nations figure is 11 for the whole month. Where is he getting his information from? The White Helmets, maybe? Today, as has been usual recently, the United States delegation devoted its statement to Russia. It told us that it knew what we were going to say today, which it does not. And I am pleased about that, because it means that it did not see our statement before the meeting began. On 24 January, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018), in an important decision aimed at improving the humanitarian situation in Syria, especially in areas where the danger of military clashes remains or there are obstacles of one kind or another to the civilian population's access to essential assistance. Today many questions have been asked — emphatic questions, rhetorical questions, questions aimed directly at us. We answered the questions asked of us during our discussion at the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). There are a lot of people here who like to pick citations from the resolution that they like and forget the ones that do not suit them. If I may, I will quote two extracts from it, from paragraph 1 and paragraph 10. 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 17/22 (spoke in English) "Demands that all parties cease hostilities without delay, and engage immediately to ensure full and comprehensive implementation of this demand by all parties, for a durable humanitarian pause for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria, to enable the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and … medical evacuations". "[U]nderscores the need for the parties to agree on humanitarian pauses, days of tranquillity, localized ceasefires and truces to allow humanitarian agencies safe and unhindered access to all affected areas in Syria". (spoke in Russian) Has everyone read the resolution? We have said, and we will say it again, that any sustained pause must be preceded by an agreement between the parties on de-escalation. The demands that military activity end overnight are either the result of a misunderstanding of the realities or a deliberate exploitation of this human tragedy. The statement by the United States delegation simply rewrote resolution 2401 (2018). What sort of joint effort, such as the Permanent Representative of France called for today, can we talk about in these circumstances after what we heard today in the United States delegation's statement? Russia has announced the establishment in eastern Ghouta of daily five-hour humanitarian pauses. Everything possible is being done to ensure that they function successfully. Specifically, medical and temporary accommodation posts have been equipped, ambulance teams organized, motor transport provided. We call on the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross and other recognized humanitarian organizations to join these efforts. However, on the very first day, the militias took advantage of the announcement of the pause to go on the offensive. The same thing happened on the second day. The mortar shelling continued, including in the humanitarian operations corridors. Not a single person was able to leave the danger area. We took note of the relevant letters submitted on behalf of the illegal armed groups. We were told previously that the most convenient way of informing Council members about them was being sought. It has been found and it is indeed highly original — directly through the work e-mail addresses of all the political coordinators, meaning that someone deliberately sent the relevant contact information to dubious individuals from the ranks of the radical Syrian opposition. It is very similar to the situation that occurred when information about the closed negotiations on humanitarian resolutions became available to Western media agencies. However, we hope that the opposition leaders are serious and that their deeds will match their words. We are expecting clear guarantees in that regard from the militias' foreign sponsors, many of whom are seated around this table. The first thing that is needed is a definitive repudiation of the terrorist organizations. It has to be understood that terrorists continue to be a legitimate target of military operations, and we will not stand on ceremony with them. Overall, we have to decide on the most effective way to neutralize Jabhat Al-Nusra in eastern Ghouta. Why can't some members show a willingness to cooperate on that issue? Or do they not want to? The information background to this issue is overheated to the point of no return. If we had not adopted resolution 2401 (2018), it is difficult even to imagine what the Western media outlets would have made of it or how they would have portrayed Russia. But even now, when the resolution has been adopted, our Western partners act as if everything in it pertains solely to Damascus and Russia, and that its successful implementation depends almost entirely on the will of our two countries, while they, the self-styled champions of humanity, somehow imagine that they have an exclusive right to lecture us on the subject. In various media outlets, especially American ones, there have been false allegations that we mock the tragedy of this war and the situation in eastern Ghouta, and that we say that the campaign is exaggerated and fake. I will ask these humanistic gentlemen once again: Where were they when American aircraft blew Raqqa off the face of the Earth? Where were the cries and the hand-wringing? Months have passed since the terrorists were banished from that city and yet it is still uninhabitable. On top of that, there are new reports of 24 civilian casualties from Coalition air strikes in Deir ez-Zor province. Who are they — second-class citizens? Or when innocent people die from democratic bombs, is that somehow immaterial — perhaps even honourable? We urge the United Nations — in fact, we insist — to send an assessment mission to Raqqa as soon as possible, and that the Coalition, which is in de facto control of the area, give it all necessary support. We also expect that instead of establishing quasi- S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 18/22 18-05507 administrations in areas liberated from the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, the Coalition leadership will come up with a plan to turn them over to the central authorities, in consideration of the Security Council's repeated affirmations of Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. That would be a great deal more constructive than the relentless quest to find what is a non-existent basis in international law for maintaining its presence on Syrian territory. If Council members have interesting ideas on how to raise the profile of local Government and find effective ways to rebuild the ethnic and religious balance that existed before the war, they should present them to the Syrians in the negotiations in Geneva and let them decide the issues for themselves through the mediation of the United Nations. We also demand that the Coalition open humanitarian access to the territory it is occupying around the Al-Tanf military base in order to bring aid to the residents of the Rukban camp as soon as possible. By the way, that is also a provision of resolution 2401 (2018). It is not for nothing that we keep saying that what is going on is painfully reminiscent of the situation in eastern Aleppo when the West unleashed a wave of monstrous anti-Russian hysteria. We are the only country being asked to implement resolution 2401 (2018). We are being criticized for instituting humanitarian pauses. Some claim that there are not enough of them. Demands, demands, demands. For some reason, someone is always bossily demanding something of Russia. Britain's Foreign Secretary has altogether decided that he is the prosecutor who is threatening to punish our country. Apparently, he called for today's meeting to be convened. He said so himself. The Russian Centre for Reconciliation of Opposing Sides in the Syrian Arab Republic is making daily and hourly efforts to achieve a cessation of hostilities, establish humanitarian pauses and ease the suffering of civilians. May I ask what other members have done to implement resolution 2401 (2018)? Has even one of their countries lifted a finger? Have they brought their influence to bear on those whom they consider the moderate opposition? Have they persuaded them to lay down their weapons and stop taking hostages? The hugely complex issue that the Syrian conflict represents is being used for unscrupulous purposes. The rivers of tears roll down only when the next stronghold where militias and terrorists mingle is threatened, at which point an unheard-of level of action kicks in. The real aim is the regime, as some members like to refer to the lawful Syrian authorities. Any hint of its success in fighting terrorism on its own territory is a thorn in their side. They are ready to use any means to stop it. This is a warning. We know about the chemical evidence being fabricated in order to blame Damascus. We know about the meetings on the subject, where they are being held and who is taking part in them. Today we once again heard unsubstantiated allegations about the Syrian Government's use of chemical weapons. I am tired of asking if members understand the futility of Damascus using chemical weapons from both a military and a political point of view, and the completely believable probability of militias using chemical provocations. I think they do understand it perfectly, but they persist in seeking an excuse for military intervention. United States officials, and the head of the Foreign Office and others, have already talked about military strikes against Syria, and it is obvious where that intellectual activity is heading. We urge everyone to stop the dirty tricks and join the concerted efforts to alleviate the humanitarian situation in Syria by implementing the resolution we have just adopted. We hope that the United Nations generally and Mr. Lowcock personally, as Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, will rise to the occasion. We have circulated a draft presidential statement on the resolution's implementation. We have placed it under the silence procedure until 1 p.m., and we call on the Council to adopt it. We hope that there will be no objections before one o'clock. I will take the liberty of reading it out. (spoke in English) The Security Council, with reference to its resolution 2401 (2018), urges all parties to implement it and, to this end, further urges all armed groups and all Member States with influence on them to ensure the safety of the announced humanitarian corridors for evacuation from eastern Ghouta. The Security Council calls for the establishment of similar humanitarian corridors in Al-Tanf and Rukban. The Security Council requests the Secretary-General to expeditiously send a mission to Raqqa to assess humanitarian needs there. 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 19/22 (spoke in Russian) And by the way, we, like the other members of the Security Council, believe that there can only be a political solution to the Syrian conflict. We are doing everything we can to achieve that, and certainly somewhat more than those who have been spreading fire and fury today. We propose, as we have always proposed, that they join in these efforts, rather than throw up road blocks in an attempt to serve their own geopolitical agendas. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my national capacity. First of all, the delegation of Kuwait aligns itself to the statement made by the representative of Sweden on behalf of our two countries as co-penholders on the issue of Syria. We thank Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under- Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, and Mr. Jeffrey Feltman, Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, for their briefings. Four days after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which demands that all parties cease hostilities throughout Syrian territory for 30 days, I would like to make the following points. We have said from the outset that resolution 2401 (2018) is only the first step towards improving the humanitarian situation in Syria. However, to date we have not seen the implementation of the provisions of the resolution — not even a partial implementation — as we heard from Mr. Lowcock this morning, in particular in eastern Ghouta. The Council demonstrated unity in adopting the resolution and it is up to us now to ensure that all its provisions are implemented in full and immediately in order to alleviate the suffering of our brethren in Syria and to protect civilians. The resolution is binding on all, in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations. Secondly, we welcome the fact that the United Nations is ready to come to eastern Ghouta and other besieged areas so as to deliver all kinds of aid and assistance to those that need them. We call on all the parties to the conflict in Syria to uphold international humanitarian law and abide by the provisions of the resolution, which cover all the various aspects that are causing the daily suffering of the Syrian people. Thirdly, we underscore the importance of members of the Council making their contribution by spurring all the parties to the conflict in Syria to immediately implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018), keeping in mind that, as co-penholders, we are committed to closely follow its implementation, including ensuring a briefing by the Secretariat 15 days after the adoption of the resolution. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. In accordance with to rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): The Syrian Government has examined the forty-eighth monthly report of the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, and, yesterday morning, as usual, we sent a formal letter to the Secretary-General and to the President of the Security Council setting forth the position of the Syrian Government on the report. We are realistic. We know well that the United Nations is not a charitable organization. That is clear given that it has been unable to implement the principles of the Charter and international law since its inception — and the Palestinian question is a case in point. There have been other failures by the United Nations: in Iraq, Libya, the former Yugoslavia, Grenada — for those who have forgotten Grenada — Nicaragua, and the list goes on. However, I hope we can preserve the United Nations as an organization even as it continues to lack charitability. I would now like to make the following points. First, the Syrian Government is fully committed to the principles of international law and international humanitarian law, as well as Syrian law and the Syrian Constitution, all of which stipulate that the Syrian Government has the responsibility to ensure the safety and security of Syrian citizens and protect them from terrorist groups. Secondly, the current report, just like previous reports, has a great flaw, namely, that the authors of the report continue to rely on politicized sources, open sources and unreliable figures. At the same time, the report continues to ignore credible Government sources and even the reports issued by the representatives of the United Nations in Syria. Those representatives, along with the reports they have submitted to the United Nations in New York, acknowledge the efforts S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 20/22 18-05507 of the Syrian Government and its cooperation on the humanitarian issue. However, none of this information that reaches New York appears to be mentioned in the report, as if by miracle. Thirdly, the Syrian Government condemns the authors of the report — the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs — especially after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), for their failure to mention the Turkish aggression against the Syrian city of Afrin. That aggression has claimed the lives of many people, including women and children, destroyed public and private facilities and has led to the displacement of the city's inhabitants and a severe shortage of humanitarian goods. However, Afrin is not eastern Ghouta, eastern Aleppo, Fo'ah or Kefreya. Fourthly, the Syrian Government fully rejects the failure of the authors of the report to mention the catastrophic impact of the so-called International Coalition and its members. The Coalition, which has claimed the lives of hundreds of civilians and members of the Syrian forces who are fighting Da'esh, committed two new massacres yesterday that claimed the lives of 29 civilians and injured dozens, most of them women and children, in the villages of Sha'fa and Thahret Allouni in eastern Deir ez-Zor. It appears that the International Coalition is focused on this part of eastern Deir ez-Zor because it is home to civilians who do not host Da'esh or Al-Nusra Front terrorists. The Coalition has also destroyed the city of Raqqa, as my colleague the representative of the Russian Federation just noted. My Government calls once again for dismantling this illegitimate aggressive Coalition and for an immediately stop to its crimes against the Syrian people. The Russian military issued a communiqué today saying that the areas under the control of the allies and agents of the United States in Syria are witnessing the worst humanitarian crisis currently in the country. Those areas have become black holes, just like the black holes in outer space. With regard to the situation in eastern Ghouta, the Syrian Government believes that the current deterioration in the situation is due to the fact that terrorist groups there have launched attacks against residential zones and military targets. Up until yesterday, they had launched more than 2,180 missiles and mortars against the city of Damascus. Those attacks claimed the lives of 66 civilians and injured 474 others. Government forces have been forced to respond to those attacks and to carry out their constitutional responsibility in guaranteeing security and safety for the citizens. My Government condemns the use, by the authors of the report, of the term "besieged areas" when considering the situation in eastern Ghouta, in rural Damascus. Under pressure from influential countries in and outside of the Council, they continue to deliberately ignore the fact that people in eastern Ghouta are besieged from within by the various armed terrorist organizations operating there. Those terrorist organizations are exploiting civilians and using them as human shields. They are seizing and monopolizing humanitarian assistance, distributing the aid to their supporters or selling it at exorbitant prices, as was the case in eastern Aleppo. Syria regrets the failure of the authors of the report to refer to the suffering of thousands of kidnapped people who are in eastern Ghouta prisons and other places where the terrorist groups are spread. The kidnapped people include women, children and elderly. These people were kidnapped from their homes and places of work and have been subjected to the worst forms of torture. There are civilians, including from city of Adra and from Latakia, who were kidnapped from their homes five years ago. The Syrian Government also condemns the statements by the Secretariat and reports of the Secretary-General, which continue up till now to disregard the suffering of 8 million civilians in the capital Damascus as a result of hundreds of missiles and mortars launched daily from terrorist groups within eastern Ghouta. The accusations by the authors of the report, like those of the Western countries that have influence on them, that the Syrian Government is allegedly besieging Ghouta have been consistently refuted. They have proven to be unfounded, as we have seen in recent reports noting that the Saudi regime provided "aid" to eastern Ghouta in February. That proves, first, that eastern Ghouta is not besieged and, secondly, that it is possible to access it. In particular, the terrorist groups in Ghouta continue to receive arms and munitions from Governments that support terrorism, including Saudi Arabia's so-called humanitarian assistance. The Syrian Government is more committed than anyone to protecting its citizens across Syria. In that 28/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8195 18-05507 21/22 regard, it has taken all necessary measures to protect its citizens and to respond to the attacks of terrorist groups in eastern Ghouta. We have sought to protect these civilians from the terrorists by establishing a humanitarian corridor to ensure their exit from eastern Ghouta. We announced the humanitarian corridor only hours after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) in order to ensure the safety of civilians — in cooperation with our Russian friends and allies. We have provided them with shelter, food, medicine and medical care at the expense of the Syrian Government, not the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. The Syrian Government has also called on members of the armed groups to lay down their weapons, cease their terrorist activities inside residential areas and engage in national reconciliation efforts. However, those terrorist groups, including the Al-Nusra Front, Jaysh al-Islam and Faylak ar-Rahman, have forcibly prevented civilians from reaching the corridor, as some members of the Council may know. They also sought to target the humanitarian corridor after it was announced, through the use of mortars. As for the letter sent by the terrorist Mohamed Alloush, it is a clear indication that he rejects the exit of civilians from Ghouta. It is clear that he wants to use them as human shields. There seems to be a new trend in the United Nations to circulate a letter from a terrorist group as an official document. That is an innovation at the United Nations. There is no respect for the Member States concerned. We have followed closely the way resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted and today's statements and briefings. We can clearly say that the main goal behind the adoption of the resolution is neither to reach a clear truce or ceasefire, as some may claim, nor to protect civilians and meet their needs. The main goal was to use the Security Council once again as a means to prevent any progress by the Syrian army and its allies in the fight against the terrorist groups that are targeting the city of Damascus. I say that for the thousandth time. How else to explain the fact that the resolution fails to refer to any Council resolution on counter-terrorism? Who can explain to us the strong resistance of some States during the negotiations on the draft resolution to any text that excludes Da'esh, the Al-Nusra Front and the terrorist groups affiliated with them from the supposed ceasefire? For three days, the Council has continued to negotiate the issue of whether to include or exclude them. The false humanitarian propaganda on the situation in eastern Ghouta coincided with another campaign under the supervision of the United States, claiming the use of chemical weapons again in Syria, in areas under the exclusive control of terrorists or, I should say, the White Helmets. Today, The New York Times published a Tin-Tin style, childish report claiming that there is cooperation on the chemical issue between my country and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The article is a full-page report on the front page of The New York Times. It seeks to tarnish the image of the Syrian Government and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. It ends by saying that this information is not substantiated. "Though experts who viewed the report said the evidence it cited did not prove definitively that there was current, continuing collaboration between North Korea and Syria on chemical weapons." That is a word-for-word quote from The New York Times. It seems that The New York Times is not up to date on what is going on in the world. It seems that the New York Times does not know that the American vessel, the MV Cape Ray, destroyed the chemical arsenal voluntarily submitted by the Syrian Government after joining the Chemical Weapons Convention and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), as a full member. That is old information, déjà vu, as is said in French. However, it seems that The New York Times has decided to address this issue today. I will read a communiqué that we received just now of information that I think should be taken into consideration when addressing the issue of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. And I can tell the Council that terrorists will use chemical weapons in Syria. On the morning of 20 February, four days ago, three Turkish trucks carrying chlorine entered Idlib governorate through the Bab Al-Hawa crossing. I think that The New York Times should verify that information. Two trucks stopped in the village of Qalb Loze in Idlib, and the third continued its way to Al-Habit village in northern Idlib. Information available to the Syrian Government points to the fact that terrorists are currently preparing for a chemical weapon using the substance of chlorine on a large scale and to then accuse the Syrian Arab Army of using such weapons. Those terrorists have clear instructions from Western and Turkish intelligence to fabricate a chemical attack before 13 March, because S/PV.8195 The situation in the Middle East 28/02/2018 22/22 18-05507 it is on that date that the eighty-seventh session of the Executive Council of the OPCW will be held. According to the information I received just now, the two trucks are currently in the school of Qalb Loze village. Other cars and terrorists are also currently in the school, which they have turned into a warehouse for chemical weapons. As for the third truck, it is currently in a centre belonging to the Hay'at Tahrir Al-Sham, which is a Turkish agent, in the north-eastern part of Al-Habit village. A vast number of terrorists are currently unloading the truck there. In providing the Security Council with this information, we affirm that these terrorists, at the instructions of their operators, will use these chemical weapons before 13 March. The main responsibility for ending hostilities lies with those countries that have real influence with terrorist groups in Ghouta and other parts of Syria. They should compel these terrorist groups to stop their terrorist activities and allow civilians to leave those areas, which are used by these groups as a base to launch their terrorist attacks. There is in this Organization a group of five countries that are shedding tears over the humanitarian situation in Syria. Unfortunately, some of them are members of the Council. They have invited Member States to watch a movie about the White Helmets, two days from now in the Economic and Social Council Chamber here at the United Nations. Some members of the Council are advocating for a group that has been designated as a terrorist group by the Council. I hope that the Council will address the information I have provided seriously and appropriately. The President (spoke in Arabic): As this is the last scheduled meeting of the Council for the month of February, I would like to express the sincere appreciation of the delegation of Kuwait to the members of the Security Council, especially my colleagues the Permanent Representatives, their respective staff and to the secretariat of the Council for all the support they have given to us. Indeed, February has been a busy month, and one in which we rallied to consensus on several important issues within our purview. We could not have done it alone or without the hard work, support and positive contributions of all the delegations and the representatives of the Secretariat, as well as all the relevant conference service officers, interpreters, translators and security staff. As we end our presidency, I know I speak on behalf of the Council in wishing the delegation of the Netherlands good luck in the month of March. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject. The meeting rose at 12.45 p.m.

Actualmente se ha universalizado el modelo jurisdiccional de justicia constitucional y, al mismo tiempo, se ha venido produciendo un incremento de sus funciones. Ello ha generado la «objeción contramayoritaria» de algunos sectores doctrinales que cuestionan una supuesta falta de legitimidad democrática de los órganos de justicia constitucional. A pesar de que nuestro Tribunal Constitucional gozó en origen de un alto grado de aceptación por parte de todos (en buena medida por el hecho de haberse establecido, al igual que el Tribunal de Garantías de la II República, tras un periodo de dictadura) en la última década ha tenido que enfrentar la campaña de descredito orquestada contra él por parte de la clase política independentista catalana, la falta de prudencia (también en la redacción de votos particulares) que recientemente han mostrado algunos magistrados, la desnaturalización que supuso las funciones a él atribuidas por la L.O 15/2015, el agravamiento de algunos problemas de configuración que arrastra desde su origen (entre los que destaca el colapso que, de sus medios personales y materiales, genera el tratamiento de todos los recursos de amparo que, incluso después de la aprobación de la L.O 6/2007, siguen registrándose cada año en la sede del Tribunal), y los problemas político-jurídicos que provoca el modo de renovación de los magistrados. En este trabajo se pretende ofrecer una perspectiva teórica y comparada de los retos de la justicia constitucional a nivel global que sirva como base a una reflexión acerca de nuestro Tribunal Constitucional y de las eventuales mejoras que, tras cuarenta años de funcionamiento, podría ser recomendable llevar a cabo. En concreto, se ha enfatizado la función política que, en el sentido de protección de las minorías políticas y árbitro de los conflictos territoriales le corresponde al supremo custodio constitucional, ya que el positivismo jurídico dominante en las ciencias constitucionales de nuestro país ha impedido el desarrollo de la justicia constitucional o Derecho Procesal Constitucional como disciplina científica, provocando la ausencia de un corpus teórico que pudiera servir de escudo legitimador al Tribunal Constitucional frente a los ataques recientemente recibidos. Resolver las cuestiones de carácter más interno mencionadas resulta imprescindible para, a posteriori, enfrentar los dos retos más importantes de carácter supranacional a los que debe hacer frente nuestro sistema de justicia constitucional: por un lado, su inserción en un sistema europeo de protección de derechos, para lo que deberá mostrarse más favorable al diálogo con el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea de lo que lo ha hecho en el pasado; por otro, redefinir su posición como garante de derechos ante los nuevos roles (incluido el control de convencionalidad) asumido por los jueces y tribunales ordinarios. ; Currently, the jurisdictional model of constitutional justice has been universalized and, at the same time, an increase in its functions has been taking place. This has generated the «counter-majority difficulty» of some doctrinal sectors that question an alleged lack of democratic legitimacy of the constitutional justice bodies. Despite the fact that our Constitutional Court originally enjoyed a high degree of acceptance by all (largely due to the fact that it had been established, like the Tribunal of Guarantees of the Second Republic, after a period of dictatorship) in The last decade has had to face the discredit campaign orchestrated against him by the Catalan independence political class, the lack of prudence (also in the writing of private votes) that some magistrates have recently shown, the denaturation that supposed the functions to he attributed by LO 15/2015, the aggravation of some configuration problems that dragged from its origin (among which stands out the collapse that, from his personal and material means, generates the treatment of all the protection resources that, even after of the approval of LO 6/2007, continue to be registered every year at the headquarters of the Court), and the political-legal problems caused by l way of renewal of magistrates. This paper aims to offer a theoretical and comparative perspective of the challenges of constitutional justice at a global level that serves as a basis for reflection on our Constitutional Court and the possible improvements that, after forty years of operation, it might be advisable to bring finished. Specifically, the political function that, in the sense of protection of political minorities and arbitrator of territorial conflicts, corresponds to the supreme constitutional custodian has been emphasized, since the dominant legal positivism in the constitutional sciences of our country has impeded development of constitutional justice or Constitutional Procedural Law as a scientific discipline, causing the absence of a theoretical body that could serve as a legitimating shield for the Constitutional Court against the attacks recently received. Resolving the most internal issues mentioned above is essential to, a posteriori, face the two most important supranational challenges that our constitutional justice system must face: on the one hand, its insertion into a European system of protection of rights , for which he will have to be more favorable to the dialogue with the Court of Justice of the European Union than he has done in the past; on the other, redefine its position as guarantor of rights before the new roles (including control of conventionality) assumed by ordinary judges and courts.

The aim of the article is to provide a complex survey of the American broadcasting station "Voice of America's" history since its establishment to the beginning of the XXI century. The methodology of the research is based on combination of the general and special historical methods and principles of historical cognition, namely scientificity, historicism, systematicity, objectivity. The principles of historicism, systematicity and scientificity provide for tracing the activity of "Voice of America" and its causal relationships with the historical and political background and, in particular, the foreign policy agenda of the US government. The objectivity principle is involved while highlighting the activity of the broadcasting station. Alongside with the critical analysis of the source base, it stands for defining the conceptual background of "Voice of America's" operation, its regularities and certain aspects. The principle of systematicity makes it possible to create a holistic image of a broadcaster's activity in 1940-ies-at the beginning of the XXI century. Taking into account the specifics of the topic, the article employs an interdisciplinary approach actualized due to categorial and scientific-research instruments of other social and humanitarian sciences, particularly politology. The scientific novelty of the article is attained by a pioneer attempt in the Ukrainian historiography to conduct a complex analysis of "Voice of America's" activity throughout its history. The results obtained by the author prove that "Voice of America" has been an important constituent of the US policy in the global information space. Thereat, it is not a representative of a certain power or public group, the activity of journalists and editorial offices in forming the information content is independent and based on the principles of journalism ethics. Due to this factor, the broadcasting station has a reputation of an independent and reliable source of topical and balanced information. "Voice of America" has adapted to the qualitative transformations in the globalization epoch information space in the course of XX-XXI centuries and turned into a powerful multimedia system attracting the largest audience in the world. ; Метою даної публікації є комплексний огляд історії американської радіостанції «Голос Америки» від її створення у 1941 р. до початку ХХІ століття. Методологія наукового дослідження базується на поєднанні загальнонаукових і спеціальних історичних методів та таких принципів історичного пізнання як науковість, історизм, системність, об'єктивність. Спираючись на принципи історизму, системності й науковості вдалося простежити діяльність «Голосу Америки» та її причинно-наслідкові зв'язки з історичним і політичним контекстом, зокрема зовнішньополітичною лінією уряду США. При висвітленні діяльності радіостанції було застосовано принцип об'єктивності. Поряд з критичним аналізом джерельної бази це дозволило з'ясувати концептуальні засади роботи «Голосу Америки», її закономірності та окремі аспекти. Принцип системності допоміг сформувати цілісну картину діяльності мовника у 1940-х рр. – на початку ХХІ ст. Також, зважаючи на специфіку теми, було застосовано міждисциплінарний підхід, реалізований через використання категоріального апарату та науково-дослідного інструментарію інших суспільно-гуманітарних наук, зокрема політології. Наукова новизна роботи полягає у тому, що в ній уперше в українській історіографії здійснено спробу комплексного розгляду діяльності «Голосу Америки» впродовж його історії. У результаті дослідження авторка приходить до висновку, що радіостанція «Голос Америки» була і залишається важливою складовою політики США в світовому інфопросторі. При цьому вона не є речником певної владної чи суспільної групи, робота її журналістів та редакцій у формуванні інформаційного контенту є незалежною та ґрунтується на принципах журналістської етики. Це забезпечило мовнику репутацію незалежного і достовірного джерела актуальної та збалансованої інформації. «Голос Америки» зумів не лише успішно адаптуватися до якісних змін в інформаційному просторі в епоху глобалізації на зламі ХХ–ХХІ століть, а й перетворився на найпотужнішу мультимедійну систему, що має одну з найбільших аудиторій в світі. ; Celem danej publikacji jest kompleksowy przegląd historii amerykańskiej radiostacji "Głos Ameryki" od jej powstania w 1941 r. do początku XXI wieku. Metodologia badań naukowych opiera się na połączeniu ogólnonaukowych i specjalnych metod historycznych oraz zasad poznania historycznego, takich jak naukowość, historyzm, systematyczność, obiektywność. Opierając się o zasady historyzmu, systematyczności i naukowości, udało się prześledzić działalność radiostacji "Głos Ameryki" oraz jej związki przyczynowo-skutkowe w kontekście historycznym i politycznym, między innymi w polityce zagranicznej rządu USA. Zasada obiektywności została zastosowana w zakresie działalności radiostacji. Wraz z krytyczną analizą bazy źródłowej pozwoliło nam to poznać koncepcyjne podstawy "Głos Ameryki", jej prawidłowośсi i poszczególne aspekty. Zasada systematyczności pomogła stworzyć całościowy obraz działalności stacji w latach 40. XX wieku – na początku XXI wieku. Biorąc również pod uwagę specyfikę tematu, zastosowano podejście interdyscyplinarne, realizowane za pomocą aparatu kategorialnego i narzędzi badawczych innych nauk społecznych i humanistycznych, w szczególności politologii. Oryginalnością naukową pracy jest to, że po raz pierwszy w ukraińskiej historiografii podjęto próbę kompleksowego rozważenia działalności "Głos Ameryki" w całej jej historii. W wyniku przeprowadzonych badań autorka stwierdza, że stacja radiowa "Głos Ameryki" była i pozostaje ważnym elementem polityki USA w światowej przestrzeni informacyjnej. Jednocześnie nie jest rzecznikiem określonej grupy rządowej lub społecznej, a praca jej dziennikarzy i redaktorów w zakresie tworzenia treści informacyjnych jest niezależna i oparta na zasadach etyki dziennikarskiej. Dzięki temu rozgłośnia zyskała reputację niezależnego i wiarygodnego źródła aktualnych i wyważonych informacji. "Głos Ameryki" nie tylko z powodzeniem dostosowała się do zmian jakościowych w przestrzeni informacyjnej w erze globalizacji na przełomie XX i XXI wieku, ale także stała się najpotężniejszym systemem multimedialnym z jedną z największych widowni na świecie

The aim of the article is to provide a complex survey of the American broadcasting station "Voice of America's" history since its establishment to the beginning of the XXI century. The methodology of the research is based on combination of the general and special historical methods and principles of historical cognition, namely scientificity, historicism, systematicity, objectivity. The principles of historicism, systematicity and scientificity provide for tracing the activity of "Voice of America" and its causal relationships with the historical and political background and, in particular, the foreign policy agenda of the US government. The objectivity principle is involved while highlighting the activity of the broadcasting station. Alongside with the critical analysis of the source base, it stands for defining the conceptual background of "Voice of America's" operation, its regularities and certain aspects. The principle of systematicity makes it possible to create a holistic image of a broadcaster's activity in 1940-ies-at the beginning of the XXI century. Taking into account the specifics of the topic, the article employs an interdisciplinary approach actualized due to categorial and scientific-research instruments of other social and humanitarian sciences, particularly politology. The scientific novelty of the article is attained by a pioneer attempt in the Ukrainian historiography to conduct a complex analysis of "Voice of America's" activity throughout its history. The results obtained by the author prove that "Voice of America" has been an important constituent of the US policy in the global information space. Thereat, it is not a representative of a certain power or public group, the activity of journalists and editorial offices in forming the information content is independent and based on the principles of journalism ethics. Due to this factor, the broadcasting station has a reputation of an independent and reliable source of topical and balanced information. "Voice of America" has adapted to the qualitative transformations in the globalization epoch information space in the course of XX-XXI centuries and turned into a powerful multimedia system attracting the largest audience in the world. ; Метою даної публікації є комплексний огляд історії американської радіостанції «Голос Америки» від її створення у 1941 р. до початку ХХІ століття. Методологія наукового дослідження базується на поєднанні загальнонаукових і спеціальних історичних методів та таких принципів історичного пізнання як науковість, історизм, системність, об'єктивність. Спираючись на принципи історизму, системності й науковості вдалося простежити діяльність «Голосу Америки» та її причинно-наслідкові зв'язки з історичним і політичним контекстом, зокрема зовнішньополітичною лінією уряду США. При висвітленні діяльності радіостанції було застосовано принцип об'єктивності. Поряд з критичним аналізом джерельної бази це дозволило з'ясувати концептуальні засади роботи «Голосу Америки», її закономірності та окремі аспекти. Принцип системності допоміг сформувати цілісну картину діяльності мовника у 1940-х рр. – на початку ХХІ ст. Також, зважаючи на специфіку теми, було застосовано міждисциплінарний підхід, реалізований через використання категоріального апарату та науково-дослідного інструментарію інших суспільно-гуманітарних наук, зокрема політології. Наукова новизна роботи полягає у тому, що в ній уперше в українській історіографії здійснено спробу комплексного розгляду діяльності «Голосу Америки» впродовж його історії. У результаті дослідження авторка приходить до висновку, що радіостанція «Голос Америки» була і залишається важливою складовою політики США в світовому інфопросторі. При цьому вона не є речником певної владної чи суспільної групи, робота її журналістів та редакцій у формуванні інформаційного контенту є незалежною та ґрунтується на принципах журналістської етики. Це забезпечило мовнику репутацію незалежного і достовірного джерела актуальної та збалансованої інформації. «Голос Америки» зумів не лише успішно адаптуватися до якісних змін в інформаційному просторі в епоху глобалізації на зламі ХХ–ХХІ століть, а й перетворився на найпотужнішу мультимедійну систему, що має одну з найбільших аудиторій в світі. ; Celem danej publikacji jest kompleksowy przegląd historii amerykańskiej radiostacji "Głos Ameryki" od jej powstania w 1941 r. do początku XXI wieku. Metodologia badań naukowych opiera się na połączeniu ogólnonaukowych i specjalnych metod historycznych oraz zasad poznania historycznego, takich jak naukowość, historyzm, systematyczność, obiektywność. Opierając się o zasady historyzmu, systematyczności i naukowości, udało się prześledzić działalność radiostacji "Głos Ameryki" oraz jej związki przyczynowo-skutkowe w kontekście historycznym i politycznym, między innymi w polityce zagranicznej rządu USA. Zasada obiektywności została zastosowana w zakresie działalności radiostacji. Wraz z krytyczną analizą bazy źródłowej pozwoliło nam to poznać koncepcyjne podstawy "Głos Ameryki", jej prawidłowośсi i poszczególne aspekty. Zasada systematyczności pomogła stworzyć całościowy obraz działalności stacji w latach 40. XX wieku – na początku XXI wieku. Biorąc również pod uwagę specyfikę tematu, zastosowano podejście interdyscyplinarne, realizowane za pomocą aparatu kategorialnego i narzędzi badawczych innych nauk społecznych i humanistycznych, w szczególności politologii. Oryginalnością naukową pracy jest to, że po raz pierwszy w ukraińskiej historiografii podjęto próbę kompleksowego rozważenia działalności "Głos Ameryki" w całej jej historii. W wyniku przeprowadzonych badań autorka stwierdza, że stacja radiowa "Głos Ameryki" była i pozostaje ważnym elementem polityki USA w światowej przestrzeni informacyjnej. Jednocześnie nie jest rzecznikiem określonej grupy rządowej lub społecznej, a praca jej dziennikarzy i redaktorów w zakresie tworzenia treści informacyjnych jest niezależna i oparta na zasadach etyki dziennikarskiej. Dzięki temu rozgłośnia zyskała reputację niezależnego i wiarygodnego źródła aktualnych i wyważonych informacji. "Głos Ameryki" nie tylko z powodzeniem dostosowała się do zmian jakościowych w przestrzeni informacyjnej w erze globalizacji na przełomie XX i XXI wieku, ale także stała się najpotężniejszym systemem multimedialnym z jedną z największych widowni na świecie

Flood is one of the most well-known phenomena in the Central Vietnam where Da Nang city is located. As the most area in the central coastal part, this city frequently suffers to flood without any prevented structure like sea dike or river levee. The only thing that can help to the response for flood is emergency plans. Therefore, flooding still causes great damages to the economic development and social stability in this region. For ensuring the sustainable development of Da Nang city under the impacts of climate change and sea level rising, it requests a change in direction of the solution, from the flood control to the adaptation and living with floods through spatial planning to make a good condition for optimal drainage corridors. This paper suggests a design flood drainage corridors for Da Nang city that was developed by combining of mathematical model, GIS, hydro-meteorological documents of Vu Gia - Thu Bon basin from 2009 to present. These proposal solutions include (i) widening of the riverbed and providing a river corridor protection along both river banks; (ii) creating of drainage channels for the land between the rivers and (iii) creating of space for floodwater in an appropriate time. The result was so good and it helps to reduce the flood in Da Nang from 5% to 10%. Therefore this would be a scientific basis for identifying the flood drainage corridors of other river basins in the central coastal region without typical dike cover.ReferencesBruun et al., 2013 On the Frontiers of Climate and Environmental Change: Vulnerabilities and Adaptation in Central Vietnam, Springer Verlag, Berlin, Germany.CCFSC (Central Committee for Flood and Storm Control), 2005. "National Report on Disasters in Vietnam.", the World Conference on Disaster Reduction, January 18–22, Kobe-Hyogo, Japan.Da Nang Statistical Office, 2016. Statistical Yearbook, Statistical publishing house, Hanoi.Da Nang University of Science and Technology, 2014. Project of Da Nang Hydrology and Urban Development Simulation Model supported by Rockefeller, Stored report of the Climate Change Coordination Office, Da Nang.Da Nang City Steering Board for Storm and Flood Prevention and Search and Rescue, Resume of the Flood Prevention and Search and Rescue works from 2000 to 2016, Stored report of the Office of People's Committee of Da Nang city.Dang Thi Kim Nhung, 2016. Review of flood prevention planning in the central provinces from Quang Binh to Binh Thuan. Proceedings of the 55th anniversary of InstituteofWater Resources Planning, Hanoi.Decision No. 2357/QD-TTG dated 04 December 2013 approving the adjustment of general planning of Da Nang city by 2030 with a vision toward 2050.Decree No. 43/2015/ND-CP dated on 6 May 2015. Hanoi establishment and management of water source protection corridors.DHI Dan Mach, 2011. MIKE 11(RR+HD) - A Modelling system for rivers and channels, User guide.DHI Dan Mach, 2011. MIKE 21- Flow Model FM, User guide.Dinh Phung Bao, 2013. The study using GIS for flood prevention mapping system in Vu Gia-Thu Bon river basin, Stored report of the Mid-Central regional hydrometeorological center, Da Nang.FEMA, 1995. Managing Floodplain Development in Approximate Zone A Areas - A Guide for Obtaining and Developing Base Flood (100-year) Flood Elevations - FEMA 265.Floodway: https://www.fema.gov/floodplain-management/floodway#0.Hoang Ngoc Tuan, 2016. Comprehensive assessment of resistance of surface water resource to the climate change of the city, Stored report of Climate Change Coordination Office, Da Nang.Hoang Thai Binh, 2017. Determination of flood drainage corridor in the downstream area of Vu Gia - Thu Bon river (in Da Nang city) when the hydropower system in the upper in operation in the context of climate change. Final report of project's code VAST-NĐP.12/15-16, Hanoi.JICA, 2009. Report Project for Building Disaster Resilient Societies in Central Regions of Vietnam.LUCCI, 2015. Study on the land use and climate change interactions in Central Vietnam, http://www.lucci-vietnam.info/vn/.Ministry of natural resources and environment, 2016. Climate change, sea level rise scenarios for Vietnam.NRWA Waterways Section And BG&E Pty LTD, 2006. Floodway Design Guide, Government of Western Australia.Nguyen Kim Loi, 2016. The support system for Flood warning (case study in Vu Gia - Thu Bon river basin, Quang Nam province), Agricultural Publishing House, Hanoi.SRV (Socialist Republic of Vietnam), 2007. National Strategy for Natural Disaster Prevention, Response and Mitigation to 2020. November 16. Hanoi, VietnamTran Tuan, Bui Dung, 2012. The.Natural Disasters in Vietnam A SYNTHESIS FROM A SOCIOECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE, 179-198.Vu Thi Thu Lan, 2011. Field survey and hydraulic modeling of Thu Bon river basin, Quang Nam province, Stored report of Steering Board for Storm and Flood Prevention of Quang Nam.Vu Thi Thu Lan, 2013. Flood prevention mapping of Vu Gia-Thu Bon river and Thach Han-Ben Hai river in scale 1/10.000. Stored report of Office for Water Resources Projects, Ministry of Agriculture & Rural Development, Hanoi.Vu Thi Thu Lan, 2013. The study of natural disasters variation (floods and droughts) in Quang Nam in the context of climate change, J. Sci. of the Earth, Hanoi, 35(1), 66-74.World Bank, 2012. Fiscal Impact of Natural Disasters in Vietnam, http://www.worldbank.org/fpd/drfip.

The global environmental crisis has identified the need for the emergence and development of environmental policies, both internationally and nationally. At the same time, political science studies on environmental issues in Ukraine are carried out very rarely - to a greater extent, environmental issues are of interest to jurists, economists and specialists in public administration. The purpose of this article is to identify the main categories of environmental policy, to analyze the basics and principles of its operation, to determine its subjects and mechanisms. Environmental policy can be defined as the systematic activity of the state and society in the field of rational use of nature, environmental protection and achievement of sustainable development. The basic principles to be followed in the formulation and implementation of ecopolitics are enshrined, first of all, in such international instruments as the Stockholm Declaration, the Rio Declaration and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The basic principles are: everyone has the right to live in a healthy environment; States are responsible for the state of the environment; sustainable development concepts must be followed when developing policies; an important principle of environmental policy integration; Due to the different nature and intensity of environmental impact, states have a common but differentiated responsibility. The paper deals with the tools of ecopolitics and their classification. It is noted that in the context of modern environmental policy based on the theory of ecological modernization, the economic approach to solving environmental problems is the most popular. The use of economic instruments (payments for the use of natural resources, fees for environmental pollution, compensation for environmental damage, penalties for violations of environmental legislation, green tax) allows you to create incentives for environmentally sound behavior, to form environmental funds to solve problems. Ukraine has a regulatory and regulatory approach, whereas flexible financial and economic instruments remain declarative. ; Глобальный экологический кризис определил необходимость появления и развития экологической политики, как на международном, так и национальном уровне. При этом, политологические исследования по природоохранной проблематике в Украине проводятся крайне редко. В большей степени, экологические вопросы интересуют правоведов, экономистов и специалистов в области государственного управления. Целью данной статьи определено выделение основных категорий экологической политики, анализ основ и принципов ее функционирования, определение ее субъектов и механизмов. Экологическую политику можно определить как системную деятельность государства и общества в сфере рационального природопользования, охраны окружающей среды и достижения устойчивого развития. Основные принципы, которые необходимо соблюдать при формулировании и реализации экополитики, закреплены, прежде всего, в таких международных документах, как Стокгольмская декларация, Рио-де-Жанейрская декларация и Рамочная конвенция ООН об изменении климата. Основными такими принципами являются: каждый человек имеет право на жизнь в здоровой окружающей среде; государства несут ответственность за состояние природной среды; при разработке политик необходимо следовать концепции устойчивого развития; важный принцип интеграции экологической политики; в силу разного характера и интенсивности воздействия на окружающую среду, государства несут общую, но дифференцированную ответственность. В работе рассмотрены инструменты экополитики, предоставлено их классификацию. Отмечено, что в условиях современной политики в области окружающей среды, основанной на теории экологической модернизации, экономический подход к решению экологических проблем является самым популярным. Применение экономических инструментов (платежи за пользование природными ресурсами, сборы за загрязнение окружающей среды, возмещения убытков за нарушенное окружающей среды, штрафы за нарушение экологического законодательства, зеленый налог) позволяет создавать стимулы экологически целесообразного поведения, формировать экологические фонды для решения проблем. Для Украины характерно использование нормативно-регулирующего подхода, тогда как применение гибких финансовых и экономических инструментов остается декларативным. ; Глобальна екологічна криза визначила необхідність появи і розвитку екологічної політики, як на міжнародному, так і національному рівні. При цьому, політологічні дослідження з природоохоронної проблематики в Україні проводяться вкрай рідко – в більшій мірі, екологічні питання цікавлять правознавців, економістів і фахівців в галузі державного управління. Метою даної статті є виділення основних категорій екологічної політики, аналіз основ і принципів її функціонування, визначення її суб'єктів та механізмів. Екологічну політику можна визначити як системну діяльність держави і суспільства в сфері раціонального природокористування, охорони навколишнього середовища та досягнення сталого розвитку. Основні принципи, яких необхідно дотримуватися при формулюванні і реалізації екополітики, закріплені, перш за все, в таких міжнародних документах, як Стокгольмська декларація, Ріо-де-Жанейрська декларація і Рамкова конвенція ООН про зміну клімату. Основними такими принципами є: кожна людина має право на життя в здоровому навколишньому середовищі; держави несуть відповідальність за стан природного середовища; при розробці політик необхідно слідувати концепції сталого розвитку; важливий принцип інтеграції екологічної політики; в силу різного характеру та інтенсивності впливу на навколишнє середовище, держави несуть загальну, але диференційовану відповідальність. В роботі розглянуто інструменти екополітики, надано їх класифікацію. Зазначено, що в умовах сучасної політики в сфері довкілля, яка базується на теорії екологічної модернізації, економічний підхід до вирішення екологічних проблем є найпопулярнішим. Застосування економічних інструментів (платежі за користування природними ресурсами, збори за забруднення довкілля, відшкодування збитків за порушене довкілля, штрафи за порушення екологічного законодавства, зелений податок) дозволяє створювати стимули екологічно доцільної поведінки, формувати екологічні фонди для вирішення проблем. Для України властиве використання нормативно-регулюючого підходу, тоді як застосування гнучких фінансових та економічних інструментів залишається декларативним.

The global environmental crisis has identified the need for the emergence and development of environmental policies, both internationally and nationally. At the same time, political science studies on environmental issues in Ukraine are carried out very rarely - to a greater extent, environmental issues are of interest to jurists, economists and specialists in public administration. The purpose of this article is to identify the main categories of environmental policy, to analyze the basics and principles of its operation, to determine its subjects and mechanisms. Environmental policy can be defined as the systematic activity of the state and society in the field of rational use of nature, environmental protection and achievement of sustainable development. The basic principles to be followed in the formulation and implementation of ecopolitics are enshrined, first of all, in such international instruments as the Stockholm Declaration, the Rio Declaration and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The basic principles are: everyone has the right to live in a healthy environment; States are responsible for the state of the environment; sustainable development concepts must be followed when developing policies; an important principle of environmental policy integration; Due to the different nature and intensity of environmental impact, states have a common but differentiated responsibility. The paper deals with the tools of ecopolitics and their classification. It is noted that in the context of modern environmental policy based on the theory of ecological modernization, the economic approach to solving environmental problems is the most popular. The use of economic instruments (payments for the use of natural resources, fees for environmental pollution, compensation for environmental damage, penalties for violations of environmental legislation, green tax) allows you to create incentives for environmentally sound behavior, to form environmental funds to solve problems. Ukraine has a regulatory and regulatory approach, whereas flexible financial and economic instruments remain declarative. ; Глобальный экологический кризис определил необходимость появления и развития экологической политики, как на международном, так и национальном уровне. При этом, политологические исследования по природоохранной проблематике в Украине проводятся крайне редко. В большей степени, экологические вопросы интересуют правоведов, экономистов и специалистов в области государственного управления. Целью данной статьи определено выделение основных категорий экологической политики, анализ основ и принципов ее функционирования, определение ее субъектов и механизмов. Экологическую политику можно определить как системную деятельность государства и общества в сфере рационального природопользования, охраны окружающей среды и достижения устойчивого развития. Основные принципы, которые необходимо соблюдать при формулировании и реализации экополитики, закреплены, прежде всего, в таких международных документах, как Стокгольмская декларация, Рио-де-Жанейрская декларация и Рамочная конвенция ООН об изменении климата. Основными такими принципами являются: каждый человек имеет право на жизнь в здоровой окружающей среде; государства несут ответственность за состояние природной среды; при разработке политик необходимо следовать концепции устойчивого развития; важный принцип интеграции экологической политики; в силу разного характера и интенсивности воздействия на окружающую среду, государства несут общую, но дифференцированную ответственность. В работе рассмотрены инструменты экополитики, предоставлено их классификацию. Отмечено, что в условиях современной политики в области окружающей среды, основанной на теории экологической модернизации, экономический подход к решению экологических проблем является самым популярным. Применение экономических инструментов (платежи за пользование природными ресурсами, сборы за загрязнение окружающей среды, возмещения убытков за нарушенное окружающей среды, штрафы за нарушение экологического законодательства, зеленый налог) позволяет создавать стимулы экологически целесообразного поведения, формировать экологические фонды для решения проблем. Для Украины характерно использование нормативно-регулирующего подхода, тогда как применение гибких финансовых и экономических инструментов остается декларативным. ; Глобальна екологічна криза визначила необхідність появи і розвитку екологічної політики, як на міжнародному, так і національному рівні. При цьому, політологічні дослідження з природоохоронної проблематики в Україні проводяться вкрай рідко – в більшій мірі, екологічні питання цікавлять правознавців, економістів і фахівців в галузі державного управління. Метою даної статті є виділення основних категорій екологічної політики, аналіз основ і принципів її функціонування, визначення її суб'єктів та механізмів. Екологічну політику можна визначити як системну діяльність держави і суспільства в сфері раціонального природокористування, охорони навколишнього середовища та досягнення сталого розвитку. Основні принципи, яких необхідно дотримуватися при формулюванні і реалізації екополітики, закріплені, перш за все, в таких міжнародних документах, як Стокгольмська декларація, Ріо-де-Жанейрська декларація і Рамкова конвенція ООН про зміну клімату. Основними такими принципами є: кожна людина має право на життя в здоровому навколишньому середовищі; держави несуть відповідальність за стан природного середовища; при розробці політик необхідно слідувати концепції сталого розвитку; важливий принцип інтеграції екологічної політики; в силу різного характеру та інтенсивності впливу на навколишнє середовище, держави несуть загальну, але диференційовану відповідальність. В роботі розглянуто інструменти екополітики, надано їх класифікацію. Зазначено, що в умовах сучасної політики в сфері довкілля, яка базується на теорії екологічної модернізації, економічний підхід до вирішення екологічних проблем є найпопулярнішим. Застосування економічних інструментів (платежі за користування природними ресурсами, збори за забруднення довкілля, відшкодування збитків за порушене довкілля, штрафи за порушення екологічного законодавства, зелений податок) дозволяє створювати стимули екологічно доцільної поведінки, формувати екологічні фонди для вирішення проблем. Для України властиве використання нормативно-регулюючого підходу, тоді як застосування гнучких фінансових та економічних інструментів залишається декларативним.

The global environmental crisis has identified the need for the emergence and development of environmental policies, both internationally and nationally. At the same time, political science studies on environmental issues in Ukraine are carried out very rarely - to a greater extent, environmental issues are of interest to jurists, economists and specialists in public administration. The purpose of this article is to identify the main categories of environmental policy, to analyze the basics and principles of its operation, to determine its subjects and mechanisms. Environmental policy can be defined as the systematic activity of the state and society in the field of rational use of nature, environmental protection and achievement of sustainable development. The basic principles to be followed in the formulation and implementation of ecopolitics are enshrined, first of all, in such international instruments as the Stockholm Declaration, the Rio Declaration and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The basic principles are: everyone has the right to live in a healthy environment; States are responsible for the state of the environment; sustainable development concepts must be followed when developing policies; an important principle of environmental policy integration; Due to the different nature and intensity of environmental impact, states have a common but differentiated responsibility. The paper deals with the tools of ecopolitics and their classification. It is noted that in the context of modern environmental policy based on the theory of ecological modernization, the economic approach to solving environmental problems is the most popular. The use of economic instruments (payments for the use of natural resources, fees for environmental pollution, compensation for environmental damage, penalties for violations of environmental legislation, green tax) allows you to create incentives for environmentally sound behavior, to form environmental funds to solve problems. Ukraine has a regulatory and regulatory approach, whereas flexible financial and economic instruments remain declarative. ; Глобальный экологический кризис определил необходимость появления и развития экологической политики, как на международном, так и национальном уровне. При этом, политологические исследования по природоохранной проблематике в Украине проводятся крайне редко. В большей степени, экологические вопросы интересуют правоведов, экономистов и специалистов в области государственного управления. Целью данной статьи определено выделение основных категорий экологической политики, анализ основ и принципов ее функционирования, определение ее субъектов и механизмов. Экологическую политику можно определить как системную деятельность государства и общества в сфере рационального природопользования, охраны окружающей среды и достижения устойчивого развития. Основные принципы, которые необходимо соблюдать при формулировании и реализации экополитики, закреплены, прежде всего, в таких международных документах, как Стокгольмская декларация, Рио-де-Жанейрская декларация и Рамочная конвенция ООН об изменении климата. Основными такими принципами являются: каждый человек имеет право на жизнь в здоровой окружающей среде; государства несут ответственность за состояние природной среды; при разработке политик необходимо следовать концепции устойчивого развития; важный принцип интеграции экологической политики; в силу разного характера и интенсивности воздействия на окружающую среду, государства несут общую, но дифференцированную ответственность. В работе рассмотрены инструменты экополитики, предоставлено их классификацию. Отмечено, что в условиях современной политики в области окружающей среды, основанной на теории экологической модернизации, экономический подход к решению экологических проблем является самым популярным. Применение экономических инструментов (платежи за пользование природными ресурсами, сборы за загрязнение окружающей среды, возмещения убытков за нарушенное окружающей среды, штрафы за нарушение экологического законодательства, зеленый налог) позволяет создавать стимулы экологически целесообразного поведения, формировать экологические фонды для решения проблем. Для Украины характерно использование нормативно-регулирующего подхода, тогда как применение гибких финансовых и экономических инструментов остается декларативным. ; Глобальна екологічна криза визначила необхідність появи і розвитку екологічної політики, як на міжнародному, так і національному рівні. При цьому, політологічні дослідження з природоохоронної проблематики в Україні проводяться вкрай рідко – в більшій мірі, екологічні питання цікавлять правознавців, економістів і фахівців в галузі державного управління. Метою даної статті є виділення основних категорій екологічної політики, аналіз основ і принципів її функціонування, визначення її суб'єктів та механізмів. Екологічну політику можна визначити як системну діяльність держави і суспільства в сфері раціонального природокористування, охорони навколишнього середовища та досягнення сталого розвитку. Основні принципи, яких необхідно дотримуватися при формулюванні і реалізації екополітики, закріплені, перш за все, в таких міжнародних документах, як Стокгольмська декларація, Ріо-де-Жанейрська декларація і Рамкова конвенція ООН про зміну клімату. Основними такими принципами є: кожна людина має право на життя в здоровому навколишньому середовищі; держави несуть відповідальність за стан природного середовища; при розробці політик необхідно слідувати концепції сталого розвитку; важливий принцип інтеграції екологічної політики; в силу різного характеру та інтенсивності впливу на навколишнє середовище, держави несуть загальну, але диференційовану відповідальність. В роботі розглянуто інструменти екополітики, надано їх класифікацію. Зазначено, що в умовах сучасної політики в сфері довкілля, яка базується на теорії екологічної модернізації, економічний підхід до вирішення екологічних проблем є найпопулярнішим. Застосування економічних інструментів (платежі за користування природними ресурсами, збори за забруднення довкілля, відшкодування збитків за порушене довкілля, штрафи за порушення екологічного законодавства, зелений податок) дозволяє створювати стимули екологічно доцільної поведінки, формувати екологічні фонди для вирішення проблем. Для України властиве використання нормативно-регулюючого підходу, тоді як застосування гнучких фінансових та економічних інструментів залишається декларативним.

Zentelytė R., The Change of Emotional Intelligence of Children in Foster Homes By Applying Art Therapy, Master's Thesis, academic supervisor: A. Brazauskaitė PhD; Lithuanian University of Health Sciences, Faculty of Nursing, Rehabilitation Clinic, Vilnius Academy of Arts, Kaunas faculty, Department of Humanities, Kaunas 2018: 93 p. Aim of the research: to evaluate the changes of emotional intelligence in foster home children before and after the application of art therapy. Goals of the research: 1. To evaluate the emotional intelligence of 8-12 year old foster home children before and after the application of art therapy. 2. To evaluate and compare the change of emotional intelligence before and after the application of art therapy according to the sociodemographic criteria. 3. To evaluate and compare the changes in the traits of emotional intelligence before after the application of art therapy. Research questions: 1. How is the subject's emotional intelligence connected to their engagement in visual expression during the sessions? 2. How are the changes in the traits of emotional intelligence reflected in the analysis of the subject's visual expression? Research methods. The research is mixed. A survey of the subjects was done, according to the Trait Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire - Child form, before and after the application of art therapy; the methods of art therapy were applied to two groups of subjects (11 art therapy sessions each), the subjects engagement in visual expression was observed, a case study was carried out as well as the analysis of the visual expression. Participants in the research: 12 children, 8-12 years old, from two foster homes: governmental and non-governmental. The Results. Having considered the criteria and the methods applied during the research, it can be stated that art therapy positively affects the emotional intellect of 8-12 year old foster home children. The collective average of the subjects emotional intelligence (mediana) after the application of art therapy had increased. Moreover, considering the change of each subjects individual average of emotional intelligence – for 8 children it has increased, for 1 it did not change, and for 3 it decreased. It should be mentioned, that not all subjects attended art therapy sessions regularly and that could have had an impact on the results. In addition, according to the deviation of the nine sub-scales values, it can be stated that art therapy sessions affected the emotional expression and adaptivity of every child individually. However, emotion regulation and impulsiveness was affected most similarly in all children. In addition to that, the biggest changes in the averages of the sub-scales, are observed in expression of emotions, understanding of emotions and relationships with peers. Thus, it can be concluded that children are better at expressing their emotions clearly and effectively after the research; they are able to differentiate better between their emotions and the emotions of others; for most of them relationships with their peers have improved and gained importance. To be mentioned that sex of the children and the institution in which the children live had no significant influence to this research. The peculiarities of the individual traits of emotional intelligence of the children are revealed through the subjects participation in art therapy sessions and visual expression. The changes of individual traits in the art therapy sessions reveal the potential for the development of emotional intelligence. Conclusions: 1. It has been established that the collective average of the subjects emotional intellect (mediana), after the application of art therapy, had increased. Moreover, considering the change of each subjects individual average of emotional intellect – for 8 children it has increased, for 1 it did not change, and for 3 it decreased. 2. Considering the sociodemographic criteria, sex of the children and the institution in which the children live, no statistically significant changes of emotional intelligence, after the application of art therapy, could be found. It has been observed that the emotional intelligence of boys before and after art therapy application was lower. 3. After the application of art therapy, statistically significant changes are observed in the following sub-scales of emotional intellect traits: expression of emotion, understanding of emotions and emotional regulation. 4. The more attentively and reflectively the subject participates – the higher the emotional intelligence. 5. In an individual case, there is a link between: individuality and adaptation of formal elements and relationships with peers; the colors used and their expressions of intensity and emotions; line expression and emotion regulation; understanding of the plot and emotions of the visual expression. Recommendations: 1. After conducting the survey after the art therapy, continue the sessions - apply not only group, but also individual art therapy. 2. To seek co-operation with the heads of the institution where the research is conducted and other staff involved in order to discuss the difficulties of the behavior of children. 3. Through art therapy, we reflect on visual expression without neglecting the aggressive behavior of a child's - in response to a therapist, it's easier for the child to realize that destructive actions always have negative effects on the environment and that such behavior can be changed.

Zentelytė R., The Change of Emotional Intelligence of Children in Foster Homes By Applying Art Therapy, Master's Thesis, academic supervisor: A. Brazauskaitė PhD; Lithuanian University of Health Sciences, Faculty of Nursing, Rehabilitation Clinic, Vilnius Academy of Arts, Kaunas faculty, Department of Humanities, Kaunas 2018: 93 p. Aim of the research: to evaluate the changes of emotional intelligence in foster home children before and after the application of art therapy. Goals of the research: 1. To evaluate the emotional intelligence of 8-12 year old foster home children before and after the application of art therapy. 2. To evaluate and compare the change of emotional intelligence before and after the application of art therapy according to the sociodemographic criteria. 3. To evaluate and compare the changes in the traits of emotional intelligence before after the application of art therapy. Research questions: 1. How is the subject's emotional intelligence connected to their engagement in visual expression during the sessions? 2. How are the changes in the traits of emotional intelligence reflected in the analysis of the subject's visual expression? Research methods. The research is mixed. A survey of the subjects was done, according to the Trait Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire - Child form, before and after the application of art therapy; the methods of art therapy were applied to two groups of subjects (11 art therapy sessions each), the subjects engagement in visual expression was observed, a case study was carried out as well as the analysis of the visual expression. Participants in the research: 12 children, 8-12 years old, from two foster homes: governmental and non-governmental. The Results. Having considered the criteria and the methods applied during the research, it can be stated that art therapy positively affects the emotional intellect of 8-12 year old foster home children. The collective average of the subjects emotional intelligence (mediana) after the application of art therapy had increased. Moreover, considering the change of each subjects individual average of emotional intelligence – for 8 children it has increased, for 1 it did not change, and for 3 it decreased. It should be mentioned, that not all subjects attended art therapy sessions regularly and that could have had an impact on the results. In addition, according to the deviation of the nine sub-scales values, it can be stated that art therapy sessions affected the emotional expression and adaptivity of every child individually. However, emotion regulation and impulsiveness was affected most similarly in all children. In addition to that, the biggest changes in the averages of the sub-scales, are observed in expression of emotions, understanding of emotions and relationships with peers. Thus, it can be concluded that children are better at expressing their emotions clearly and effectively after the research; they are able to differentiate better between their emotions and the emotions of others; for most of them relationships with their peers have improved and gained importance. To be mentioned that sex of the children and the institution in which the children live had no significant influence to this research. The peculiarities of the individual traits of emotional intelligence of the children are revealed through the subjects participation in art therapy sessions and visual expression. The changes of individual traits in the art therapy sessions reveal the potential for the development of emotional intelligence. Conclusions: 1. It has been established that the collective average of the subjects emotional intellect (mediana), after the application of art therapy, had increased. Moreover, considering the change of each subjects individual average of emotional intellect – for 8 children it has increased, for 1 it did not change, and for 3 it decreased. 2. Considering the sociodemographic criteria, sex of the children and the institution in which the children live, no statistically significant changes of emotional intelligence, after the application of art therapy, could be found. It has been observed that the emotional intelligence of boys before and after art therapy application was lower. 3. After the application of art therapy, statistically significant changes are observed in the following sub-scales of emotional intellect traits: expression of emotion, understanding of emotions and emotional regulation. 4. The more attentively and reflectively the subject participates – the higher the emotional intelligence. 5. In an individual case, there is a link between: individuality and adaptation of formal elements and relationships with peers; the colors used and their expressions of intensity and emotions; line expression and emotion regulation; understanding of the plot and emotions of the visual expression. Recommendations: 1. After conducting the survey after the art therapy, continue the sessions - apply not only group, but also individual art therapy. 2. To seek co-operation with the heads of the institution where the research is conducted and other staff involved in order to discuss the difficulties of the behavior of children. 3. Through art therapy, we reflect on visual expression without neglecting the aggressive behavior of a child's - in response to a therapist, it's easier for the child to realize that destructive actions always have negative effects on the environment and that such behavior can be changed.

Forced evictions of white commercial farmers in the year 2000 took the Zimbabwean land reform programme to a new level. While international media covered the tragedies of white farmers, the collapse of a state economy and the food shortages in the country, new farmers emerged on former large scale production schemes. At the same time, the Zimbabwean Government officialized the community driven farm take overs and provided legislation and administration through a 'Fast Track Land Reform Programme' (FTLRP). In recent years, there has been a vivid scientific debate on whether new farmers are productive and on whether the FTLRP has been successful or not. But despite the remarkable reception in media and academic work, actual figures are hard to get hold of. Aiming to provide answers to the often posed question of 'what has happened where after the FTLRP?', the present thesis provides an analysis of geospatial methods to research tenure change and its consequences. It conceptualizes the potential of remote sensing and GIS to contribute to an integrated land reform research, and assesses whether this potential has been fully tapped. An analysis framework for the FTLRP is presented to overcome the apparent lack of spatial research. In order to proof its applicability, three of the proposed spatiotemporal methods are critically examined for their suitability to adequately map outcomes of the land reform: phenology based temporal land use classification, productivity trend mapping, and breakpoint analysis. A time-series based multi-temporal land use classification approach on Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) data was used to analyse trajectories of the agricultural sector. The objective of this approach was to produce a dataset of annual binary crop/non crop maps for former freehold tenure areas, providing spatial and temporal information on Zimbabwe's agricultural production after the FTLRP. However, the well-established and commonly used method of phenology based land use classification does not provide meaningful results. Therefore, after a comprehensive review of limitations of MODIS-NDVI based hard classifications, a relative assessment approach is additionally presented. As answers to questions of Zimbabwe's national agricultural production after the FTLRP remained unanswered, trend analysis of vegetation was applied for crop area of Zimbabwe's most productive farming region. The results reveal that no correlation between negative production trends and new land tenure types exists. Trends of production are rather characterised by spatial clusters of strong negative trends resulting from operation stops of irrigation schemes. To map fallow irrigation schemes in Zimbabwe, a hybrid-methodology of "Breaks For Additive Seasonal and Trend" (BFAST) and "Seasonal Trend Analysis" (STA) was introduced. The combination of 'time of peak' calculated with STA, and 'breakpoint of seasonal signal' calculated with BFAST, provides sound results for time and location of abandonment of irrigation schemes which had great impacts on the country's food and export crop production. It is concluded that temporal classification results based on medium scale resolution data have to be used with great caution and that combination of methods significantly enhances explanatory power of MODIS-NDVI data. By using FTLRP as a case study for the suitability of remote sensing to map tenure induced land use changes, the thesis forms an essential contribution towards integrated land use science. ; Vertreibungen und Enteignungen weißer Farmer im Jahre 2000 gaben dem Landreformprogramm Simbabwes eine neue Dimension. Während internationale Medien über Schicksale weißer Farmer, den Zusammenbruch der Wirtschaft und die Nahrungsmittelknappheit im Land berichteten, etablierten sich neue Farmer auf den ehemaligen Großbetrieben. Gleichzeitig reglementierte die Regierung Simbabwes die gemeinschaftlich organisierten Farm-Enteignungen und lieferte mit dem 'Fast Track Land Reform Programme' (FTLRP) den rechtlichen und administrativen Rahmen. In den letzten Jahren wurde eine leidenschaftliche Debatte darüber geführt, ob die neuen Farmer produktiv wirtschaften, und ob das FTLRP erfolgreich war. Doch trotz der hohen Resonanz in Medien und Wissenschaft sind belastbare Zahlen nur schwer zugänglich. Mit dem Ziel Antworten auf die oft gestellte Frage "was ist wo nach dem FTRLP passiert?" zu geben, liefert die vorliegende Dissertation eine Analyse raumbezogener Methoden um den Wandel der Landbesitzverhältnisse und dessen Folgen zu erforschen. Sie konzeptualisiert das Potential fernerkundlicher Methoden und GIS einen Beitrag zu integrierter Landreformforschung zu leisten und untersucht in wie weit dieses Potential ausgeschöpft wurde. Um den deutlichen Mangel an räumlicher Forschung zu mindern, wird ein FTLRP orientiertes Forschungskonzept vorgestellt. Seine Anwendbarkeit wird anhand der kritischen Evaluierung dreier Methoden geprüft: Phenology based temporal land use classification, productivity trend mapping, and breakpoint analysis. Mit Hilfe eines zeitreihenbasierten multitemporalen Klassifikationsverfahrens von Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) Daten wurde die Entwicklung des landwirtschaftlichen Sektors untersucht. Ziel dieses Ansatzes war es, einen Datensatz binärer Karten mit den Klassen "Ackerfläche" / "keine Ackerfläche" für ehemalige Privatbesitzgebiete zu produzieren, der raumzeitliche Informationen über Simbabwes landwirtschaftliche Produktion nach dem FTLRP enthält. Die weit verbreitete und oft genutzte Methode der phänologiebasierten Landnutzungsklassifikation erzielt jedoch keine zufriedenstellenden Ergebnisse. Deshalb wird nach einer ausführlichen Diskussion der Schwachstellen MODIS-NDVI basierter harter Klassifikationen, ein zusätzlicher, relativer Bewertungsansatz vorgestellt. Da Fragen zur landesweiten Agrarproduktion Simbabwes nach dem FTLRP immer noch nicht vollständig beantwortet sind, wurde ein Vegetationstrend für das landwirtschaftlich produktivste Gebiet Simbabwes berechnet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass kein Zusammenhang zwischen Produktivität und neuen Landbesitzverhältnissen besteht. Vielmehr sind Trends durch die räumliche Aggregation starker Negativwerte gekennzeichnet, welche von der Aufgabe von Bewässerungsstrukturen verursacht werden. Um die Aufgabe der Bewässerungssysteme zu kartieren, wurde eine Hybrid-Methode aus "Breaks For Additive Seasonal and Trend" (BFAST) und "Seasonal Trend Analysis" (STA) entwickelt. Die Kombination des mit STA berechneten 'time of peak' und des mit BFAST ermittelten 'breakpoint of seasonal signal', liefert zuverlässige Ergebnisse über Zeitpunkt und Ort der Aufgabe von Bewässerungsstrukturen, welche empfindliche Auswirkungen auf die Erzeugung von Lebensmitteln und Exportprodukten hatte. Es wird geschlussfolgert, dass Ergebnisse temporaler Klassifikationen von mittelaufgelösten Daten mit großer Umsicht behandelt werden sollten und dass die Kombination von Methoden die Aussagekraft von MODIS-NDVI Daten erheblich verbessert. Mit dem FTLRP als Fallbeispiel für die Untersuchung der Eignung fernerkundlicher Methoden für die Kartierung von Landnutzungsveränderungen als Folge von geänderten Landbesitzverhältnissen, leistet diese Arbeit einen wesentlichen Beitrag zu einer integrierten Landnutzungswissenschaft.

Проанализированы основные тенденции развития минерально-сырьевой базы цветных и редких металлов в мире и России. Обоснованы факторы, влияющие на динамику производства и потребления ценных цветных и редких металлов. Дана оценка производства, экспорта и импорта цветных и редких металлов в мире и России в 20082012 гг., а также оценка перспектив производства и потребления цветных и редких металлов в РФ на ближайшие годы. ; The progressive development of science and technology, the introduction of scientific achievements and discoveries in various industries have led to an increased demand in many ferrous, non-ferrous, rare, rare-earth, and trace metals. Metals and metal products are most in-demand in metallurgy and the machine-building complex. Location of metal mining facilities and mining itself are chosen based on a number of factors. These are geological (minerogenic specialization of a territory), economic (demand for mineral raw materials, conditions for field development), historical (the level of development of the infrastructure in mining and ore mining and smelting areas), political (mainly, export-import policy), and social (preservation and creation of jobs through government support, id est special state social programs). An important aspect of the development of the mineral raw materials base of metallic minerals is location of metallurgical production. The factors that affect it include the raw materials factor (namely, the location of production in the vicinity of sources of mineral raw materials), the fuel and energy factor (namely, the proximity of production to low-cost sources of electricity), et cetera. The consumer factor (namely, market opportunities) as well as the transport factor (for example, overseas shipment of metal products from a manufacturer to consumers) has assumed great importance. An important trend for metallurgical enterprises is the fixation to the centers of consumption of metals that have appropriate infrastructure and trained skilled. In addition, there has been an establishment of close connections between metallurgical enterprises and their customers as well as coordination of sales and operations planning. Vertically integrated mining and smelting companies are being established. As for non-ferrous smelters, the energy factor is currently becoming more prominent in terms of location. The reason for that is the development of metallurgy of light non-ferrous and rare metals and the displacement of metallurgical production to developing countries. Formally, the non-ferrous metals reserves are rather substantial. However, mining these metals is carried out rapidly and can exceed the accretion of these metals, which makes the problem of mineral recourses replenishment acute. Rare and trace metals are in demand only in developed countries due to scientific and technological progress. The demand for these metals given the particularly high prices is unstable. Mining and primary treatment of ores of most non-ferrous metals are performed, mainly, in developing countries, and production of metals has been transferred to developed countries. Thus, developed countries pursue the policy of conservation of their own reserves of mineral raw materials and increase imports. The non-ferrous metallurgy in these countries is dominated by the upper stage of the production cycle for metals production. Many non-ferrous metals (namely, aluminum, copper, titanium, platinum, et cetera) are obtained from recycled materials. Meanwhile, not only developing but also developed countries (for instance, Australia, UK, Germany and others) export secondary raw materials and semi-metal products. The export of aluminum and titanium semi-finished products from developed countries is associated with high energy intensity of the production. In general, analyzing the trends in the use of mineral resources base of non-ferrous and rare metals in the 2000s, it is important to emphasize an increase in mining and consumption of these metals by 3 10% a year, an increase in the price by 10 15% per year until 2005, a sharp increase in speculative prices (by a factor of 2-4) in 2006 outpacing the consumption growth. In October 2008, the global financial crisis occurred and by December 2008 there had been a sharp decline in prices for non-ferrous metals. The prices for most rare metals remained stable and tended to rise until August 2009, but they dropped by more than 50%. By the end of 2009, the prices for rare metals had returned to the level of August 2009. The prices for non-ferrous metals in 2009 had a downtrend, and by the end of the year, there had been a slight increase in prices. In 2010 2012 the prices continued to rise. In 2013 they fell. According to the London Metal Exchange (LME), a price decline was also noted in 2014. As for Russia, after the decline in production of most non-ferrous metals in 2009, which was caused by the global financial crisis that began in October 2008, in 2010 2011, the production level of the major non-ferrous metals recovered. But since 2012, there has been a decrease in production, demand and prices for some metals. However, the problem of non-ferrous and especially rare metals production still remains of relevance. More attention must be paid to further development of metallurgy in Russia because metals and metal products are one of the major sources of the country's revenue. In general, the emerging growth of production in the Russian Federation confirms the acuteness of the problem of industry supply with scarce metals and metal products obtained from ore deposits, secondary raw materials (namely, scrap metal) and technogenic mineral raw materials (namely, wastes from mining and smelting as well as fuel and energy complexes).

Es wurden Staubmessungen in der Luft eines Putenmaststalls mit dem Ziel der Charakterisierung der Höhe und des Verlaufs besonders der Feinstaubfraktion PM 10 (Particulate Matter 10, Partikel, deren aerodynamischer Durchmesser kleiner als 10 -µm ist) und der einatembaren Staubfraktion (ID bzw. PM 100) im Laufe eines Mastdurchganges durchgeführt. Zur Erfassung von PM 10 wurde das für Emissionsmessungen bereits etablierte Messsystem DIGITEL HVS DHA-80 eingesetzt, um es auf Eignung unter Stallbedingungen zu testen. Die Ansaughöhe zur Probenahme betrug 2 m über Grund. Parallel dazu wurde die einatembare Staubfraktion mit einem in der Arbeitsmedizin gebräuchlichen, stationär positionierten Personal Sampler (IOM-SKC-Messsystem) erfasst. Anlass der Erfassung der Staubkonzentrationen war der unbefriedigende Kenntnisstand bezüglich der Zuordnung der Emissionen zur Quelle "Tierstall" und bezüglich der Quantitäten der Staubfrachten. Ein wesentlicher Grund für die bislang geringe Anzahl von Feinstaubmessungen in Tierhaltungen liegt in dem Fehlen standardisierter Messverfahren für diese Komponente, was zudem den Vergleich der bisherigen Messergebnisse erschwert. Der Wert der genauen Kenntnis der Konzentrationen der partikelförmigen Emissionen besonders Feinstaub (PM 10) in und aus landwirtschaftlicher Nutztierhaltung liegt in der Einschätzung des Gefährdungspotentials für den Menschen unter Berücksichtigung umwelthygienischer und umweltrechtlicher Aspekte. Letztere werden unter anderem durch das Vorsorgeprinzip im Bundes-Immissionsschutzgesetz dargestellt, wobei die Minderung der von Tierhaltungen ausgehenden Emissionen bereits wichtiger Bestandteil nationaler und europäischer Luftreinhaltepolitik ist. So beschäftigen sich Umwelt- und Arbeitsmediziner aufgrund des Verdachts erhöhter Prävalenz umweltbezogener Beschwerdebilder wie Störungen im Bereich der Atemwege in Regionen mit spezialisierter Tierhaltung und bezüglich des Auftretens als arbeitsschutzrelevanter Arbeitsstoff verstärkt mit diesem Feinstaub. Darüber hinaus werden die Daten von den Behörden als Entscheidungshilfe für die Bewilligung neuer Stallbauten benötigt, um Anwohner vor möglichen negativen Einflüssen zu bewahren. Derzeit wird davon ausgegangen, dass PM 10 aus Nutztierhaltungen, aufgrund der durch die Abstandsregelung der TA Luft (2002) greifenden Verdünnungseffekte keine negativen Auswirkungen auf die Gesundheit von Anwohnern hat. Diese Annahme ist allerdings bisher nicht durch ausreichende Messungen abgesichert. Die im Rahmen der Arbeit durchgeführten Messkampagnen haben zusammen mit der Literaturrecherche ergeben, dass das Messsystem DIGITEL HVS DAH-80 zur Erfassung von PM 10-Konzentrationen in Geflügelstallungen als geeignet bewertet werden kann. Die über 24 Stunden maximal erfasste mittlere PM 10-Konzentration beträgt 2,44 mg•m-3, der Durchschnitt liegt bei 1,27 mg•m-3, wobei die PM 10-Konzentrationen im Tagesverlauf tagesrhythmische Ereignisse widerspiegeln. Die ebenso über 24 Stunden erfassten ID-Konzentrationen liegen in Bereichen von 0,83 mg•m-3 bis 4,34 mg•m-3. Beide Staubfraktionen wurden im Hinblick auf bekannte Arbeitsplatz-Grenzwerte (AGW) sowie in Bezug auf umweltrechtliche Aspekte bewertet. Da bisher keine berufsbezogenen Grenzwerte existieren, wurden die beiden Staubkonzentrationen als arbeitsschutzrelevante Arbeitsstoffe mit den allgemein gültigen Grenzwerten der GefStoffV von E-Staub (einatembarer Staub) und A-Staub (Alveolengängiger Staub) mit einem AGW von 10 mg•m-3 bzw. 3 mg•m-3 verglichen. Selbst die bestimmten maximalen Tages-Konzentrationen liegen unterhalb dieser AGWs. Von ausgewählten Staubproben beider Fraktionen wurden die Aktivitäten der ebenso zu den umwelthygienisch bedeutenden Luftinhaltsstoffen zählenden Endotoxine ermittelt und mit bekannten Werten aus der Literatur verglichen. Für diese biologische Komponente besteht derzeit kein Grenzwert, sondern nur Orientierungswerte, die von 50 EU•m-3 bis 1.000 EU•m-3 reichen. Mehr als die Hälfte der ermittelten Endotoxinaktivitäten im E-Staub lagen unterhalb von 1.000 EU•m-3, die der analysierten PM 10-Teilfilter lagen im Bereich von 150 EU•m-3 bis 3.500 EU•m-3. Bei umwelthygienischen oder arbeitsmedizinischen Fragestellungen sollte die Qualität der Staubfraktionen zunehmend im Fokus der Messungen stehen, da diese aufgrund zahlreicher Einflussfaktoren eine erhebliche Variabilität aufweisen kann. Die weitere Bearbeitung des relativ neuen Arbeitsgebietes PM 10 im Bereich der landwirtschaftlichen Nutztierhaltung erfordert zudem eine verstärkte interdisziplinäre Zusammenarbeit und den Austausch von Erkenntnissen und Erfahrungen zwischen den beteiligten Disziplinen der Wissenschaft und Forschung aber auch mit Gesetzgebern und Genehmigungsbehörden. ; The purpose of the measurements of airborne particles in a naturally ventilated turkey barn was the registration of emission data particulary with regard to PM 10 levels and progress throughout the term of mast. To collect PM 10 using a specific aerosol sampler, DIGITEL HVS DAH-80, designed for measuring PM 10 in ambient air. Parallel to the operation of the PM 10 sampler, 24 h measurements were also carried out with an IOM dust sampler (IOM-SKC-Sampling system) for inhalable dust (ID) particles. There is increasing concern, that air pollutants such as dust particles may have a negative effect on the respiratory health oft the German population. It was recognised in recent years that particularly fine particles of sizes lower 10 -µm can penetrate through into the deeper respiratory tract causing irritations and supporting inflammation. Therefore, more attention was paid to this particle fraction, which is called PM 10 (Particulate Matter 10). Reasons for these dust measurements are a lack of knowledge on the emission amounts of PM 10 from intensive livestock farming and up to now the only limited numbers of investigation in such barns for poultry. Some recent monitoring results in the north of Germany revealed high concentrations of PM 10 in areas with high livestock production. It is necessary to develop suitable measurement techniques for dust and their evaluation under field conditions. These data are necessary for the implementation of applicable European and German law and as well suited to estimate the health hazard living near or working in an intensive animal husbandry. The tested aerosol sampler seems to be suitable to measure PM 10 particles in naturally ventilated turkey barns which were littered with wood shavings. The maximum concentration of PM 10 (sampling over 24 hours) comes to 2,44 mg•m-3, it averages 1,27 mg•m-3. The time dependent of PM 10 is reflected in circadian events in turkey barn. The concentrations of ID run from 0,83 mg•m-3 to 4,34 mg•m-3. Both emission data were compared with threshold limit values of the GefStoffV. The concentrations of ID and PM 10 fall below the value of inhalable dust ("E-Staub") with 10 mg•m-3 and the value of respirable dust ("A-Staub") with 3 mg•m-3. One of conclusion of this project is the urgent need for more experiences in using appropriate measuring techniques. Another conclusion is to focus on the quality of dust of intensive animal husbandry. Further jobs in the new domain "PM 10" have especially to intent to collaborate and to exchanges experiences between the parties involved like research and sciences and of course legislator and regulatory authorities.

Mitä luottamus oikein on? Mitä luottamus on suomalaisten työpaikkojen esimies-alaissuhteissa? Koulutuspäällikkö Nina Laine on väitöskirjassaan tutkinut luottamusta suomalaisten esimiesten ja alaisten välillä. Väitöskirjan mukaan luottamus rakentuu yhdistelmästä tunnetta ja kokemusperäistä tietoa. Esimiehet voivat lisätä luottamusta omalla käytöksellään. Luottamaan on mahdollista oppia. Esimiestyön oppiminen tapahtuu usein käytännön työelämässä ja sitä tuetaan esimiesvalmennuksilla. Ensin opitaan yksi ammatti (esim. insinööri tai opettaja) ja sitten opitaan johtamistaitoja esimiestehtävään siirryttäessä. Luottamus on yksi toimivan esimies-alaissuhteen peruselementti. Tämän vuoksi esimieheksi siirtyvän on opittava myös luottamuksen rakentamista. Aiempi luottamustutkimus on perustunut pitkälti kysely- ja tilastotutkimuksiin. Laine on ensimmäisiä työpaikkojen luottamusta laadullisesti analysoineita tutkijoita. Väitöstutkimuksen aineistona oli suomalaisilta esimiehiltä kerätyt syvähaastattelut ja kirjoitukset. Laineen tutkimuksessa uutta on tunteen, moraalin ja oppimisen korostaminen. Se poikkeaa aiemman luottamustutkimuksen valtavirrasta, jossa luottamuksen keskeisimpänä tekijänä on pidetty tietoa. ; This qualitative study in the field of vocational education explores the phenomenon of trust in superior-subordinate relationship. The study, using phenomenological research method, is based on the constructivist paradigm. The research data was collected in Finland, in Finnish. The writing process was conducted in English, both in Finland and in the United States. The data consisted of in-depth interviews and writings. Informants were from business world and public sector, and included both men and women. Becoming a manager requires learning to lead people and to manage organization s operations. Often these skills are learned at the workplace and in extension studies. Therefore learning to become a leader can be seen as vocational education learning the profession of leadership. Building trust is essential in leadership and learning to build trusting work relationships is leaders task, among others. Trust is an intriguing topic to study because it is relevant both socially and scientifically. Nowadays people live in an interdependent world where globalization brings forth new challenges for cooperation. As people working together tend to have ever tighter interlinkages, trust becomes a necessity. This has led to a contradiction: While trust is at the same time diminishing in Western countries, it s significance is increasing and new forms of building trust are evolving. Scientifically trust has raised interest in different literatures psychology, sociology, political science, economics, anthropology, history, and social biology but each literature has approached trust with its own disciplinary lenses and filters. Remarkably little effort has been made to integrate these different perspectives. Trust in superior-subordinate relationship merits to be researched because, for majority of people, social networks at work are central in their daily human interaction. Also, the power hierarchy in superior-subordinate relationship makes it scientifically interesting. Being a superior and subordinate are work related roles, which are always affected by power asymmetries. Another reason for studying trust in superior-subordinate relationship is the need of empirical qualitative research related to trust. According to this study, trust is both emotion and knowledge, but the emphasis is clearly on emotion. The building blocks of trust are: Integrity of talk and action, respecting and allowing emotions related to trust, active communication, and taking time to build trusting relationships. Also, superior s support is essential in trust. However, superior-subordinate relationship is reciprocal and subordinates impact is crucial, too. This study binds learning and trust together by presenting three aspects: 1) learning to trust in relationships, 2) learning to trust as single-loop and double-loop learning (see below), and 3) learning to trust as a transformative process. Learning in relationships refers to constant mirroring of our values, thoughts and actions with other people. All this enables trust. Learning to trust can also be described by using Argyris s (1982) theory of single-loop and double-loop learning. In single-loop learning, learning to trust may be based on generalizations and what is taught. In double-loop learning, ideas are confronted and challenged, and the processes are disconfirmable and not self-sealing. When people challenge themselves to take a double look over their views, they can remodel their operating norms and come to conclusion that their criteria for trust or distrust were too narrow. Learning to trust can sometimes be a transformative process, which fundamentally changes the frame of reference and affects values and attitudes of the trustor. Theoretically this research has added to previous theories of trust a view that puts priority on feelings and binds learning and trust together. It has brought forth, to a concrete level, the topic related differences and similarities of superiors and subordinates viewpoints. The study has also stressed the moral and value related aspects of leadership and trustworthiness by describing leaders transformative learning processes and personal narrative moral stories, both of which emerged spontaneously from the data. In addition, this study has contributed to the research of trust in leadership by addressing the lack of empirical qualitative study. In addition to theoretical contribution, this study has several managerial (practical) implications. These are related to the development of leadership and promoting well-being at work. This research has created new knowledge about trust in work context, and can provide tools for thinking for leaders. Getting acquainted with different aspects of trust in superior-subordinate relationship can help leaders to realize its significance.

Deane Kingsford; Deane Kingsford, July 2, 2013 ; Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. ; The following is an oral history interview with Deane Kingsford. The interview was conducted on July 2, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Kingsford discusses his time in World War II and his memories of 25th Street. ; 18p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Deane Kingsford Deane Kingsford July 2, 2013 Oral History Program Deane Kingsford Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 2 July 2013 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Deane Kingsford Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 2 July 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. After World War II, the railroad business declined. Some government agencies and businesses related to the defense industry continued to gravitate to Ogden after the war—including the Internal Revenue Regional Center, the Marquardt Corporation, Boeing Corporation, Volvo-White Truck Corporation, Morton-Thiokol, and several other smaller operations. However, the economy became more service oriented, with small businesses developing that appealed to changing demographics, including the growing Hispanic population. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management Special Collections All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Kingsford, Deane, an oral history by Lorrie Rands, 2 July 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Deane Kingsford. The interview was conducted on July 2, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Kingsford discusses his time in World War II and his memories of 25th Street. LR: Today is July 2, 2013. We are in the home of Mr. Deane Kingsford talking about his remembrances of the Ogden canteen, his time in WWII and his memories of 25th Street. Thank you, Mr. Kingsford for allowing me in your home. Tell me about where you were born and what brought you to Ogden. DK: I was born in Ogden and my family lived at 33rd Street and Washington Boulevard, which used to be clear out in the sticks. It was a street that went down to the city dumps, so the pavement on Washington Boulevard stopped at 36th Street and there was a dirt road that went out to where the hospital is now. A lot of people don't realize that Ogden wasn't very big, but it was still the second largest city in Utah. I think the population was something like 140,000. I went to Washington School and then to Ogden High School. I was a good student at Ogden High School and my sister and I graduated together by virtue that I happened to be home when they had the graduation ceremony. So, when I took my cap and gown off I was in uniform and that made me feel good. Realizing that I would probably be drafted anyway, by volunteering beforehand I had a choice to be in the Army or Navy and so forth. I chose to be in the Navy and they sent me to Farragut, Idaho, which is just a hop, skip and a jump from the Canadian and United States border. It was during the winter and it was cold up there. While I was there, my brother and one of my teachers were in the 1 barracks right next to me, so I got a chance to see my brother. A lot of my friends that I went to Ogden High with were there as well. From there, they sent me to Chicago where I was taught all the information about how to be a code operator for radio at the University of Chicago. It was pretty good duty. We were in a barracks that was a fraternity house and it was like a big donut. In the center was a big yard. The food was absolutely fantastic and they took us down to an old church building to learn code and all of that information. After learning the code they sent us to Schumacher, California to a military dispersing unit. Everybody would go through Schumacher, which was southeast of Oakland, California. I'd go up every morning to see what the schedule was and who got drafted into what unit. I met a guy who said, "Are you from Ogden, Utah?" I said, "Yes." He said, "Well, I'll tell you what, I'm from Ogden too and I'll give you this good deal called beach battalion. They'll just give you a rifle and you'll walk up and down a section of the beach in California to make sure that there are no Japanese that have landed there." I listened to him even though I should have been very suspicious. I signed the papers volunteering for duty in beach battalion. In those days, beach battalion was a volunteer outfit just like the Navy Seals. We were a very close-knit organization. All of these books that I have here are training manuals and list every guy that was ever in beach battalion. It was a very special unit. They had been to North Africa, Sicily, Salerno and Normandy. Then they came over to the United States and according to the system that was used then, they were a very unique outfit and some of the 2 guys like me were talked into it. We were the 400th unit, which is now called the Seals. After getting in this outfit, they shipped me from Camp Pendleton in Oceanside, California to a camp that's now been overrun with beautiful homes in San Diego. I have trouble remembering the name of that, but it was just an outgoing unit that you'd stay at for three or four days. They put me on an APD, which is an Attack Personnel Destroyer and I left Sand Diego. We didn't get out hardly beyond shot space and we had an emergency call for a ship that had been attacked by a submarine and we went out. Somewhere between Pearl Harbor and San Diego, we came upon this ship that was guarding a couple of ships that didn't have any guns or anything on it. We followed them into Pearl Harbor, which was the dispersing point for all of the ships that were going out into the Pacific area. We had problems when we went after this ship and our engines were in as tough shape as the ones that we were going to help. We went into Pearl Harbor and they had all of the ships ready to go if there was an invasion. While I was there, I was injured and my hand was put in a cast. They wanted to cut my thumb off because I had broken my thumb playing basketball. We had a good outfit there and learned a lot and trained a lot and then they had what they call an incident at the Westlock. Westlock was kept very secret. It was an invasion fleet that they were going to use in the Pacific area. While we were there, they had a terrible experience similar to what happened to Pearl Harbor. Westlock was pretty damaged and I have books entitled, "The true experience of the story of Westlock." They lost more people than they did at 3 Pearl Harbor when it was attacked. A lot of the information I've documented with photographs and military pictures and so on. As you can see, my floor is loaded with photographs of some of the people that I knew and met like George Whalen and Paul Valentine. Some of the information I've got is stuff that nobody has ever seen. I kept it hidden away. My wife never got a chance to see it. They invited me down and presented me with 13 medals at the city and county building just one week after my wife passed away. Although she didn't see a lot of this stuff, I think she knew some of the things and some of the places that I've been. When we got to Zamboanga, at the tip of one of the main islands of the Philippines, I saw the first casualties and atrocities of some of the people that were involved in the war. It was pretty hard for me to take and I still have nightmares of some of the things that I saw. I saw an American come out shoot a Japanese prisoner that was in handcuffs and blinders as he walked by a mess tent. It had a definite effect on me. I wasn't used to that kind of stuff. We went to the old action in the Philippines and when we went into the Orient and into Hiro Wan, we were just east of Hiroshima and the admiral wanted to go in. He was kind of a photographic nut, that's what we used to call him. The Chicago Press article that's in the corner there was when he was awarded some of his accommodations. Every place that he went I had to go with him because he had to have a communication person with him at all times so that if he had to make a decision, it had to be quick and precise. I spent a lot of time with him and he and I ended up being the first two people to go into Hiroshima. He wanted to see what it was all about. We landed in Hiro Wan which was about 20 miles from 4 Hiroshima. He tried to go up there and the very troops that we landed stopped him and he said, "You can't stop me, I'm an admiral." The soldier who was probably just a buck private put his gun up and said, "It ain't going make no difference because you're not going by me. My orders are to keep anybody from going up." So, the admiral came back to the ship and he was kind of put out. He said, "Well, they can stop me on land, but they can't stop me on water." He got a few of his staff together and we got into a BP Vogue landing craft and up we went. We went around to the water and landed it on the outskirts of Hiroshima. He took most of the pictures of Hiroshima that were in Life magazine and a lot of the stories that went with it. He was a darn good photographer and he had no idea what it would stir. They have had me talk about my experiences at different churches and meetings that they had for the military. My memory is, sadly to say, not as good as it used to be and I keep the stuff that I've got. There are pictures and I've got a flare pistol that I shot in the air when the war ended. I took the pistol off of the torpedo boat that was what they called a PT. It was a fast speed boat that had a couple of torpedoes on it and I think the President of the United States was on a boat like that. I didn't have the ability to get photographs like the admiral did, so I made drawings. My drawings are there and I have drawings of the night that the war ended. They almost match in detail of what it looked like. I went to a lot of places. I went into Japan from both sides that they were trying to block the Japanese fleet in the Inland Sea. They had ships that were every bit as deadly as anything that we had. Every place we went to, we had to 5 get different money. They had a ritual in the service where every place you'd go you'd get to trade money. They had what they called a short snorter. You'd take the money and tape it together in a big string and when they tried to find out who was the old salt out of the group of Navy people. The guy that had the longest short snorter was the old salt. So, I had my short snorter and I got a lot of money down to where I got a one cent bill. Some of the bills are remarkably well-made so that they couldn't be duplicated. I have a Japanese gun that I brought back and it's got a folding bayonet on it. They've had me show that gun to a lot of folks. I have a trunk load of stuff out in my garage. I've got bayonets here on the floor and a code key similar to the type that we used. I use it to practice my code once in a while. Code is like speaking a language. Once you learn it, it stays with you pretty well. I can still sit there and thump out some pretty good messages. LR: So it's like Morse code? DK: Yes, it's Morse code. There are lots of pictures of George Whalen and me. He was a wonderful guy. I have some of the pictures of him when he was given the medals that he got. George was the kind of guy who could have been buried in a national cemetery, but he elected to be buried here in Ogden. They brought in the whole staff that normally buries people in the national cemetery. Occasionally, I'll go out to his grave. LR: While you were a soldier during World War II, your mother worked at the canteen at the Union Station. 6 DK: Yes, in fact, Mom had three people in the family that were in the military. The brother that was just a little older than me was in the Office of Strategic Service, which is a highly documented unit that helped in keeping secrets of war nature from getting in the wrong hands. My other brother, Richard, was a hospital foreman in an Oakland hospital a few miles away from Oakland, California. Incidentally, that's where I was sent. It was an outgoing unit and I was sent there before I got into this unit and I got my discharge also from there. I've kept most of the photographs and the histories that have been written in book form by some of the family. I get a little bit broken up when I start through that stuff. It's tough to take and the tears roll down my cheeks just like it was happening yesterday. There are my marine greens. I was in the Navy, but a lot of people don't realize that the Marine Corps is part of the Navy. I had a lot of respect for the Marines and they respected us. We worked very well together. I liked all of those guys. They were all my friends. I've got pictures of me when I still had hair on my head and pictures of my family. With four of us in the military at one time or another, it was quite an experience. LR: Why do you think your mother worked at the canteen? Was it because all of your brothers were in the military? DK: Well, there were a lot of people that volunteered. In my window here, there is a little gadget sticking up that holds a flag. There's another gentleman down a couple of doors and was an ex-Marine who has his flag up. I had a lot of friends that were in the military like Fosse Filega, who was a little boy when all that came down, but he was from the islands and he said a lot of that still rubs off. He 7 collects military things and I've given him a lot of my stuff. He's been a good friend. LR: You have a great story of coming through Ogden and being able to see your mom while she was working at the canteen. DK: Everybody in the family was doing their thing. Mom worked in the canteen and would meet the trains. They had a huge system and they'd give the GI's a cup of coffee or some of them wanted soda pop and donuts. Mom spent a lot of time there and she gave a lot of time for the military boys. She called them, "Her boys." A lot of guys would break down and they knew they were heading west and they'd send them through Ogden down to Oakland. Mom would go there every day and everybody in our family gave a lot to the servicemen. It wasn't unusual to come home to the GI's at our house. My mother put in the hours and she'd come home and she had people stopping at the house. It didn't make a difference whether they were wearing khaki or blue, they were GI's and they were all good guys. My brother, Eugene, being in the OSS, had an address that was in Washington D.C., but I suspected that was just an address for his mail. They picked a lot of L.D.S. guys for those units because they knew when to keep their mouth shut and they were pretty trained individuals. I got a lot of stuff from George Whalen. I have one of his books and they only printed a few of them. When I say a few, I'm talking about maybe four or five books. I had so many people that wanted to borrow my book on the quiet hero that Mrs. Whalen talked George into getting a box-full of them printed. There are 8 not too many guys like that that are still living. They gave everything they have and then gave their lives. LR: There is a moment that you were able to surprise your mom at the canteen, do you remember that? DK: She was giving everybody a cup of coffee and she was not expecting me there. I was on a troop train and we stopped at the canteen. Before she even realized what was happening, I had my arms around her giving her a big hug and surprised her. She worked at the canteen for hours and hours and she was proud of it. LR: I have one last question for you. You've been more than generous with your time and I love the stories that you've told. My last question is; what memories do you have of 25th Street? DK: One of the memories I have is of the porters and waiters. These were good, honest hard-fighting African American people. They were wonderful guys. They took people into the one building that was on the south side of the street in the last building. In the basement, they had a place for the African American people and they had some wonderful times there. When different entertainers would come through on the train they'd have them over there. What do you call it when they just get together and have a great big music thing? LR: A jam? DK: Yes, like a jam. They were all happy people and wonderful guys. I knew a lot of them and they were good guys to team up with. By nature, they were big guys 9 too and when you're as small as I am and looking for help, that's the kind of guy you'd want to have help you. I got along well with those guys. LR: Did it bother you that they were segregated? DK: During the war, it wasn't near as bad as I'd seen before. When things got tough and you were lying in the dirt, you were not checking to see if a guy is African American or happens to be a Mexican. You were just lucky you were not alone. You had people with you. I gave them the best shot I could and treated them like my mother taught me to do. She had a very kindly personality and lived a life where it didn't make any difference whether the guy happened to be African American, Mexican or Native American. She was born and raised on a reservation in Laramie, Wyoming, so she got used to it and she could smile and hug those guys just as good as the next one. She had a love for people. I was so dog-gone young when I went in the service. I've got a picture of the whole company and I think I was the youngest guy in there. When you go in at 17-years- old, you think you know everything that's happening in the world and then you find out there are lots of things you don't. LR: Mr. Kingsford, I really appreciate your time and the memories that you've shared with me today. I look forward to getting this all worked up for you into a packet. DK: Well, how about that? 10