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After a decade of research on the relationship between institutions and growth, scholars in this field seem to be divided. Economic institutions perform well in growth regressions and a body of literature argues that this supports the key importance of institutions for development. Other authors maintain that the type of constraints that the recent theoretical literature describes are the more stable political institutions, and these have been found to play no role in empirical growth analyses. In this paper we re-examine the role that institutions play in the growth process using cross-section and panel data for both developed and developing economies over the period 1970-2000. Our results indicate that the data is best described by an econometric model with two growth regimes. Political institutions are the key determinant of which growth regime an economy belongs to, while economic institutions have a direct impact on growth rates within each regime. These findings support the hierarchy of institutions hypothesis, whereby political institutions set the stage in which economic institutions and policies operate.

The integration problems faced by new nations should be viewed as part of an historical process of political de velopment through which Western political systems have gone as well. It is during the transitional phase of political develop ment, as governments begin to assume or attempt to assume more functions, that integration problems become most acute. The most common integration problems involve problems of na tional identity, territorial control, the establishment of norms for the handling of public conflict, the relationship between gov ernors and the governed, and the problems of organizing indi viduals for the achievement of common purposes. The major options available to governments faced with integration prob lems are explored.

This essay is the first of a planned three-part series dealing with
quantitative indicators of continuity and change in the political science
discipline, focusing on the period since 1960. The series is inspired by
the work of Somit and Tanenhaus (1967) which
presented reputational rankings of both departments and individuals. For
this series of essays, we created a unique database in which we recorded
cumulative citation counts between 1960–2005 for all regular faculty
members of U.S. Ph.D.-granting institutions ca. 2002. In addition to
identifying the department at which the individuals in this data set are
presently employed, we have also collected information on their date of
Ph.D. and the institution from which their Ph.D. was awarded. The authors would like to thank Robert Axelrod,
Nathaniel Beck, Russell Dalton, James Fowler, Ronald Inglehart, Margaret
Levi, Michael Lewis-Beck, Jean Oi, Dorothy Solinger, Don Wittman, and the
anonymous reviewers of PS for their helpful feedback and
corrections. We are also indebted to the bibliographic assistance of
Clover Behrend-Gethard, and to the inspiration of Hans-Dieter
Klingemann's pioneering work. Any errors presented in this paper are
the sole responsibility of the authors. The authors welcome corrections to
the data that is presented in this series. Comments and corrections can be
sent to Bgrofman@uci.edu.

AbstractThis paper critiques the deployment of the term "identity politics" in Canadian political science. Through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of research articles in leading English language academic journals in the Canadian social sciences, we examine whose politics are labelled identity politics and what intellectual work transpires through this label. Identity politics tends to be applied to scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, but with a lack of analytical rigour, indicating a degree of conceptual looseness. Moreover, the designation identity politics is not neutral; it is often mobilized as a rhetorical device to distance authors from scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, and to inscribe a materialist/culturalist divide in claims-making. We argue that the effect of this demarcation of identity from politics is to control the boundaries of political discourse, limiting who and what gains entry into the political. This serves to reassert an exclusionary conception of Canadian identity.

In social sciences, a law can be defined as a finding of certain regularities in the interrelationships between social facts. These regularities observed, and then validated by the experiment cited, make it possible to propose laws, even if they are not necessarily universal and permanent in nature, as in some cases in physical science. In line with this approach and applying the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, we propose two of the demography laws of politics, the number law and the differential law. By means of the experiment referred to, their veracity can be established. The geography of the population can therefore provide useful lessons for political science. ; International audience In social sciences, laws result from interrelationships between social facts that can be frequently observed. These laws are not universal as they can be in physical sciences. However, once observed and experimented, regular events can lead to the recognition of laws. This is what we propose to do, following the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, in order to deal with two demogeographic laws of politics : the law of number and the law of differential. Hence we will see how useful for political science population geography can be. ; In social sciences, a law can be defined as a finding of certain regularities in the interrelationships between social facts. These regularities observed, and then validated by the experiment cited, make it possible to propose laws, even if they are not necessarily universal and permanent in nature, as in some cases in physical science. In line with this approach and applying the principles of Claude Bernard's experimental method, we propose two of the demography laws of politics, the number law and the differential law. By means of the experiment referred to, their veracity can be established. The geography of the population can therefore provide useful lessons for political science. ; Dans les sciences sociales, une loi peut se définir comme le constat de ...

Nat'l character must be distinguished from nat'l characteristics, & must be assessed over an adequate period of time. Also, the question must be faced as to whether pol'al instit's shape nat'l character more or less than they are shaped by it. The outstanding attributes of nat'l character discernible in recent cent's are particularism, atomism, orderliness, otherworldliness, restraint, a sense of mission, herrenvolkism, mysticism & humility, anthropocentricism, materialism, egalitarianism, traditionalism, logicism, empiricism, exp'alism, & resoluteness. But what of the future? It would appear that as we observe the passing of the bipolar pol'al world & are confronted with the vocal independence of the 3rd World, there will be an intensification of particularism, both within & among separate countries. Also, it appears that pol'al loyalties will be based increasingly on hate rather than love, which is another reason why we should try to develop an effective world gov. The state as a concept & a pol'al entity is fading. Gov's are becoming more ephemeral, but they are real & comprehensible, whether they take on the form of a republic, a one-man dictatorship, a one-party dictatorship, or a charismatic executive. HA.