Suchergebnisse

The translation of literary texts in Argentina, which enjoyed of a golden time during the 40's and 50's, was seriously affected by the coup of 1976 and the ending of Francoist period. In Argentina, publishing houses were forced to abandon the country while in Spain the advent of democracy promoted the strengthening of current publishing conglomerates, from where most of the translations that circulate in the Spanish-speaking world come from, translations produced in «neutral Spanish». Taking into account the categories proposed by Lila Petrella (1998) and David Sundell (2010), it was carried out a descriptive and contrastive analysis of three versions of El Mago de Oz, by L. Frank Baum, a Spanish version and two Argentinean versions. The analysis, done under the basis of the Polysystem Theory, proposed by Etamar Even Zohar (1999), and according to the concepts of norm and acceptability presented by Guideon Toury (2004), made it possible to identify some of the characteristics of «neutral Spanish from Southern Cone» and the translation procedures involved in its production, as well as the detection of particular norms that constrained the production of the Argentinean versions. ; La traducción de textos literarios en Argentina, que gozó de una época de esplendor durante las décadas del 40 y 50 del siglo XX, se vio muy afectada tanto por el golpe de estado de 1976 como por el final del franquismo. En Argentina las editoriales se vieron forzadas a abandonar el país mientras que en España la vuelta a la democracia promovió la consolidación de los conglomerados editoriales actuales, de donde provienen la mayor parte de las traducciones que circulan en el mundo hispano hoy, producidas en «español neutro». Partiendo de las categorías propuestas por Lila Petrella (1998) y David Sundell (2010), se realizó un análisis descriptivo contrastivo de tres versiones en español neutro de El Mago de Oz, de L. Frank Baum, una versión española y dos argentinas. El análisis, realizado en el marco de la Teoría de Polisistemas, de Etamar Even Zohar (1999), y según los conceptos de normas y aceptabilidad, de Guideon Toury (2004), permitió la identificación de algunos rasgos característicos del «español neutro del Cono Sur» y de los procedimientos de traducción implicados, así como también la detección de ciertas normas que condicionaron la producción de las versiones argentinas.

The translation of literary texts in Argentina, which enjoyed of a golden time during the 40's and 50's, was seriously affected by the coup of 1976 and the ending of Francoist period. In Argentina, publishing houses were forced to abandon the country while in Spain the advent of democracy promoted the strengthening of current publishing conglomerates, from where most of the translations that circulate in the Spanish-speaking world come from, translations produced in «neutral Spanish». Taking into account the categories proposed by Lila Petrella (1998) and David Sundell (2010), it was carried out a descriptive and contrastive analysis of three versions of El Mago de Oz, by L. Frank Baum, a Spanish version and two Argentinean versions. The analysis, done under the basis of the Polysystem Theory, proposed by Etamar Even Zohar (1999), and according to the concepts of norm and acceptability presented by Guideon Toury (2004), made it possible to identify some of the characteristics of «neutral Spanish from Southern Cone» and the translation procedures involved in its production, as well as the detection of particular norms that constrained the production of the Argentinean versions. ; La traducción de textos literarios en Argentina, que gozó de una época de esplendor durante las décadas del 40 y 50 del siglo XX, se vio muy afectada tanto por el golpe de estado de 1976 como por el final del franquismo. En Argentina las editoriales se vieron forzadas a abandonar el país mientras que en España la vuelta a la democracia promovió la consolidación de los conglomerados editoriales actuales, de donde provienen la mayor parte de las traducciones que circulan en el mundo hispano hoy, producidas en «español neutro». Partiendo de las categorías propuestas por Lila Petrella (1998) y David Sundell (2010), se realizó un análisis descriptivo contrastivo de tres versiones en español neutro de El Mago de Oz, de L. Frank Baum, una versión española y dos argentinas. El análisis, realizado en el marco de la Teoría de Polisistemas, de Etamar Even Zohar (1999), y según los conceptos de normas y aceptabilidad, de Guideon Toury (2004), permitió la identificación de algunos rasgos característicos del «español neutro del Cono Sur» y de los procedimientos de traducción implicados, así como también la detección de ciertas normas que condicionaron la producción de las versiones argentinas.

Summary The assay characterises Latin American government concepts of development through their macroeconomic approaches in three historical contexts: economic nationalism of the twentieth century, neoliberalism (1980-2000) and the post-neoliberal period (from 2000). At the same time, he gave a brief account of Latin American intellectual flows which had an impact on macroeconomic positions and policies. It also shows the behaviour of foreign investments and American actions which, through international organisations, called for the replication of an extra-activist primary/exporting economic model. ; Resumen El ensayo hace una caracterización de las concepciones gubernamentales de desarrollo latinoamericano a través de sus enfoques macroeconómicos en tres contextos históricos: el nacionalismo económico del siglo XX, el neoliberalismo (1980-2000) y el periodo post neoliberal (a partir del 2000). Al mismo tiempo, hace una breve exposición de las corrientes intelectuales latinoamericanas que incidieron en las posturas y políticas macroeconómicas. Se muestra también el comportamiento de las inversiones extranjeras y las acciones norteamericanas que, a través de organismos internacionales, propugnaron la reproducción de un modelo económico extractivista primario-exportador.

As the Democratic primary is ramping up for the Iowa caucuses, everyone is talking about how much money the candidates have spent. And they're asking whether billionaires like Tom Steyer and Mike Bloomberg should be able to use their wealth to buy their way into the race or, even buy the presidency? On this episode, Kate and Luigi breakdown the economics of money in politics.

The most striking realization for a person who moves from the U . S . to Canada is that, contrary to common perception, there is a whole country north of the 49th parallel. The faint image of Canada one gathers from the American media is generally that of a vast and sparsely populated expanse of frozen tundra, with settlements built around large skating rinks, where the four seasons are winter, winter, winter, and July. Sure, Americans know of Vancouver and Toronto; but aren't these really American towns that happen to lie at the other end of a bay, on the other side of a lake? Americans also know of NAFTA, the free-trade agreement with Canada arid Mexico; but wasn't Canada admitted into the partnership so that empty land would be available, further north, for the hordes of Mexicans who are invading from the south? The dim impression that there is nothing of real significance in the big pink area on the map between the U.S. and the North Pole is not really fortuitous. The rhetoric of national difference aside, many Canadians seem to do all they can to resemble their southern neighbors and blend into their mental and physical landscape. U.S. companies, of course, are only too happy to lend the strong, extremely visible hand of the market to this process of Americanization.

This article examines the U.S.‐Latin American peace movement from the end of the Cold War until the present, and attempts to explain the regeneration of an earlier movement which had peaked in the decade of the 1980s. Most scholars believed that the Central American peace movement ended by the early 1990s, but Virginia Williams argues that new phenomena revived the existing peace organizations of the 1980s and gave life to new ones. This article focuses on a few specific peace organizations—Witness for Peace, School of the Americas Watch, and the Committe for the Rescue and Defense of Vieques, but seeks to explain the larger movement for peace and justice in the Americas.

In the eyes of many, liberalism requires the aggressive secularization of social institutions, especially public media and public schools. The unfortunate result is that many Americans have become alienated from the liberal tradition because they believe it threatens their most sacred forms of life. This was not always the case: in American history, the relation between liberalism and religion has often been one of mutual respect and support. In Liberal Politics and Public Faith: Beyond Separation, Kevin Vallier attempts to reestablish mutual respect by developing a liberal political.

In the 21st century, think tanks have become more than a buzzword in European public discourse. They now play important roles in the policy-making process by providing applied research, building networks and advocating policies. The book studies the development of think tanks and contemporary consequences in the United Kingdom, Germany, Denmark and at the EU-level. A Continental think tank tradition in which the state plays a pivotal role and an Anglo-American tradition which facilitates interaction in public policy on market-like terms have shaped the development of think tanks. On the basis of a typology of think tanks, quantitative data and interviews with think tank practitioners, the interplay between state and market dynamics and the development of different types of think tanks is analysed. Although think tanks develop along different institutional trajectories, it is concluded that the Anglo-American tradition has had a significant, cross-cutting impact in Europe in recent years. The contention over the politics of think tanks runs deeper at the EU-level than in the member states and reflects disagreement over how the EU should develop in the future. This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of political communication, public policy, European politics and comparative politics.--

The inter-American system encompasses the institutional and legal framework promoted by the United States of America following the first International Conference of American States in Washington, DC, in 1890 as a means of consolidating US hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. After WW II, it became most identified with the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (aka the Rio Treaty). The first significant challenges to US dominance and leadership within the inter-American system appeared in the 1970s and 1980s, although it did not become symptomatic of a wider decline in US hegemony in Latin America until the administration of George W. Bush. In particular, many countries withdrew from the Rio Treaty, refused to participate in the inter-American human rights system, and utilized the OAS to repudiate US foreign policy on Cuba and the "War on Drugs." Furthermore, new hemispheric organizations appeared such as the Union of South American Nations and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States that purposefully excluded the United States. During the Obama years, a frustrated US Congress threatened to cut US contributions, while administration officials retreated from taking a proactive role in the OAS. For its part, the Trump government has boycotted hearings of the Inter-American Human Rights Commission and reduced its funding. The article concludes with a discussion of the inter-American system without the domineering presence of the nation which spawned it to promote its own geopolitical priorities, precisely when an effective regional body is crucial for addressing many hemispheric challenges. ResumenEl sistema interamericano abarca el marco institucional y legal promovido por los Estados Unidos de América después de la primera Conferencia Internacional de Estados Americanos en Washington, DC, en 1890 como un medio de consolidar la hegemonía estadounidense en el hemisferio occidental. Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se identificó más con la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) y el Tratado Interamericano de Asistencia Recíproca (también conocido como el Tratado de Rio). Los primeros desafíos significativos para el dominio y el liderazgo estadounidense dentro del sistema interamericano aparecieron en las décadas de 1970 y 1980, aunque no se convirtió en sintomático de una disminución más extensa de la hegemonía estadounidense en América Latina hasta la administración de George W. Bush. De hecho, muchos países se retiraron del Tratado de Río, se negaron a participar en el sistema interamericano de derechos humanos y utilizaron la OEA para repudiar la política exterior estadounidense sobre Cuba y la "Guerra contra las drogas". Además, aparecieron nuevas organizaciones hemisféricas como la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas y la Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños que excluían expresamente a los Estados Unidos. Durante los años de Obama, un frustrado Congreso de los Estados Unidos amenazó con recortar las contribuciones estadounidenses, mientras que los funcionarios de la administración se retiraron de ejercer un papel proactivo en la OEA. Por su parte, el gobierno de Trump ha boicoteado las audiencias de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y reducido su financiación. Este estudio concluye con una discusión sobre el sistema interamericano sin la presencia dominante de la nación que lo generó para promover sus propias prioridades geopolíticas, precisamente cuando un organismo regional eficaz es crucial para abordar múltiples desafíos hemisféricos.