Suchergebnisse

We explore the redistributive effects of taxes and benefits in the 27 member states of the European Union (EU) using EUROMOD, the tax-benefit microsimulation model for the EU. As well as describing redistributive effects in aggregate, we assess and compare the effectiveness of eight individual types of policy in reducing income disparities. We derive results for the 27 members of the EU using policies in effect in 2010 and present them for each country separately as well as for the EU as a whole.

This article examines the impact of European integration on Basque politics by analysing the causes, development and implications of a dispute between European Union (EU) and Basque authorities over the permissible scope of Basque taxation prerogatives. It examines three dimensions
of the EU's impact on Basque politics: the impact of European integration on Basque legal-constitutional powers; its impact on new opportunities for Basque authorities to form influential strategic alliances with EU authorities; and the effect of the EU on territorial relations within Spain.
It concludes by arguing that, in this episode, European integration has not been kind to the Basque Country. The EU's market competition imperative provided a justification for the emasculation of historically and politically significant Basque taxation competencies and there were more obstacles
than opportunities for forming influential strategic alliances with EU authorities. Indeed, the main lesson drawn from the case is that despite significant political tensions there are much stronger foundations for strategic cooperation between Basque and Spanish authorities.

AbstractMulti-level governance is a term that is commonly used to characterize the nature of the European Union. In this article we argue that multi-level governance requires a research focus on negotiations and networks. Our focus is on day-to-day negotiations rather than ``history-making'' decisions, and we proceed from the assumption that negotiations vary in character across issue areas. After discussing the distinctive features of EU negotiations and applying the multidimensional network concept to the EU, we formulate a number of hypotheses as to why network patterns vary across issue areas and how network characteristics affect negotiations. Some illustrative cases are briefly presented, and some tentative observations are proffered concerning the role of networks in EU negotiations.

Services dominate in creation of value added in national economies, especially in developed countries and they have growing trend in developing (emerging) economies. They cover four modes of trade (according to GATS), that makes their calculation complex and a part of services is hidden in the value of production/trade of manufactured goods. Their importance in foreign trade, despite the increasing trend, is still three times smaller that the value of trade in goods, but also it is under-valuated. This paper explains specific characteristics of services foreign trade, provides analysis of structure of services trade but also pointed the limitation of wider trade expansion (i.e. liberalization of trade). The analysis employ statistical tools and secondary data and covers the EU member states. The EU is very important player in the global arena and it is net exporter of services, where richer member states are oriented to the other business sector while the Central, East and South members are focused to travel. The EU members mainly traded between them selves. Services trade faced higher barriers in cross-border trade. OECD measures these restriction by Services Trade Restrictiveness Index. EU common market provides better condition for the intra- EEA trade in services even the protection differs between countries and it is more liberal for computer and telecom sectors while in accounting services and legal services the protection is high due to national legislations.

"In May 2004, Malta, Cyprus and eight Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union (EU). This raises the question whether the increasing heterogeneity of the new EU member states, their different memories, interests, ideas and identities will have a negative effect on the policy-making process of the EU or if the integration dynamic of the EU can be maintained. Analytically, three different aspects of such a capacity to act can be distinguished: The capability to enforce compliance with the European legislation and rules, the decision-making capability of the EU organisations and the capability to advance further political projects. 1. The implementation of the Community acquis was a crucial membership criterion in order to preserve the central 'club goods' of the EU, especially the Common Market and the competition rules. 2. The decisionmaking capability of the EU is challenged by the accession of ten mostly smaller and poorer countries. Until the date of accession, the former member states could not agree upon the required fundamental reforms of the institutional architecture, the budget and the redistributive policies. 3. A prerequisite for further political projects is the readiness of the 25 member states to cooperate. This requires a new balance between the equality of sovereign nations and a stronger influence of bigger states. The development of such a balance is considerably impeded by the process and the results of the extremely asymmetric accession negotiations. It can be concluded that compliance with European rules was largely assured, but it is still open to question as to whether the organisational and political prerequisites for the European capability for action can be restored after the successful enlargement process." (author's abstract)

The European Union-China relationship, based on an optimistic joint strategic agenda agreed in 2013, has shifted direction, with the EU in March 2019 describing China as a "systemic rival" in some areas. The EU has struggled to find a common approach to China, but this change was agreed at record speed and occurred against the background of growing United States pressure on its European allies to support the Donald Trump administration's hard-line approach to China. As the new EU leadership team takes over, it will have to navigate a difficult path in relations with China and the US.
The main reason for the shift in the EU's approach was business frustration at China's failure over many years to implement promises to open up its economy and accept a level playing field. Chinese foot-dragging in the negotiations for a bilateral investment agreement, now running for over six years, was another factor in the changed EU approach.
A number of key players, including commissioners dealing with China, members of the European Parliament, and EU ambassadors who had served in Beijing, played a key role in securing this changed approach, which was agreed very quickly despite some long-standing divisions between member states on how to deal with China.
Pressure from the Trump administration - which, unlike the EU, views China as a "strategic rival" - also played a part. It is likely that the new EU leadership under Ursula von der Leyen will maintain the tougher line, and place greater emphasis on reciprocity and strategic autonomy as guidelines for dealing with China.
Meanwhile there is continuing useful cooperation between the EU and China on the foreign policy front, notably on Iran, and on global issues such as climate change and support for the multilateral trading system.
The EU has to invest more in understanding China, which is a growing and formidable rival. EU leaders need to spend more time discussing China and agreeing a comprehensive approach covering all sectors. It should work with like-minded partners where there are shared interests concerning China.